An Extension of Objectification Theory: Examining the Roles of Racial and Cultural Factors On

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An Extension of Objectification Theory: Examining the Roles of Racial and Cultural Factors on

Self-Objectification and Depression Among Asian American Women

Suah Kim

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy under the Executive Committee of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

2014

ABSTRACT

An Extension of Objectification Theory: Examining the Roles of Racial and Cultural Factors on

Self-Objectification and Depression Among Asian American Women

Suah Kim

Objectification theory proposed the idea that U.S. culture positions women to be viewed as physical entities foremost, typically to the fulfillment of men’s sexual desires. The most damaging aspect of this experience is women’s internalization of this perspective into their own sense of self, which has been shown to predict body image issues, eating disturbances, depression, sexual dysfunction, reduced psychological flow, and substance abuse. More recently, there have been efforts to examine how multiple layers of oppression may impact the experiences of sexual objectification and its psychological consequences. This study tested an extension of objectification theory on a sample of 618 Asian American women with the inclusion of race-related experiences, Asian American cultural values, and their relationships with the self- objectification process and depression. Findings indicate that the more participants endorsed

Asian American cultural values, the more they engaged in a self-objectification process that involved internalizing mainstream ideals of beauty, monitoring their body appearance, and feeling shame and less satisfaction with race-related features and their bodies in general, which then predicted depression. In considering participants’ adherence to Asian cultural values, the internalization of mainstream body ideals was necessary to engaging in self-objectification.

Similarly, the more participants endorsed experiencing racial and sexual objectification, the more they engaged in the self-objectification process, which predicted depression. However,

internalization of mainstream body ideals was not a necessary link between experiencing objectifying events and engaging in other components of the self-objectification process.

Furthermore, adherence to Asian American cultural values did not have a significant moderation effect on the self-objectification process as predicted.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

An Extension of Objectification Theory: Examining the Roles of Racial and Cultural Factors on

Self-Objectification and Depression Among Asian American Women

LIST OF FIGURES………………………………………………………………………………vi

LIST OF TABLES……………………………………………………………………………….vii

CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………….1

CHAPTER II: LITERATURE REVIEW…………………………………………………………9

Convergence of Evolutionary and Feminist Perspectives……………………………….……..…9

Objectification Theory………………………………………………………………...…………14

Sexual objectification………………………………………………………………….…14

Self-objectification…………………………………………………………………….…18

Mental health issues……………………………………………………………………...20

Theoretical Framework…………………………………………………………………………..23

Original model…………………………………………………………………………...23

Expanded model……………………………………………………………………….…24

Tests of Objectification Theory on Diverse Populations………………………………………...28

Older women……………………………………………………………………….…….28

Heterosexual men…………………………………………………………………….…..28

Sexual minorities………………………………………………………………………...29

Women of color…………………………………………………………..……………...30

Asian American Women and Body Image………………………………………………………34

Body image disturbances………………………………………………………………...34

i Traditional Asian values and body image issues……………………………………..….36

Collectivism and conformity…………………………………………………..…38

Family recognition through achievement………………………………………..39

Emotional self-control and humility………………………………………..……40

Objectification and racism………………………………………………………….……41

Perpetual foreigner……………………………..……………………………...... 42

Sexual exoticization…………………………………………………...…………43

Discrimination and body image…………………………………………………44

Internalized objectification and dominant beauty ideals………………………………...45

Depressive symptoms……………………………………………………………………48

Summary and Statement of the Problem………………………………………………………...50

Study Design…………...………………………………………………………………...51

Research Questions and Hypotheses………………………………………………………….…53

Hypothesis 1……………………………………………………………………………...56

Hypothesis 2……………………………………………………………………………...56

Hypothesis 3a..…………………………………………………………………………...56

Hypothesis 3b..…………………………………………………………………………...56

Hypothesis 3c..…………………………………………………………………………...56

Hypothesis 4a..…………………………………………………………………………...56

Hypothesis 4b..…………………………………………………………………………...57

Hypothesis 4c..…………………………………………………………………………...57

Hypothesis 5……………………………………………………………………………...57

CHAPTER III: METHODS……………………………………………………………………...58

ii Participants……………………………………………………………………………………….58

Measures…………………………………………………………………………………………62

Demographics form.……………………………………………………………………..62

Objectification……………………………………………………………………………63

Sexualization……………………………………………………………………..63

Foreigner…………………………………………………………………………..64

Body evaluation………………………………………………………………….64

Asian American Values Scale-Multidimensional ……………………………………….65

Internalization……………………………………………………………………………67

Surveillance………………………………………………………………………………67

Body Shame……………………………………………………………………………...68

General and group-specific body dissatisfaction………………………………………...69

Appearance Anxiety……………………………………………………………………...71

Depression…………...…………………………………………………………………...72

Procedures…..……………………………………………………………………………………72

Data Analysis…………………………………………………………………………………….73

CHAPTER IV: RESULTS……………..………………………………………………………...75

Preliminary Analysis………………………….………………………………………….75

Deleted cases……………...………………………………………………..……75

Missing values analysis……….………………...…………………………..……75

Tests of normality and outliers.………………...…………………………..……76

Descriptive Statistics…………………………………………………………..…76

Primary Analysis…………….……………….………………………………………….78

iii Measurement model…….....………………………………………………..……78

Hypothesized latent variable of Asian American cultural Values……….....……79

Hypothesized latent variable of Objectification…………………...……….....……83

Convergent and discriminant validity of constructs……………………………...85

Structural Model Analysis……………………………………………………………….90

Moderator role of Asian American cultural values……….……………………………...94

Summary of findings…………………………………………………………………….98

CHAPTER V: DISCUSSION……………..……………...……………………...……………..101

Summary of the Current Research Study…….………….……………………………...………101

Overview of the Major Findings………………………………..………………………………106

Extended Theoretical Model…………………………………..………………………..107

Socialization experiences………………………………….………………....…107

Self-objectification process……….……………………………………..…..…108

Mental health outcome…………………………………………………………109

Adherence to Asian American cultural values as a moderator………………….……..110

Study Limitations………………………………………………………………………………110

Implications for Future Research, Theory, and Practice……………………………………….113

Research and theoretical implications………………………………………………….113

Clinical practice implications………………………………………………….……….116

Conclusion………………………………………………………………………..…………….118

REFERENCES……………………………………………………………..…………………..119

APPENDIX A: Demographics Form…………………………………………………...………128

APPENDIX B: Perpetual Foreigner Racism Scale……………………………………………129

iv APPENDIX D: Sexualization Scale……………………………………………..……………130

APPENDIX E: Body Evaluation Subscale……………………………………………………131

APPENDIX F: Asian American Cultural Values Scale-Multidimensional…………………….133

APPENDIX G: Internalization Scale…………………………………………...………………138

APPENDIX H: Body Surveillance Subscale……..…………………………………………….139

APPENDIX I: Body Shame Subscale…………………………………………………..………140

APPENDIX J: Body Parts Satisfaction Scale…………………………………….…….………141

APPENDIX K: Appearance Anxiety Scale………………………………………..…………...142

APPENDIX L: Center for Epidemiologic Study-Depression Scale Rasch Short Version…..…143

v LIST OF FIGURES

Number………………………………………………………………………………………...Page

1 Objectification theory model with key tenets……………………………………………….…23

2 Proposed extended model of objectification theory………………….………………………..27

3 Theoretical model being tested……………………………………………..………………….51

4 Proposed structural model……………………….…………………………………………....55

5 Standardized Coefficients for the five-factor Asian American Cultural Values model………………………………..……………………………………………………………82

6 Standardized Coefficients for the three-factor Objectification model…………………………85

7 Standardized Path Coefficients for the proposed structural model……………….……………91

8 Standardized Path Coefficients for the low scoring values group and the high scoring values group……………………………………………………………….……………….……………96

vi LIST OF TABLES

Number……………………………………………………………………………………...…Page

1 Means and Standard Deviations of Age, Years Living in the U.S., and BMI…………………59

2 Frequencies and Percentages of Ethnicity…………………...……………….………………..60

3 Frequencies and Percentages of Sexual Orientation………………………..….……………....61

4 Frequencies and Percentages of Highest Education Completed………………….……………62

5 Correlations Matrix of Demographic Variables and Scales……………………………...……77

6 Means, Standard Deviations, Reliability Coefficients, Item Numbers and

Range of Scores (N=618)……………………………………………………………………..…78

7 Chi-square Results and Goodness of Fit Indices for the Asian American Cultural Values

Measurement Models……………...………………………………….……………………….…81

8 Chi-square Results and Goodness of Fit Indices for the Objectification Measurement

Models………………………………………………….………………………………..…….…84

9 Chi-square Results and Goodness of Fit Indices for the Full Measurement Model…..…….…86

10 Convergent Validity for the Constructs………………………..……………………………..87

11 Discriminant Validity Results for the Full Measurement Model……………………………..89

12 Chi-square Results and Goodness of Fit Indices for the Full Structural Model………..…….92

13 Unstandardized and Standardized Path Coefficients for the Proposed Structural Model…....93

14 Chi-square Results and Goodness of Fit Indices for the Proposed Structural Model within the

Low and High Asian American Cultural Values Groups…………………………….……….…95

15 Standardized Coefficients within the Low and High Asian American Cultural Values

Groups……………………………………………………………...………………………….…97

vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am grateful to my family and friends who have seen me through this process and supported me how they could—through encouragement, laughter, and lots of food. Thank you to my mother and father, Dan Joo (Caren) and Tae Han (Philip), and my grandparents who have given me everything. Your implicit love and pride in me have given me the endurance to complete this degree. Grandma—you were the one female high school teacher in your small town in Korea when girls weren’t prioritized to be educated. You inspire me everyday, and I’m glad some of your genes made its way to me. I also want to thank my sister, Nara, and brother,

Eddie, who make me laugh and keep me grounded—you won’t know it, but I think of you two in everything I do.

I feel fortunate to have been mentored by Dr. Derald Wing Sue. Your work speaks for itself, but it was your excitement for research and teaching that truly inspired me. I will always appreciate your steady encouragement throughout my time in the program. I am also grateful for members of my dissertation committee who provided valuable feedback and support: Dr. Marie

Miville, Dr. Matthew Johnson, Dr. Melanie Brewster, Dr. Robert Fullilove, Dr. Michael Lau, and

Dr. Laura Smith. You have encouraged me to take my research further.

There are specific people I would like to thank who made this dissertation possible.

Susanna, I could not have reached my N without you. Thank you for being a good friend and godmother to Toby. Aiysha, I am forever indebted to you. You taught me that a true friend doesn’t ask, “What?” when asked for a favor; she says, “I already did it.” Thanks for the laughs and food and awful photos. To my oldest friend, Cynthia, you have been the constant support in my life, and I’m always grateful for you. Thank you for reminding me to complete my activities of daily living.

viii I am especially thankful for the sisters and brothers I have made through the program.

Chantea, it was fate that brought us together. There is no way in either of our existences that we would not be friends. But we are more than that because you finally made me the “third twin.”

Luci, Dr. Bratini, you are an inspiration. Our talks and laughs sustain me. To Yu-Kang, I am grateful for our friendship, our “support group,” and the gossip. Erin, I thank you for all the laughs and “family fun,” and I’m grateful for your digital hoarding. I also want to thank Avy for our friendship, my cohort for truly understanding the past 6 years, and my fellow trainees, clinical supervisors, and professors for enriching my life and fostering my growth.

Most of all, I am thankful for my constant companion, Toby.

ix I would like to dedicate this work to my family

and to all of my Asian American

sisters.

Chapter I

INTRODUCTION

The appearance of the physical body can determine how individuals are evaluated and the attributes that are ascribed to them. In a basic sense, the body can differentiate men and women based on anatomical, genetic, and hormonal traits. Feminist scholars have challenged these sex- typed attributions because they are deterministic and tend to be rigidly dichotomous. Instead, there are non-biological explanations for gender differences, such as sociocultural factors. Most commonly highlighted is the different socialization experiences of girls and boys or the learning and internalization of appropriate behaviors based on gender. These gender norms are shaped by the culture and structures of a society. For example, in a patriarchal society such as the United

States, male dominance is pervasive, and accordingly, boys are typically taught and reinforced to be strong and independent. Dominance necessitates the dominated, and girls learn to be weak and dependent (Bem, 1981). This social learning is rather stable across time, particularly when society maintains imbalanced power structures to perpetuate it, as evidenced by the long- standing status differential between men and women in the U.S. When such a power differential exists, an oppressor-oppressed dynamic is enabled, and the oppressor may reduce the other to a dehumanizing level of subordination in order to maintain dominance. Collins (1999) argued that this domination always involve attempts to objectify the oppressed.

Contemporary philosopher Martha Nussbaum (1995) posed several ways in which a person is treated as a “thing” by examining how one treats an actual object: 1) The objectified is regarded as a tool to be used for another person’s purpose (Instrumentality); 2) the objectified is treated as lacking sovereignty or self-determination (Denial of autonomy); 3) the objectified is treated as immobile on its own (Inertness); 4) the objectified is interchangeable with other

1 similar objects (Fungibility); 5) the objectified can be handled without boundaries and is permitted to be broken (Violability); 6) the objectified can be owned, sold, or purchased by another (Ownership); 7) the objectified’s experiences and feelings are easily disregarded and considered nonexistent (Denial of subjectivity). Being treated as an object essentially degrades and denies one’s personhood.

Accordingly, women are often treated as objects that are valued for their use by others

(Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997), and because U.S. culture is saturated by heterosexuality, a woman’s body or her body parts are frequently treated as objects of male sexual desire (Bartky,

1990). This subjugation of women is termed sexual objectification and is most ubiquitously manifested in the “male gaze.” Fredrickson and Roberts (1997) argued that “gazing” always has the potential to be sexually objectifying, which women can neither control nor avoid (Quinn,

2002). Evolutionary theorists claim that the visual evaluation of the female body is essential to male heterosexuality given that women’s physical attractiveness implicitly enhance reproductive value. Thus, evaluating women’s physical attributes is thought to be an important and natural aspect of men’s mate selection (Buss, 1989; Singh, 1993). While this view appears to underrate the extent to which sexual roles and desires are culturally influenced and suffused with unyielding gender expectations, evolutionary psychologists agree that men’s preferences for physical attractiveness have the capacity to be objectifying and psychologically damaging for women (Buss & Schmitt, 2011).

Feminist scholars contend that objectification did not simply evolve from primitive sexual drives but was socialized in patriarchal and masculinist societies immersed in a power- over hierarchy of male domination (Nussbaum, 1995). Specifically, men learn sexual desire from a paradigm of domination and instrumentalization, and as such, objectification is an

2 asymmetrical power balance where they are privileged to objectify, and women are involuntarily objectified. Others contend that it was the cultural practice of objectifying female bodies that began to create, maintain, and express patriarchy (Connell, 1987; Kuhn, 1985; Stoltenberg,

1989). All things considered, women presently exist in a culture where their bodies are looked at, evaluated, and always potentially objectified, and men have the socially sanctioned right to sexualize them (Weskott, 1986). Because of the pervasive nature of this phenomenon,

Fredrickson and Roberts (1997) developed objectification theory to elucidate the psychological and experiential consequences that sexual objectification may have on many women’s lives.

Sexual objectification is also manifested in media portrayals of “ideal” women, in social norms and behaviors, as well as interactions with others and the environment. The sociocultural variables associated with pressures toward specific body appearance expectations include messages on what attributes are considered beautiful, that thinness is valued, and that being attractive is necessary to have success in relationships, careers, and life in general (Striegel-

Moore & Bulik, 2007). Women and girls internalize these societal messages and often find themselves short of meeting beauty ideals, which could then lead to body image issues. The impact of sexual objectification can be harmful to mental health in two ways: Women both experience sexual objectification from an external source as well as an internal source when they begin to take in external messages and objectify themselves (Szymanski, Moffitt, & Carr, 2011).

In the direct model, women experience sexual objectification where they are viewed and treated primarily as physical objects for male sexual desire via their body or body parts, which may contribute to mental health risks that are disproportionately prevalent in women such as disordered eating, depression, and sexual dysfunction (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). The indirect pathway suggests that this relationship is mediated by self-objectification, or women’s

3 internalization of sexually objectifying experiences in which they consider themselves as objects and become self-conscious about how they look to others (Szymanski et al., 2011).

Experiences with sexual objectification have often been associated with depression, body dissatisfaction, disordered eating, sexual dysfunction, and substance abuse in women (Allgower,

Wardle, & Steptoe, 2001; Carr & Szymanski, 2011; Moradi & Huang, 2008; Stice, Burton, &

Shaw, 2004). While some argue that women often enjoy or feel empowered by men’s appreciation for their physical bodies, a study on the exploration of this enjoyment found little support for the positive effects of sexualization (Liss, Erchull, & Ramsey, 2011). In fact, women who both enjoyed sexualization and engaged in objectifying their own bodies exhibited greater eating disturbances (Liss et al., 2011). Even complimentary remarks about a women’s body is entwined with body judgment, and feeling good about these compliments led to greater body dissatisfaction and body shame (Calogero, Herbozo, & Thompson, 2009; Tiggeman & Boundy,

2008).

Historically, objectification theory has been researched on predominantly White, heterosexual, and upper middle class women in the United States (Moradi & Huang, 2008).

Thus, sexual objectification of women typically operates on heterosexist norms that values traditional depictions of femininity, including the thin ideal. However, women of color may be sexually objectified in different ways because they experience multiple forms of oppression.

Objectification theory, as it was originally formulated, overlooked the insidious racial devaluation and dehumanization of people of color. Racism can position members of the White dominant group to objectify people of color as the subordinate “Other” (Collins, 1999). United

States’ history with slavery is the most blatant and egregious example of this objectification where Black “Others” were reduced to the instrumentality, inertness, lack of sovereignty,

4 ownership, denial of subjective experiences, and violation of rights that Nussbaum (1991) described. The colonization of the “Orient” (Far East) by the West has also been used to portray the objectification of Asian American women. The Orient was viewed as a foreign, devious land that needed to be dominated just as the women were viewed as different and inferior and needed to be controlled by men (Uchida, 1998). Asian women in the U.S. during the 20th century were immigrating to the country in numbers that threatened racial homogeneity and introduced “moral depravity” in their association with prostitution. And thus, stereotypes of the “Oriental Woman” as a sexual threat emerged (Uchida, 1998).

The objectification of women of color persists today through pervasive stereotypes.

Collins (2000) described “controlling images” that objectify women of color and marginalize them from the dominant group as being inferior. For African American women, controlling images typically portray them as aggressive, domineering, and unfeminine, while Asian

American women are portrayed as passive, weak, excessively subordinate and dutiful, and at the same time, sexually exotic and available to White men (Espiritu, 1994; Collins, 2000; Tajima,

1989). With Black women portrayed as not feminine enough, and Asian women as too feminine,

White women are idealized as normative and superior (Pyke & Johnson, 2003). Others have hypothesized that Asian American women may perceive a burden to counter the negative images of their race in the U.S. and work hard to achieve a physical appearance that unrealistically conforms to White ideals (e.g., tall, blonde, buxom, thin, European facial features). The popularity of cosmetic surgery procedures that attempts to alter features that distinguish Asian

Americans from European Americans may reflect this need to conform to mainstream standards

(Hall, 1995).

Women of color possess different physical qualities such as skin color, hair texture, and facial features that deviate from White European ideals. High levels of acculturation and identification with the dominant culture have been associated with increased risk for eating disorders, presumably due to the internalization of impossible dominant beauty standards. For example, greater acculturation to the dominant culture by Black women can increase their vulnerability to White Western beauty norms (Hess-Biber, Livingstone, Ramirez, Barko, &

Johnson, 2010). Accordingly, identification with one’s ethnic minority culture can protect one from developing maladaptive eating behaviors and contributes to less value placed on physical attributes. Some research present African American women as having greater satisfaction with their weight than White women due to “protective factors” that are in place from the historical legacy of racism that has helped them develop emotional resilience to negative comments about body appearance from the dominant White culture (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). Contrastingly, some studies have suggested that Asian American women who reported stronger ethnic identity

(Phan & Tylka, 2006; Sabik, Cole, & Ward, 2010) and greater adherence to traditional Asian values (Lau, Lum, Chronister, & Forrest, 2006) expressed greater body dissatisfaction. Thus, some researchers propose that Asian American women may face greater difficulties as their traditional cultural values of conformity and collectivism may further pressure them to meet dominant societal standards (Ting & Hwang, 2007).

Women of color in particular may face significant difficulties as they may possess greater disparities from the norm and have traditional standards of beauty that deviates from Western culture (Hall, 1995). Asian American women reported less satisfaction with particular body parts

(i.e., size of stomachs, shoulders, arms, faces, hair, and height; Koff, Benavage, & Wong, 2001).

Of these body parts, face, hair, and height, are considered features that highlight differences from

6 the dominant beauty ideal (Hall, 1995; Kaw, 1993). Thus, research suggests that similar rates of global body satisfaction does not necessarily relate to similar rates of satisfaction with specific physical features. One study suggested that distress related to facial features was a specific risk factor for eating disorders among Asian American women because achievement for White standards of beauty are desirable but also unattainable (Smart, Tsong, Mejia, Hayashina, &

Braaten, 2011).

Furthermore, women of color who have suffered racist oppression often report a sense of helplessness, lack of control, and decreased self-esteem (Fernando, 1984). Discriminatory experiences may instigate a heightened awareness in ethnic minorities of how their bodies are being evaluated and judged as deviations from the norm (Neal & Wilson, 1989; Root, 1990), which could make them feel objectified as racial beings and engage in being more conscious of their appearance. That is, Asian American women may feel self-conscious about their bodies, skin color, and facial features due to their deviations from the White ideal.

Media images have stereotypically portrayed Asian American women as either sexy and devious or docile, quiet, and subservient (Chow, 1996; Hall, 1995). These conflicting expectations and the impossibility of achieving Western beauty ideals that counter typical Asian racial features can be especially distressing to Asian American women. These stressors along with a self-loathing of ethnic-specific features such as shorter heights, single fold eyelids, flat noses and smaller breasts (Hall, 1995; Kaw, 1993) may increase risk of disordered eating and body image issues among Asian American women (Ting & Hwang, 2007). Finally, the mistaken belief that all ethnic minority women may be protected from body image issues and pressures to achieve a White standard of beauty is detrimental to the identification and treatment of body

7 disturbances that may be evident in women of color. Thus, existing research suggest that Asian

American women’s body image involves complex and multilayered issues of concern.

The current study examined if objectification theory, which posits that exposure to objectifying events will be associated with mental health issues by way of self-objectification, will hold true for Asian American women. Furthermore, racially and culturally relevant experiences such as objectification by race and gender and the bicultural conflict of adherence to traditional Asian values and internalization of White dominant ideals were examined for their potential roles in objectification theory among Asian American women.

Chapter II

LITERATURE REVIEW

The objectification of women has been analyzed from different and seemingly conflicting theoretical perspectives of which the two most apparent comes from evolutionary and feminist scholarship. While the former places emphasis on inherent sexual differences and mating strategies in explaining gender differences, the latter underscores socio-cultural structures that produce and reinforce these differences. However, many contemporary evolutionists and feminists contend that these two perspectives share basic truths and converge on principles that appreciate both men’s and women’s lived experiences. Examining how these views comingle will give insight into the objectification of women; and while its origins remain disputed, its potentially harmful effects are irrefutable.

Convergence of Evolutionary and Feminist Perspectives

Both evolutionary psychology and feminism focus on gender differences and their originating causes; however, evolutionary psychology claims no political agenda, whereas feminism explicitly aims at dismantling oppression and promoting social justice. A prevailing misconception about evolutionary psychology is that it denied any impact of social and cultural influences on human behavior. Buss and Schmitt (2011) disputed this view by outlining the core principles of evolutionary psychology: 1) Inherent behaviors are a product of psychological processes that occur in the brain, which are shaped by the interactions between internal

(physiological) and external (social, cultural) inputs; 2) selective evolution is the process that causes adaptations in humans; 3) evolved psychological processes are specialized to solve recurring adaptive problems for humans over a long expanse of time; 4) selection has allowed the adaptive intake of specific environmental influences; 5) human psychology is comprised of a

9 great number of cognitive processes that are sensitive to an intermingling of contextual/environmental as well as internal stimuli to produce behaviors that solve adaptive problems. Thus, evolutionary psychologists would claim that the brain has evolved to learn from its environment in order to ensure survival; therefore, it must receive and integrate valuable social and cultural inputs in order to adapt. That is, human behaviors can be learned and are culturally based.

Within the realm of mating and sexuality, men and women are posed with different adaptive problems. That is, women are faced with the great metabolic expense of breastfeeding and pregnancy, whereas men deal with paternity uncertainty and risk of misguided parental investment (Buss & Schmitt, 2011). Because of the great costs of childbearing, consequences of investing in intimate relationships are more profound for women—they may then prefer male mates who have access to resources and are invested in long-term commitments (Trivers, 1992).

Evolutionary psychologists thus contend that patriarchy emerged from the co-evolution of women’s mate preferences for men with resources and men’s evolved and competitive mating strategy to attain what women desire (Buss & Schmitt, 2011). These adaptive strategies have created gender differences in resource acquisition based on the differential motivations to obtain it. Buss and Schmitt (2011) claimed that this view did not mean to imply that women are at blame for men’s greater control over resources but that a co-evolution had occurred based on differential investments in producing offspring.

Men are also posed with the problem of producing offspring without visible cues of women’s ovulation and reproductive readiness. Thus, evolutionary psychologists suggest that men rely on visual confirmation of fertile and reproductively valuable females in order to solve this adaptive problem (Buss & Schmitt, 2011). Social scientists have long argued that beauty is

10 socially constructed, but evolutionary psychologists have challenged this view and contend that with regards to female attractiveness to male mates, there are several universal traits of beauty, which are primarily focused on signifiers of youth and health (Buss & Schmitt, 2011): clear, smooth skin, facial adiposity, lustrous hair (Buss, 1987), waist-to-hip ratio (Perilloux, Webster,

& Gaulin, 2010; Singh & Singh 2011), and body mass index (Cornelissen, Tovee, & Bateson,

2009). These traits have been reported as statistically correlated with fertility (Buss, 1987) and contingent to female beauty across cultures (Sugiyama, 2005). Accordingly, men value physical appearance more than women, and this trend has been observed across 37 different cultures

(Buss, 1989). Male ancestors who acted upon visual identification of fertile, healthy women were more successful at attaining them as mates, and people are generally not very aware (Kleinke,

1986) or in control (Dovidio & Ellyson, 1985) of men’s gazing. Thus, men engage in more overt, proactive, mating strategies as well as subtle, unconscious gazing that are based largely on physical attractiveness of women. That is not to say that men’s emphasis on physical attractiveness is not destructive.

As a self-described Darwinian feminist, Vandermassen (2011) suggested that evolutionary and feminist perspectives converge on several points: 1) Cross-culturally, men tend to control resources and power; 2) men control women through these resources; 3) men’s control of women focuses on their sexuality and reproductive value; 4) some men psychologically treat women as property to be owned, controlled, and used; 5) men’s sexual aggressions evade women’s freedom of choice; 6) some women and men mutually participate in the perpetuation of this oppression (Buss, 1996; Buss & Schmitt, 2011). Therefore, evolutionists and feminists share the view that men’s historical control of power and resources—a core component of patriarchy— can be damaging to women. Specifically, mate preferences of one gender can inflict

11 psychological harm on the other, whether it is women being treated as sex objects or men being treated as success objects (Buss & Schmitt, 2011). Additionally, men’s preferences for female beauty have probably contributed to female-female competition to possess these preferred qualities (Buss, 2003; Schmitt & Buss, 1996).

A pervasive manifestation of the objectification of women is the “male gaze,” which was first termed by feminist film theorist Mulvey in 1975 to describe the way in which women were turned into erotic objects to be looked at and fetishized by men’s gazing desire (Vandermassen,

2011). According to Vandermassen (2011), the existence of the male gaze and the apparent lack of the female gaze reflect differences in sexual psychologies. She claimed that men’s emphasis on physical appearance has created the male tendency to look at women as sex objects. Men are typically unaware of their sexual attraction as stemming from evolutionary adaptation.

Therefore, she further contends that the male gaze did not originate as a tool of domination or reflects unequal power relationships; it is a product of human evolutionary history, and its expression may be mediated by social and cultural contexts (Vandermassen, 2011). The more patriarchal a society is, the more likely men may objectify women. Modern media then exploits the evolved psychologies of the sexes wherein the male’s preference for female attractiveness is commercialized for both men who desire it and women who desire to embody it.

Nevertheless, this patriarchy, as suggested by proponents of feminist theory, creates the unequal power structure that allow men to feel justified in treating women as sexual objects.

While gazing may signal interest, direct gaze may also signal dominance (Dovidio & Ellyson,

1982). According to feminist thought, members of a dominant social group have the power to objectify others, which then permits them to oppress and dominate the objectified (Uchida,

1998). According to Collins (1999), oppression always entails attempts to objectify the

12 subordinate group. Objectification is “the process by which people are dehumanized, made ghostlike, given the status of Other” (Cliff, 1990, p. 272). Uchida (1998) contended that the

“Other” is necessary for the dominant group to maintain power and control by defining their identities and realities. In an effort to gain social, professional, and economical status and mobility from within the margins, women may experience increased pressure to conform to the norms and standards of the dominant culture (Mastria, 2002; Root, 1990). One such standard is that of beauty, and the dominant Eurocentric culture in the U.S. values thinness in particular.

Rather than claiming that the beauty standard is a product of male sexual preferences in the pursuit of genetic survival, feminist scholars suggest that it reflects a larger political message of power and control. The slender body represents the traditional idea of domestic femininity in its reduced occupation of space and power but also expresses the masculine characteristics of self-restraint, mastery, and emotional control that is necessary to succeed in male-dominated professions (Bordo, 1993). The slender physique can also be considered a rejection of maternity, as it is thought to limit women’s pursuit of achievement and independence. Thus, for White women, pressures to attain the thin ideal not only represents a beauty aesthetic but also signifies appropriate femininity—one that is both physically appealing and maintains the status quo.

Through media and interpersonal experiences, girls and women face a steady exposure to controlling images that objectify their bodies and reduce them to physical parts that are then evaluated by others. Women may adapt by developing an observer’s perspective of their own bodies through habitual body monitoring. This body consciousness could lead to body shame, appearance anxiety, and depression. Although evolutionists and feminists may diverge on their ideas of the origins of gender differences and patriarchy, they both believe that a destructive effect of body ideals exists. That is, many evolutionary psychologists would agree with feminist

13 scholars in that the societal value that is placed on female beauty is likely a significant cause of disordered eating, body image problems, and risky body modifications (Buss, 1996; Buss &

Schmitt, 2011; Vandermassen, 2011). Evolutionary psychologists further contend that it could lead to the objectification of women as sexual objects that disregard other dimensions in women such as personality and abilities (Singh & Singh, 2011).

Objectification Theory

Fredrickson and Roberts (1997) proposed objectification theory as a theoretical framework that integrated women’s gender and sexual objectification experiences with mental health problems, such as eating disorders, depression, and sexual dysfunction. Objectification theory claimed that women’s life experiences routinely include being treated as a physical entity, wherein the body or a collection of body parts is valued primarily for use by others. In U.S. society where heterosexuality is considered the norm and the subordination of women remains implicit within its patriarchal culture, women are judged as objects of men’s sexual desires.

Objectification theory was presented as way to understand uniquely female psychological experiences, analyze the life-course of women’s mental health risks, and organize existing empirical data regarding women’s lives. The basic tenets of this theory propose that experiences of sexual objectification may lead to mental health issues, particularly if the individual internalizes the view that her personhood is evaluated primarily on physical appearance (i.e., self-objectification).

Sexual objectification. Sexual objectification occurs when the female body is viewed as an object of sexual pleasure, and women are appraised based on their physical appearance. It is abundantly present in many areas including interpersonal exchanges, the media, and specific environmental situations in the United States. Fredrickson and Roberts (1997) argued that

14 interpersonal sexual objectification can be enacted in various ways from sexual violence to sexualized evaluation. The most covert and ubiquitous form of this objectification is “gazing” or the visual inspection of the body. The male gaze may be considered a demonstration of power where men assert their assumed right to physically evaluate women (Quinn, 2002). Because of its potential subtlety and greater frequency over more overt forms of sexism, sexual objectification is also considered a form of gender microaggression, which is the everyday encounter of verbal, nonverbal, and environmental insults that range in subtlety and intentionality but are harmful nonetheless (Capodilupo, Nadal, Corman, Hamit, Lyons, &

Weinberg, 2010; Sue, 2010). It is true that men may unconsciously gaze or visually linger on women and their body parts without the intent of harassment. But while these incidents may be less overt than groping or assault, they are more commonplace and can feel comparably demeaning. The English language is replete with specific verbs to denote the male gaze such as

“ogle,” “leer,” “gape,” and “gawk,” which further signify the commonplace nature of these occurrences (Henley, 1977). Objectifying gazes are frequently experienced by women in everyday interactions with less focus on their faces are more attention paid to their bodies and sexual parts (Bartky, 1990; Kozee, Tylka, Augustus-Horvath, & Denchik, 2007). Furthermore, men were shown to exhibit the objectifying gaze, particularly at chests and waists rather than face and regarded women with ideal body shapes more positively (Gervais, Holland, & Dodd,

2013). Making sexual jokes, crude remarks and gestures are also examples of objectifying gender microaggressions that have been reported as daily experiences for women (Capodilupo et al., 2010).

Substantial research has risen to examine the psychological ramifications of sexual violence, but the subtle and everyday effects of sexualized gazing continue to be understudied.

Existing research has shown that women are gazed at more often than men; they are also more likely to feel “looked at” in interpersonal encounters, and men tend to engage in more nonreciprocal gazing toward women than vice versa (Gardner, 1980). In an experimental study of predominantly White women, participants who anticipated a male gaze reported greater shame about their bodies and anxiety about their appearance than those who anticipated a women’s gaze

(Calogero, 2004). Men’s gazing also tends to be supplemented by sexually evaluative comments.

These evaluative comments are often sexist in nature and include denigrating words to describe women or their body parts, which are usually expressed through catcalling, ogling, and harassment (APA, 2007). Furthermore, these comments tend to be more derogatory when aimed at women of color (Allen, 1984).

Sexual objectification also occurs in the media. In a review of studies examining the portrayals of women in the media, including television shows, commercials, movies, music, magazines, sports, video games, and Internet sites, women were illustrated in sexualizing ways

(e.g., wearing revealing or provocative clothing, emphasizing body parts in sexually desirable ways) more often than men (APA, 2007). The media also employs the sexually objectifying gaze. For example, studies of advertisements show that males are portrayed as looking directly at their female counterparts significantly more often than vice versa (Goffman, 1979; Umiker-

Seboek, 1981). Women, on the other hand, tend to drift from the scene by staring off into the distance, while the men stare at them (Goffman, 1979). Furthermore, while men are typically depicted in the media with emphasis to the head and face, women tend to be portrayed with greater emphasis to their bodies and body parts, which invite viewers to participate in an implicit objectifying gaze (Mulvey, 1975). Black women in particular are represented with the least facial emphasis in print media compared to all other racial and gender groups (Zuckerman & Kieffer,

1994). Furthermore, sexually objectifying images of women of color are often saturated with racial stereotypes such as portraying African American women as animals (Cowan, 1995;

Leidholt, 1981) and Asian American women as exotic and sexually subservient (Root, 1995).

Mass media’s proliferation of these images is insidious and virtually unavoidable, which makes it likely that all girls and women would be affected by sexual objectification to some degree.

Sexually objectifying environments also contribute to experiences of objectification in women. These situations typically endorse traditional gender roles, are male-dominated, have power hierarchies that subordinate women, focus on women’s physical attributes, and promote the objectifying male gaze (Szymanski et al., 2011). Traditional gender roles promote expectations for men to be competent, achievement-oriented, independent, competitive, and rational (Bakan, 1966) and women to be dependent, passive, and nurturing (Bem, 1993). This gender socialization pressures men to exhibit dominance over women through power, control, and viewing women as sexual objects (Worell & Remer, 2003). Women, on the other hand, are socialized to be submissive to men and seek their protection. They are also held responsible for regulating men’s sexual behaviors (Worell & Remer, 2003). Thus, male-dominated environments tend to be more sexualized than female-dominated environments (Gutek, 1985).

Previous research has suggested that men may misperceive friendliness as sexual intent more often than women (Henningson, 2004; Shotland & Craig, 1988), and women who have more contact with men in the workplace will report more incidences of sexual harassment (e.g., sexual comments, sexual stereotyping; Gutek, 1985). As such, when there is a disproportionately greater presence of men than women in an environmental setting, sexual objectification may likely occur.

Researchers of objectification theory also propose that women’s lack of power inherent in patriarchal societies such as the United States contributes to the maintenance of sexually objectifying environments (Szymanski et al., 2011). In this way, women have relatively little influence in environments where they hold low-status positions and do not have access to resources. Thus, sexual objectification may be maintained to restrict women to subordinate roles.

For example, the male gaze may be subtly acknowledged and condoned to reinforce sexual objectification in an environment to keep women subordinated. More overtly, when women’s bodies are understood to be “on display,” such as through form-fitting uniforms, sexually objectifying environments may be established. These environments and experiences with sexual objectification can lead women to internalize an outsider’s view of their bodies by becoming preoccupied with their physical appearance (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Prichard &

Tiggeman, 2005).

Self-objectification. According to objectification theory, a profound psychological effect of sexual objectification is the socialization of girls and women to treat themselves as objects to be looked at and appraised—to self-objectify (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). Feminist theorists have long argued that women often internalize an observer’s perspective on their physical selves

(Bartky, 1990). This socialization can begin with women minimally complying to external pressures but then proceeding to identify with them and internalize learned values and attitudes that shape their sense of self (Costanzo, 1992). External pressures are amply present to encourage women’s preoccupation with their physical appearance. Women are exposed to images of idealized female bodies, which are perpetually youthful, slim, and White. It is also rare to find mainstream media depictions of physical beauty that deviate from this Western European ideal. Even the thin archetype has become increasingly unreasonable as it is now preferred that

18 women possess a “curvaceously thin ideal” with well-developed breasts and buttocks (Harrison,

2003). Thus, the ideal female body is a myth; it is unrealistic and virtually unattainable (Wolf,

1991).

In U.S. culture, there are many rewards to being considered physically attractive. For example, previous studies have found that physical attractiveness is more highly correlated with popularity, dating, and marriage opportunities for women than for men (Dion, Berscheid, &

Walster, 1972; Margolin & White, 1987). Alternatively, women who were considered unattractive were described more negatively by their coworkers than were unattractive men.

Unfeminine appearance may incur job discrimination for women who aspire to attain high status employment. Therefore, attractiveness functions as prime currency for women’s social and economic success (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). This currency may differ among subgroups of women because an exchange for social and economic power occurs when a woman’s beauty is appealing to the tastes of the dominant culture (i.e., heterosexual White male preferences). This same dominant White male culture oppresses women of color through rejection or negative social evaluations based on deviations from this feminine ideal (Hurtado, 1989). Women of color, poor women, and sexual minorities face the additional oppressions of racism, classism, and heterosexism. As such, their experiences of sexual objectification may interact with other forms of oppression to produce different effects than those seen in White, middle class, heterosexual women (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997).

Given that women’s social and economical prospects can be dependent on their physical appearance, it may be necessary for them to anticipate the effects of their physical attributes.

Thus, women’s attentiveness to their physical appearance may be considered a strategy to help them determine how they will be treated (Silberstein, Striegel-Moore, & Rodin, 1987). This

19 strategy may not be conscious and may even be accepted as normal because of their repeated exposure to subtle external pressures to improve their looks. Being viewed by others in sexually objectifying ways can trigger women to internalize the observer’s view of their bodies over time

(Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). This self-objectification can lead to self-consciousness in girls and women that is characterized by habitual monitoring of their bodies and rumination about their outward appearance (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997).

In the self-objectification process, women internalize outsiders’ views and consider themselves as objects to be gazed upon and appraised on the basis of appearance. Often, self- objectification is exhibited through women placing greater importance on physical appearance rather than competence attributes on their sense of self and frequently experiencing their bodies through attractiveness appraisals (McKinley & Hyde, 1996). Self-objectification is also apparent when women spend a lot of time and emotional energy on thinking about their appearance and how they may look to others. Effectively, women who engage in self-objectification may feel that they are defined by their bodies and treat their bodies as objects to be modified in order to meet societal standards. Thus, objectification theory posits that self-objectification may have deleterious effects on psychological wellbeing that predominantly affect women such as eating disorders, depression, and sexual dysfunction (Szymanski, et al., 2011).

Mental health issues. Fredrickson and Roberts (1997) proposed that there are psychological outcomes of sexual objectification brought on by feelings of shame, anxiety, and reduced motivation and awareness of internal bodily states. Shame tends to degrade individuals because they attribute negative experiences or actions to their whole sense of self; they may think “I am a bad person” rather than then “I did a bad thing.” Shame is a combination of negative self-evaluation and a preoccupation with the possibility of social exposure to criticism.

Studies have reported that women are more likely to experience shame than men (Silberstein et al., 1987; Stapley & Haviland, 1989). Thus, Fredrickson and Roberts (1997) argued that when women’s efforts to modify their bodies through dieting, exercising, clothing, beauty products, or cosmetic surgery are motivated by body shame, the need to meet societal standards of beauty is felt as a moral obligation.

Fredrickson and Roberts (1997) also argue that the objectification of the female body creates both appearance anxiety and safety anxiety. The uncertainty of how one’s body will be looked at and evaluated can elicit some level of anxiety, and previous studies have shown that women tend to experience more anxiety about their physical appearance than men do (Dion,

Dion, & Keelan, 1990). Appearance anxiety can be exhibited through excessive worrying and mirror checking in order to adjust one’s appearance. Certainly, women’s clothing further complicates this anxiety if women find themselves being vigilant about their necklines and hemlines in order to not be “shamefully” exposed.

Sexual objectification is also a key component to sexual violence (Fredrickson &

Roberts, 1997). Thus, concern over physical appearance is not merely due to vanity but also related to concerns of safety. Unfortunately, it is not uncommon for women to be held responsible for their sexual assault because of how they looked. More attractive rape victims have been dealt greater blame for their assaults than less attractive victims (Jacobsen &

Popovich, 1983). While at varying degrees, all women in U.S. society face the possibility of experiencing sexually motivated physical violence, and this awareness can be a daily source of anxiety for many women (Gordon & Riger, 1989). Vigilance to safety may be a crucial factor differentiating the lived experiences between women and most men. Fredrickson and Roberts

(1997) found that when people were asked to list strategies for personal safety, women more

21 readily offered multiple tactics than did men. Thus, the authors claimed that women experience a continuous stream of anxiety-provoking experiences that require them to be chronically attentive to both their physical appearance and safety (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997).

Women who habitually monitor their bodies may also experience reduced states of intense focus and concentration (i.e., flow) because much of their psychic and emotional energies are engaged in thinking about their appearance (Quinn, Chaudoir, & Kallen, 2010). Studies have shown that self-objectification was negatively correlated with frequency of flow experiences

(Breines, Crocker, & Garcia, 2008; Greenleaf, 2005). Studies on self-objectification and awareness of internal states have been mixed, but self-surveillance was also found to be associated with decreased awareness of stimuli felt within the body (Tylka & Hill, 2004).

Fredrickson and Roberts (1997) further theorized that sexual objectification and self- objectification would lead to negative mental health outcomes, such as depression, eating disorders, and sexual dysfunction, which are disproportionately prevalent in women. Indeed, research has found that reported experiences of sexual objectification were associated with body surveillance, body shame, the internalized thin ideal, and disordered eating in women (Hill &

Fischer, 2008; Kozee & Tylka, 2006; Moradi, Dirks, & Matteson, 2005). Substance abuse was also found to be associated with experiences of sexual objectification such that everyday encounters with this form of discrimination were positively related to nicotine, alcohol, and drug abuse (Carr & Szymanski, 2011). Researchers of this study suggested that repeated experiences with sexual objectification might become internalized into body shame, which could lead to depression and subsequent substance abuse. Self-objectification was also related to sexual functioning (Wiederman, 2000) and specifically, sexual dysfunction in women (Steer &

Tiggemann, 2008). These studies suggest the far-reaching negative effects of sexual objectification on the psychological wellbeing of women.

Theoretical Framework

Original model. When Fredrickson and Roberts (1997) first proposed objectification theory, they suggested direct and indirect pathways between the key tenets of the theory. The direct pathway proposed that exposure to sexual objectification would lead to mental health issues such as depression and eating disorders. The indirect pathway suggested that experiences of sexual objectification would lead to self-objectification, which would then lead to mental health issues. Fredrickson and Roberts (1997) also hypothesized that body shame, anxiety, diminished internal awareness, and reduced psychological flow may serve as further

intermediary variables (see Figure 1). Several researchers have used this theoretical model to test

meditational pathways between the constructs of objectification theory.

Psychological Consequences

Appearance Anxiety

Reduced Psychological Flow Mental Health Issues Diminished Internal Self- Awareness Objectification

Body Shame

Disordered Eating Physical Safety Anxiety Sexual Objectification Depression

Sexual Dysfunction

Figure 1. Objectification theory model with key tenets. Adapted from “Sexual Objectification of

Women: Advances to Theory and Research,” by D.M. Szymanski, L.B. Moffitt, & E.R. Carr,

Association.

The following paragraph describes a sampling of the existing literature on tests of objectification theory and its pathways: 1) In a study of predominantly White women, self- objectification led to habitual body monitoring, which then led to a reduced sense of flow, greater body shame and appearance anxiety. This reduced flow, greater body shame and appearance anxiety then led to depression (Szymanski & Henning, 2007); 2) Trait self- objectification (i.e., internalized objectification that remained stable over time) was related to higher levels of self-surveillance (i.e., frequently thinking about one’s appearance), which was then associated with fewer experiences of flow states in both men and women (Tiggeman &

Kuring, 2004). The same study also reported that self-objectification led to both body shame and anxiety, which then led to disordered eating; 3) Self-objectification was also related to interoceptive awareness (i.e., awareness of hunger, satiety, and emotions), which was a partial mediator to disordered eating (Myers & Crowther, 2008); 4) Self-objectification led to body shame and appearance anxiety, which then led to body image self-consciousness during sex, and finally poorer sexual functioning (Steer & Tiggemann, 2008). Thus, much of the research testing the objectification theory model has confirmed its hypotheses. However, studies that examine the relationship between experiences of sexual objectification and self-objectification are limited.

Furthermore, these studies have been conducted primarily on White American college students, and current investigations seldom examine cultural factors that may impact the experiences and effects of sexual objectification on women from diverse backgrounds.

Expanded model. In reviewing extant literature on tests and extensions of objectification theory, Moradi (2010) proposed an expanded objectification theory model that may guide

24 scholars on how to address gender and cultural diversity issues in body image research. Firstly,

Moradi (2010) argued that the flexibility of the framework and constructs of objectification theory could accommodate for various socialization experiences that are relevant to specific populations. Thus, she extended the external component of the theory (i.e., sexual objectification) by including additional socialization experiences, including racism, heterosexism, and other forms of oppression, as well as cultural conflicts and gender norm pressures. Moreover, experiences of sexual objectification, which have frequently been conceptualized as interpersonal events (e.g., male gazing, inappropriate gestures and remarks), could also include perceived pressures for thinness and family, peer, and media influences on desirable beauty standards.

Secondly, Moradi (2010) stressed the importance of explicitly including internalization of cultural standards of attractiveness in the objectification theory framework given the increased number of studies using this construct to explain the underlying premise of and individual differences in body image attitudes (Jung, Forbes, & Chan, 2010; Overstreet, Quinn, & Agocha,

2010; Phan & Tylka, 2006; Tiggemann and Miller, 2010; Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011; Tran,

2009). Thirdly, Moradi (2010) recommended that body surveillance also be measured explicitly because it is a frequently used and empirically supported manifestation of self-objectification.

Many studies have used body surveillance as the indicator factor for self-objectification

(Calogero, Pina, Park, & Rahemtulla, 2010; Rolnik, Engeln-Maddox, & Miller, 2010; Slater &

Tiggemann 2010; Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011; Tylka & Sabik, 2010), and in studies that examined body surveillance and self-objectification together, body surveillance was a consistent and unique standalone correlate of the other constructs.

Moradi (2010) further highlighted a reconsideration of the self-objectification construct, since it is a significant component of objectification theory. As described previously, studies on objectification theory confirmed several indirect or mediated relationships among the key constructs of this theory. However, other studies suggested that group-specific differences might occur in these meditational relationships, specifically as they relate to self-objectification. Prior attempts to operationalize self-objectification included: Measuring the difference in importance that an individual placed on her/his appearance-based physical attributes (e.g., weight, sex appeal, physical attractiveness) and competence-based physical attributes (e.g., physical coordination, health, strength; Noll & Fredrickson, 1998); measuring it solely as body surveillance (Kozee & Tylka, 2006; McKinley & Hyde, 1996; Moradi, Dirks, & Matteson,

2005); measuring it as a separate construct from body surveillance (Greenleaf & McGreer, 2006;

Grupski & Espelage, 2005; Slater & Tiggeman, 2002; Tiggemann & Slater, 2001); and measuring it as a latent construct with body surveillance and internalization of dominant cultural beauty standards as indicator variables (Kozee, et al., 2007).

Moradi (2010) not only recommended measuring internalization of dominant cultural standards and body surveillance as explicitly separate constructs, but she also suggested that self- objectification be conceptualized as a process. That is, self-objectification may not be considered a single construct that is measured directly and separately; it may be a process that is manifested in the internalization of dominant beauty standards and body surveillance along with their links to a set of intermediary variables (i.e., greater body shame, anxiety, reduced motivational flow, and reduced internal bodily awareness). These intermediary variables act as potential psychological consequences to self-objectification but are also a part of its process.

Measuring these variables separately is important because they may reveal differential salience

26 across groups and mental health issues. For example, body shame can vary in salience among groups (e.g., men report lower body shame than women) in comparison to other factors such as body dissatisfaction, anxiety, and surveillance.

In accordance to objectification theory, the self-objectification process would then result in symptoms of mental health issues such as disordered eating, depression, substance abuse, and disconnection from bodily awareness (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Moradi 2010; Szymanski,

2011). Moradi (2010) also included body modifications such as cosmetic surgery, using anti- aging products, and steroid use as behavioral symptoms resulting from socialization experiences as mediated by the self-objectification process. Moradi’s (2010) proposed expanded model of objectification theory is illustrated in Figure 2 and was used as a guide to formulate the hypothesized model for the current study.

Self-Objectification Process

Greater Body Shame

Internalization 1. General appearance

of Dominant Cultural 2. Group-specific appearance (e.g., skin tone, Standards of Beauty facial features, aging, muscularity)

Socialization Experiences

1. Sexual objectification Symptomatology

2. Experiences with 1. Disordered Greater Body Anxiety heterosexism, racism, etc Eating

1. General appearance 3. Gender or cultural 2. Body

identity conflict or modification (e.g., 2. Group-specific marginalization cosmetic surgery, Body appearance (e.g., skin tone, anti-aging products, Surveillance facial features, aging, 4. Masculine appearance steroid use) muscularity) norm pressures 1. General 3. Depression appearance 5. Peer and familial

pressures 4. Disconnection 2. Group- from body functions specific Reduced Flow Experiences (e.g., sexual appearance (e.g., dysfunction) skin tone, facial features, aging, 5. Substance use muscularity) Lower Internal Bodily

Awareness

Figure 2. Proposed extended model of objectification theory. Adapted from “Addressing Gender and Cultural Diversity in Body Image: Objectification Theory as a Framework for Integrating

Tests of Objectification Theory on Diverse Populations.

When objectification theory was first developed, it had an explicit focus on women, and thus, research has been mixed when the theory was applied to other populations. Research on objectification theory and its basic tenets have primarily been studied on White, heterosexual, middle class, college-aged women (Moradi & Huang, 2008). In this way, research is limited on the sexual objectification experiences of women of color, sexual minority women, women of

28 different social classes, and women with disabilities (Szymanski et al., 2011). However, since the theory’s inception, there have been several studies testing the theory on diverse populations of men and women.

Older women. Fredrickson and Roberts (1997) claimed that women would most frequently experience sexual objectification in their reproductive years, at the height of their sexual appeal to men. As such, older women were hypothesized to be less frequently targeted and likely to abandon the observer’s view of their bodies. Specifically, self-objectification in women and its harmful correlates may diminish with age. Studies have shown that older age was associated with lower self-objectification (Greenleaf, 2005; Roberts, 2004; Tiggemann & Lynch,

2001), self-surveillance, appearance anxiety, and disordered eating (Tiggemann & Lynch, 2001).

Middle-aged mothers of college students also reported lower levels of self-surveillance and body shame than their daughters (McKinley, 1999; McKinley & Hyde, 1996),

Heterosexual men. Research studies have examined objectification theory on men’s experiences. Generally, men reported lower trait-level self-objectification than women

(Frederick, Forbes, Grigorian, & Jarcho, 2007; Strelan & Hargreaves, 2005), but they experienced state-level self-objectification when they were made to wear Speedos (Hebl, King,

& Lin, 2004), similar to what has been observed in women who were asked to try on swimsuits

(Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). Thus, exposure to body consciousness causing events may increase levels of immediate self-objectification. Another study found that when men did experience self-objectification, it was correlated with body dissatisfaction (Frederick et al.,

2007). Furthermore, exposure to media images objectifying one’s gender has been associated with one’s levels of self-objectification and body shame among both men and women (Aubrey,

2006; Morry & Staska, 2001).

Sexual minorities. When compared to heterosexual men, heterosexual women and gay men reported greater rates of experienced sexual objectification, which is in line with the theory’s emphasis on the detrimental male gaze (Engeln-Maddox, Miller, & Doyle, 2011). Gay men also exhibited higher rates of self-objectification and body shame compared to heterosexual men (Engeln-Maddox et al., 2011; Kozak, Frankenhauser, & Roberts, 2009; Martins, Tiggemann

& Kirkbride, 2007) and more disordered eating (Engeln-Maddox et al., 2011). On the other hand, lesbians also reported body surveillance, body shame, and disordered eating behaviors but at levels comparable to heterosexual men (Engeln-Maddox et al., 2011). Furthermore, they did not report experiences with sexual objectification at similar rates to heterosexual women and gay men. Thus, the researchers suggested that individuals who seek men for romantic or sexual partners are more likely to be sought out by men, making them more vulnerable to sexual objectification (Engeln-Maddox et al., 2011). This study also confirmed objectification theory’s proposed pathway model wherein body shame mediated the relationship between body surveillance and disordered eating behaviors for heterosexual women. That is, heterosexual women in this study experienced sexual objectification, which was associated with body surveillance that then increased levels of body shame. Engaging in eating disordered behaviors was a way for these women to cope with the shame (Engeln-Maddox et al., 2011). While gay men also reported similar levels of sexual objectification, these experiences were not correlated to body surveillance as seen in heterosexual women. At the same time, they reported comparable levels of body surveillance, which then led to increased body shame and associated disordered eating. Thus, gay men’s exposure to the sexualized gaze from other men may not have the same impact that it does on women.

Some scholars suggest that internalized sexual objectification can intersect with other forms of oppression. In one study, researchers examined the intersection of self-objectification and internalized heterosexism among lesbians. Results showed that those who devalued homosexuality and assigned greater value to heterosexuality were preoccupied with displaying

“passable” heterosexual behavior and dress as defined by heterosexual male standards of female attractiveness; these participants also criticized “butch” or untraditionally feminine appearance

(Szymanski & Chung, 2001). In another study testing objectification theory on bisexual women, researchers found that antibisexual discrimination was positively linked to the internalization of sociocultural standards of attractiveness, internalized biphobia, and body shame (Brewster,

Velez, Esposito, Wong, Geiger, & Keum, 2014). The internalization of sociocultural ideals of beauty also mediated the relationship between antibisexual discrimination, body surveillance, and disordered eating. Moreover, this study indicated that antibisexual discrimination was a more salient variable than sexual objectification. Thus, it is proposed that gender and its intersection with other marginalized sociocultural identities can magnify the experiences and impact of sexual objectification in women.

Women of color. Recent attempts have been made to test the tenets of objectification theory on women of color and even extend the theory to include racial-cultural factors. In a study aimed to observe the mediating role of self-objectification in African American women’s body dissatisfaction and shame as seen in White women, no such relationship was found (Buchanan,

Fischer, Tokar, & Yoder, 2008). This study also sought to extend the model with culture-specific factors, such as assessing levels of skin tone surveillance and dissatisfaction instead of focusing on body shape and weight concerns predominantly seen in White women. While African

American women in this study engaged in monitoring their skin tone, which directly led to skin

31 tone dissatisfaction, this relationship was not mediated by self-objectification (Buchanan et al.,

2008). Another study evaluated a structural model of objectification theory among African

American and European American undergraduate women and found results that were consistent with the theoretical model; self-objectification was associated with depressive symptoms as well as disordered eating (Mitchell & Mazzeo, 2009). The direct path between self-objectification

(conceptualized in this study as internalization of the thin ideal and body monitoring) and disordered eating and depressive symptoms accounted for the greatest variance. The additional mediating roles of body dissatisfaction, anxiety, and depression reduced the significance of the path model for the African American sample.

Another study sought to examine the buffering effect of racial identity on the self- objectification process among African American women (Watson, Ancis, White, & Nazari,

2013). The study found that internalized multiculturally inclusive racial identity attitudes moderated the relationship between sexually objectifying experiences and the internalization of sociocultural standards of beauty, thereby associating with lower body shame, appearance, anxiety, body surveillance, disordered eating, and greater interoceptive awareness. A qualitative study of sexual objectification among African American women depicted a more complex conceptualization of their experiences that included racist, sexist, and classist ideologies

(Watson, Robinson, Dispenza, & Nazari, 2012). Participants identified sociocultural factors such as the historic influence of slavery, the sexualized views and images of African American women, and the patriarchal social structure as contributing factors to different forms of sexual objectification. Furthermore, they attributed self-objectification, physical safety anxiety, eating concerns, and psychological/emotional and interpersonal issues to these sexually objectifying experiences.

The parameters of objectification theory was also examined among Muslim women in the

U.S (Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011). Experiences of sexual objectification positively correlated to an internalization of dominant cultural standards of beauty, body surveillance, body shame, and eating disorders. In this study, self-objectification (i.e., body surveillance), did not mediate the relationship between the internalization of societal standards and body shame. Instead, correlations between sexual objectification and both body shame and disordered eating were mediated best by the internalization of dominant cultural standards, which suggests that it subsumed relationships involving body surveillance. Thus, authors of this study proposed that the internalization of societal standards of beauty might be important to include in objectification research, especially with women of color.

In a large-scale study examining gender and ethnic differences in self-objectification and body satisfaction, results showed that greater self-surveillance was associated with lower body satisfaction among men and women, though women reported greater appearance surveillance and body dissatisfaction than men overall (Frederick, et al., 2007). Furthermore, a positive relationship between body surveillance and body dissatisfaction was found to be comparable between Asian American and White women, but Asian American women reported greater body dissatisfaction. Thus, the authors recommended examining situational and individual influences on body surveillance that may bring about differential levels of its negative consequences on

Asian American women. Results of this study propose that membership in a racial or ethnic minority group may worsen the negative effects of body surveillance.

In a study that tested objectification theory on Asian and White Americans, the authors found that Asian American men, Asian American women, and White men reported significantly lower levels of self-objectification than White women, and self-objectification was not

33 significantly correlated with depressive symptoms among Asian Americans (Grabe & Jackson,

2009). There was also no significant difference between Asian American women and Asian

American men in their levels of self-objectification, as there was between White women and

White men. The authors of this study argued that parameters of objectification theory appeared to circumvent racial/ethnic factors and suggested the importance of examining how experiences with racism, such as racial microaggressions, might impact self-objectification. While this study tested objectification theory on an Asian American sample, it was done so in comparison to

White Americans and did not consider relevant cultural issues that may impact their unique experiences with sexual objectification and its effects.

A previous dissertation study attempted to investigate such issues by examining constructs of self-objectification and cultural values in Asian American women. Results showed that those who reported greater levels of adherence to Asian cultural values reported greater internalization of dominant cultural standards of attractiveness and experienced greater body shame and body surveillance when those ideals were not met (Tran, 2009). Another study that tested an extension of objectification theory on South Korean women using culture-specific standards of beauty—one that focused on facial characteristics—found that media exposure was directly linked to face size and shape surveillance rather than body surveillance and was also associated with body shame and disordered eating through face surveillance and the internalization of cultural standards of beauty (Kim, Seo, & Baek, 2014).

These studies imply that race and culture have potential influences on Asian American women’s experiences of self-objectification and their psychological consequences. Taken altogether, findings from the aforementioned studies challenge the validity of the objectification

34 model on women of color and highlight the need to incorporate culturally specific factors in examining the effects of sexual objectification.

Asian American Women and Body Image

Asian Americans refer to a diverse group of people whose ethnicities may be of East

Asian (e.g., Chinese, Korean, Japanese), Southeast Asian (e.g., Filipino, Vietnamese,

Cambodian, Thai), South Asian (e.g., Indian, Pakistani, Nepalese), and/or Pacific Islander descent. While they are hardly monolithic in appearance, beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors, they may share some cultural values and experiences that are relevant to body image issues. Taken as a whole, their physical features surely deviate from the dominant ideal of Whiteness, and one study reported that there were no differences in body dissatisfaction across some ethnic groups of

Asian American women (i.e., those of Japanese, Filipino, Chinese, Hawaiian, and multiethnic descent; Yates, Edman, & Aruguete, 2004). Racial and cultural factors pertinent to the discourse on body image and objectification in Asian American women will be discussed in this section.

Body image disturbance. Body image can defined as the perceptions, attitudes, and emotions that an individual may hold regarding her/his body (Kolb, 1959). Disturbances to body image can include body dissatisfaction, an underlying shame, and negative self-appraisals about one’s body, which may lead to mental health issues such as depression and eating pathology

(Lau, Lum, Chronister, & Forrest, 2006). There have been mixed findings in studies examining body image among Asian American women. Previous studies suggest that Asian American women reported lower rates of dieting, weight issues, and disordered eating compared to White women (Lucero, Hicks, Bramlette, Brassington, & Weler, 1992; Nevo, 1985), lower levels of body dissatisfaction and problematic dieting attitudes and behaviors (Akan & Grilo, 1995), and less incongruity between ideal and perceived body sizes (Altabe, 1998).

However, more recent studies suggest that Asian American women report body image disturbances (Koff et al., 2001), perceived discrepancies between ideal vs. actual body size

(Gluck & Geliebter, 2002), and eating attitudes and weight concerns (Sanders & Heiss, 1998) at comparable rates to White peers and exhibit a greater fear of fat than other ethnic minorities

(Sabik et al., 2010; Sanders & Heiss, 1998). Additional reports found higher body dissatisfaction

(Sabik et al., 2010) and greater concerns about body shape and drive for thinness among Asian

American women than White women (Haudek, Rorty, & Henker, 1999). In a large-scale study examining breast and body dissatisfaction among African, Asian, European, and Hispanic

American women, all women reported comparable rates of breast dissatisfaction, but Asian

American women reported lower global body satisfaction than other racial groups (Frederick et al., 2007). Asian American women have also reported poorer body image, greater body dissatisfaction, and lower self-evaluations than Black women (Evans & McConnell, 2003).

Interestingly, although Asian American women demonstrated considerably low levels of body satisfaction, they also reported relatively low levels of pursuit of thinness; they may be more preoccupied with parts of their bodies that are not weight-related (Sabik, et al., 2010).

From these mixed findings, it can be argued that Asian American women exhibit less preoccupation with weight and body size compared to White women but may still report body dissatisfaction that is not being measured in studies that focus on White women’s body concerns

(e.g., thinness) and have dominated body image research. This approach may be inadequate in studying Asian American women’s experiences. While Asian American women still exhibit low rates of body dissatisfaction based on body shape and weight, there may be racially specific factors that could affect body image that are not being measured. Thus, researchers have recommended that studies focus less on global body image when studying Asian American

36 women, as there may be more complex relationships involving specific body parts or facial features (Koff, et al., 2001).

Asian Americans are physically distinct from White European Americans and thus, may have greater sensitivity to the racial characteristics that set them apart from the dominant group.

For example, common features of East Asian women are the epicanthic eye fold (i.e.,

“monolid”), a broad and flat nose, and yellow undertones in skin pigmentation (Hall, 1995).

Asian American women who are dissatisfied with facial features typically idealize the double eyelid and narrow noses predominantly seen in White European American women. This aspiration to achieve Western ideals of beauty as well as a dissatisfaction with racial features can negatively impact self-esteem among Asian American women (Kawamura, 2011). Furthermore,

Mintz and Kashubeck (1999) demonstrated that while most Asian American women in their study did not report disordered eating, they had lower self-esteem and greater body dissatisfaction related to their arms, breasts, height, eyes, and face compared to White American women. Because these body parts typically cannot be altered in the way that body weight can be modified through dieting and exercise, they may contribute to the lower rates of self-esteem observed in Asian American women.

Traditional Asian values and body image issues. Some studies have found that Asian

American women who reported stronger ethnic identity demonstrated a greater drive or pressure for thinness and body preoccupation (Frederick et al., 2007; Phan & Tylka, 2006, Sabik, et al.,

2010), which challenges the notion that stronger ethnic identity is a protective factor for women of color against Western cultural pressures for thinness. These findings suggest that being an ethnic minority may not lower the risk of body image disturbance as previously believed, and that group membership may actually increase this risk among Asian Americans (Frederick et al.,

2007). An aspect of group membership that has begun to emerge in body image research on

Asian Americans is adherence to Asian cultural values.

Although Asian Americans consist of a hetereogenous group of people, they likely share some traditional cultural values (Kim, Yang, Atkinson, Wolfe, & Hong, 2001; Ng, 1999; Sue &

Sue, 2003) and ideals of beauty that impact body image perceptions (Kawamura, 2011). These values include collectivism (i.e., interdependence between self and society/community), conformity to norms (i.e., desire to match group standards), emotional self-control (i.e., withhold emotional expression so as to demonstrate strength and not burden others), humility (i.e., value modesty and refrain from boasting), and family recognition through achievement (i.e., one’s achievement honors parents and reflects family’s success; Kim, Atkinson, & Yang, 1999; Kim,

Li, & Ng, 2005).

Despite differences in length of U.S. residency, many Asian Americans strongly adhere to traditional cultural values such as collectivism and filial piety (i.e., honoring parents) and do not demonstrate significant differences across generations (Kim, et al., 1999). Still, adherence to these values is often assessed as part of the acculturation process, whereby individuals behaviorally and psychologically adjust to a different culture by adopting its practices, values, and beliefs in order to feel included (Nasser, 1997). Thus, it has been hypothesized that those who are more acculturated and identify with the European American values that dominant U.S. society are at greater risk for body image problems (Nasser, 1997). However, review of the literature has found no consistent association between acculturation and body image attitudes and disordered eating (Wildes, Emery, & Simons, 2001) and body dissatisfaction among Asian

Americans (Kawamura & Rice, 2009; Smart, 2009; Yoshimura, 1995). Instead, studies that only looked at the internal component of acculturation found that Asian American women who

38 identified strongly with traditional Asian values expressed greater body dissatisfaction (Evans &

McConnell, 2003; Lau, et al., 2006) and self-objectification (Tran, 2009) compared to those who did not.

Collectivism and conformity. Collectivism promotes social harmony with family and/or the community. Asian Americans often feel pressure to positively represent not only their families but also their racial/ethnic communities, particularly when they are in the minority

(Kawamura, 2011). Because of these collectivistic tendencies, Asian Americans may also believe in a strong interdependence of self and the dominant culture, creating a great need to conform to mainstream standards (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). Promoting the interpersonal harmony valued in collectivism often necessitates conformity to the dominant culture in order for Asian

Americans to represent their families and communities well. These values may compel Asian

Americans to aspire towards specific mainstream ideals such as those pertaining to physical attractiveness. In particular, this pressure often demands that Asian American women maintain a flawless physical appearance in order to avoid bringing shame upon their families, and large deviations from the norm are discouraged (Kawamura, 2011). Studies have shown that Asian

American women reported higher need for conformity, which was associated with greater endorsement of mainstream beauty ideals when compared to Black and White women, and they used these standards as points of comparisons for their bodies (Evans & McConnell, 2003).

Asian American women may face unique pressures on their bodies, and increased alliance with their ethnic group might actually encourage a drive for thinness (Sabik, et al.,

2010). One study showed that Asian American women who reported stronger ethnic identities also had greater drive for thinness, which supported the notion that they may be motivated by the traditional cultural value of reflecting well on their community due to their strong ethnic ties

(Sabik, et al., 2010). Asian American women may find it difficult to resist fulfilling dominant ideals of beauty because of their tendency to conform to social norms and expectations (Lau et al., 2006). In a previous dissertation study, Asian American women who reported greater adherence to conformity and collectivism values, reported greater body shame and internalization of mainstream beauty ideals (Tran, 2009).

Family recognition through achievement. Honoring family is an important cultural value for Asian Americans, and parental dissatisfaction or criticism may affect body image attitudes. Gender biases in parents’ expectations for sons and daughters may exacerbate body consciousness in the latter. Asian American boys and men are typically pressured by parents to obtain successful careers. Asian American girls and women, on the other hand, are pressured to be feminine and physically appealing (Ting & Hwang, 2007). The more women internalize this evaluation of their bodies, the more likely they are to determine their self-worth on it and seek accomplishments in this area (Breines, et al., 2008). While boys and men may cope with parental criticisms of achievement by working harder, girls and women will find it more difficult to control their physical appearance. Underlying these parental pressures and evaluations is the strong expectation for Asian American offspring to succeed. Failure to meet both societal and parental expectations may lead to poorer self-esteem and greater body dissatisfaction among

Asian American women (Ting & Hwang, 2007).

Traditional Asian values place great importance on achievement as a way to reflect well on the family, and alternatively, failure can bring great shame (Kim, et al., 2005). Researchers suggest that families of individuals with eating disorders value social mobility, performance, and achievement (Gordon, 1990), and since these values are in line with traditional Asian ideals,

Asian American women who strongly endorse them may be particularly vulnerable to body

40 image disturbances. Furthermore, given that people of color often have limited socioeconomic mobility, Asian American women may feel pressure to improve both their individual and familial social statuses (Ting & Hwang, 2007). In a study examining therapists’ experiences working with Asian American women who had eating disorders, therapists identified several cultural factors that contributed to their distress: Gender role, filial piety, collectivism, and conformity

(Smart, et al., 2011). Additionally, these therapists reported that both parents and patients seemed to idealize Western beauty norms, and there was greater pressure to be thin in these Asian

American women than observed in women of other ethnicities. What’s more, Asian parents appeared to strongly encourage thinness in order to succeed in the U.S., and some also advised cosmetic surgery (Ting & Hwang, 2007). Accordingly, in one study, the more Asian American women valued family recognition through achievement, the more they reported body surveillance and scrutinized their bodies in an attempt to fulfill the mainstream beauty ideal that they had internalized (Tran, 2009).

Emotional self-control and humility. Research on Asian Americans has suggested that they may underreport psychological distress due to cultural values that discourage emotional expression and help-seeking outside of the family (Leong, 1992; Leong, Wagner, & Tata, 1995;

Lin & Lin, 1978). This observation may contribute to conflicting findings on Asian American women’s reports of body image issues and their psychological correlates (e.g., eating disorders, depression). Emotional self-control and humility, in particular, were negatively correlated with positive attitudes toward utilizing mental health services (Kim, et al., 2005). In Lau and colleagues’ (2006) study where greater adherence to Asian values was associated with more negative body image attitudes, the authors suggested that this adherence to values also included humility, which may have discouraged women from reporting positive feelings about their

41 bodies to avoid seeming immodest or arrogant. This study also showed that participants who reported greater internalization of European American media images of beauty also reported higher body dissatisfaction, which demonstrated the complexity of a bicultural conflict experienced among Asian Americans exposed to both traditional Asian and European American standards (Lau et al., 2006). Values from the Asian culture and those from the dominant culture can coexist in individuals, and in this case, strong adherence to traditional Asian values predicted body dissatisfaction but so did endorsement of European American standards. Greater adherence to Asian American cultural values was also linked to greater endorsement of dominant cultural beauty ideals represented in the media (Tran, 2009).

Objectification and racism. At the core, objectification is the seeing and treating of a person as an object, thereby reducing her into an instrument of use, ownership, and definition by others (Nussbaum, 1995). In the U.S., members of the White male dominant group have the most power to exert this type of oppression to subordinate others. Therefore, when objectification theory was first proposed by Fredrickson and Roberts (1997), it was primarily formulated on the experiences of White women and focused on the marginalization of their gendered bodies. Race is another categorical system of grouping people based on physical features from which racial minorities are subjugated by White dominance. In the U.S, racism further enables oppressors to regard the oppressed as objects that can be dehumanized and controlled (Cliff, 1990). As racial and gendered beings, women of color are objectified through images that are created by the dominant group rather than appreciated for their actual and whole selves (Uchida, 1998). These images are driven by stereotypes and perpetuated covertly through derogatory racial slights that are so commonplace that they are usually dismissed or deemed innocuous. In this way, Asian

American women are not only objectified due to their gender but also their race, and these experiences may be intermingled.

Perpetual foreigner. hooks (1989) stated that the oppressed become objects that are defined in relation to the oppressor. Collins (1999) further explained that the objectified become the “Others” who can never fully belong because they threaten the social order of society. In effect, the oppressor relegates the objectified “Others” with features that are in contrast to the dominant group; these “Others” then become foreign and occupy the margins of society. Uchida

(1998) argued that Asian women in the U.S. are sexually and racially objectified through this process, which she termed “Orientalization.”

Although the term “Oriental” is now outdated and derogatory when used to describe

Asian people, it has evoked the feeling of being considered East of some Center, the Center actually being the West and more specifically, Western Europe and the United States (Kim, 1982 as cited in Uchida, 1998). The image of an “Oriental Woman” represents pervasive stereotypes that are perpetuated by the dominant culture to define Asian women in the U.S. as foreign, docile, obedient, passive, and essentially different and inferior to White women (Uchida, 1998).

The “Oriental Woman” is a perpetual representative of the out-group who is denied the power and privilege to become the subject of her own life instead of the object of others’. Even an

Asian American woman who has lived in the U.S. her whole life may be viewed as the “Oriental

Woman” (Uchida, 1998), since Asian Americans are stereotypically viewed as new immigrants despite their over-a-century-old presence in this country (True, 1981).

Manifestations of this “Other-ing” can come in the form of racial discrimination or microaggressions, which are brief, everyday exchanges that convey demeaning messages toward others due to their marginalized group membership (Sue, et al., 2007). These encounters are

43 typically automatic and pervasive in nature. A commonly reported racial microaggression across

Asian American ethnic groups is being perceived as an “alien in their own land,” (Sue, Bucceri,

Lin, Nadal, & Torino, 2009). An example of this prejudice toward Asian Americans is being asked where they are really from, insinuating that they are foreigners—not “true” Americans— and therefore do not belong in the U.S. Although innocuous in intent, it is often disturbing and uncomfortable to recipients. Underscoring this message is that Asian Americans are too different from “real” Americans (i.e., White Americans; Devos & Banaji, 2005).

Sexual exoticization. A dominating image of Asian American women is one that is sexually exoticized (Shah, 1997; Tien, 2000). They include images of the concubine, prostitute, geisha, war bride, and China doll (Espiritu, 1994). They are fetishized and at the same time seen as obedient, quiet, and powerless (Root, 1990; Tajima, 1989). These stereotypes sexualize Asian

American women’s bodies. Perpetuation of these stereotypes promote the denigration of Asian

Americans and breed racial resentment, discrimination, and microaggressions (Lin, 2010).

Accordingly, a gendered theme of racial microaggressions was the exoticization of Asian

American women (Sue, et al., 2007). Asian American female participants of a focus group study reported perceptions of being objectified for their racial features and feeling expected to be domestically subservient, valued only to fulfill the physical needs of White men. While Asian

American women understood these messages to be intended to commend them for their ability to satisfy men, they experienced them as deprecating instead (Sue et al., 2007). Furthermore, in a college newsletter, Asian American female students were quoted as saying “I don’t want to be perceived as a geisha girl…I get the feeling that some men attracted to Asian women can pick one out of many and it will be fine. They think we all look alike” (Lang, 1992 as cited in Uchida,

1998).

U.S. culture also co-opts “Asianness” through foods and fashions that further exoticize and objectify Asian Americans. For example, Indian symbols of femininity (e.g., nose rings, henna, bindis) have often been placed on White European American women in the media as fashion trends, relegating Indian women as faceless and dehumanized (Durham, 2001).

Discrimination and body image. Experiences of racial discrimination may heighten racial/ethnic minorities’ awareness of how their physical appearance may be evaluated by others

(Frederick, et al., 2007; Neal & Wilson, 1989; Root, 1990). It is likely that they would then engage in self-surveillance that further confirm that their physical features deviate from White cultural norms. This reaction could also lead to internalized racism, lowered self-esteem, and poorer body image. Specifically, Kawamura (2011) suggested that increased exposure to racism might lead some Asian American women to reject their racial identity and condemn typical

Asian physical features. In fact, common plastic surgery procedures seen in Asian American women include those that alter racially distinctive facial features (e.g., eyelid surgery; American

Society of Plastic Surgeon, 2006; Kaw, 1993). This desire to alter race-specific features may reflect Asian American women’s desire to distance themselves from marginalizing racial stereotypes, such as being perceived or treated as perpetual foreigners and unable to assimilate

(Kaw, 1994).

The perception of being an out-group member in their home country may influence the way Asian American women view their racialized and gendered bodies. For example, they may want to achieve physical attractiveness that is socially acceptable as way to gain acceptance in a country where they are perceived to be perpetual foreigners. Experiences with racial discrimination that exacerbate the feeling of not belonging may also induce negative attitudes about their bodies. Some studies have found that Asian American women reported body image

45 and acceptance/belonging as being dependent on experiences of shame and racial teasing

(Yokoyama, 2007). Racial teasing can take the form of 1) name-calling that stereotypes one’s race, 2) making fun of manner of dress, accent or physical appearance due to race, and 3) excluding one from activities because of one’s race (Iyer & Haslam, 2003). Studies have found that racial teasing was related to negative body image and disordered eating among South Asian

American women (Iyer & Haslam, 2003; Reddy & Crowther, 2007) and Korean American women (Yoo & Henderson, 2012). In the face of racial slights that “Others” Asian American women from the dominant culture, they may devalue their racial features, foods, rituals, and manners that set them apart from mainstream society (Root, 1995). They may also react against stereotypes and damaging racial discrimination by adopting White standards of beauty.

Internalized objectification and dominant beauty ideals. In Japan, White beauty ideals are elevated while Asian features (e.g., flat nose and face, narrow eyes, and darker skin) are often objects of criticism (Yokoyama, 2007). White models are also commonly used in advertisements across Asian nations. Some rural areas of Thailand also demonstrate the far-reaching effects of the White beauty ideal (Sharps, Price-Sharps, & Hanson, 2001). It is not surprising, then, that

Asian American women resembled White women in aspiring for mainstream beauty ideals.

Furthermore, in comparison to women of other racial/ethnic identities, Asian American women did not utilize self-protective strategies, such as comparing themselves to in-group characteristics, but rather endorsed out-group, mainstream ideals (Evans & McConnell, 2003). A recent study also found that when Asian American women were exposed to the thin ideal through the media, they internalized this standard, which was then associated with body dissatisfaction much in the same way as White American women (Nouri, Hill, & Orrell-Valente,

2011). These results further suggest that being of a racial/ethnic minority may not necessarily protect individuals from the internalization of Western beauty ideals.

Women of color may denigrate their own racial features and endorse White beauty standards in order to achieve acceptance, power, respect, and prestige (Root, 1990). One study showed that Asian American youth, as compared to other ethnic minorities, reported the most dissatisfaction with their physical appearance and were more likely to prefer to be White (Lee &

Zhan, 1998). Among college students in this study, Asian Americans also reported being less socially accepted because of their racial features, and the women who had undergone cosmetic surgery expressed hope that these modifications would not only enhance their beauty but also their social status (Lee & Zhan, 1998).

In an ethnographic study examining the phenomenon of Asian American women undergoing restructuring of their eyes and noses, the author found that these women internalized both a gender ideology and racial ideology (Kaw, 1993). The gender ideology endorsed women’s investment in the modifications of their bodies, and the racial ideology associated natural Asian features with dullness, passivity, and lack of emotion. All of the women in this study indicated that they were proud to be Asian and did not desire to look White. However, physical features that they admired and aspired toward included bigger eyes and a prominent nose. Alternatively, they devalued creaseless eyelids and flat noses, describing them as projecting “sleepiness,”

“dullness” in personality, and “passivity” (Kaw, 1993). The associations they made between features typical of their race and negative personality characteristics were derived from stereotypes that had been created by the dominant culture in the U.S. and the Western world in general. Early media portrayals of Asians stereotypically depicted them as boring, passive, and aloof characters. Asians have also been portrayed as “model minorities,” which also conveys the

47 stereotypical image of hardworking and technically skilled people who lack creativity, excitement, and sociability. Thus, it may be that many Asian American women have internalized stereotypes regarding Asians as stoic, docile, and submissive and associated them with typical

Asian facial features, ultimately finding them undesirable and inferior. Women in the aforementioned study expressed hope that cosmetic surgery would gain them better acceptance into society (Kaw, 1993).

Similarly, in another qualitative study of Asian American women and their conceptions of racialized femininities, participants had internalized stereotypical images of Asian femininity that were passive, subordinate, and quiet (Pyke & Johnson, 2003). They also recognized that these images degrade Asian femininity and glorify White femininity. The authors argued that these “controlling images” affirm Whiteness as normative and privileges White women through the subordination of women of color. Because of the controlling images of Asian American women endorsed by mainstream culture, respondents described experiencing expectations from

White men to be passive and deferential. The authors proposed that this expectation not only promotes Asian American women’s availability to White men but may also make them particularly vulnerable to mistreatment (Pyke & Johnson, 2003).

Asian American girls and young women participants in another study expressed an awareness that the dominant beauty ideal is characteristically White and unattainable. At the same time, they still attempted to meet these ideals by dieting or exercising to achieve thinness, wearing push-up bras, bleaching their hair blonde, and wearing blue or green contacts (Lee &

Vaught, 2003). They also demonstrated a level of self-objectification in which much of their body alteration was motivated by their desire to attract men—more specifically, White men.

They also believed class mobility could be achieved through marriage with White men, and not

48 only did they change their physical bodies to align with White beauty, but they also internalized racial stereotypes of the submissive, ultra-feminine, and sexually appealing Asian woman. These participants understood that while they were considered exotic, they were also unintimidating, since they are portrayed as successfully disciplined and easily dominated (Lee & Vaught, 2003).

Asian American women may evaluate themselves against the dominant culture’s beauty standards and may thus suffer psychologically because of the difficulty in achieving those ideals

(Mok, 1998; Okazawa-Rey, Robinson, & Ward, 1986; Trepagnier, 1994; Evans & McConnell,

2003). Greater endorsement of these societal standards of beauty was a significant predictor of self-objectification in Asian American women (Tran, 2009).

Depressive symptoms. Studies on Asian Americans and depression have shown some consistent results on rates of prevalence and risk factors. In a comparison study of 1,251 Asian

American and 586 White American college students, Asian Americans, particularly Korean

Americans, and female students reported significantly higher depressive symptoms than White participants (Young, Fang, & Zisook, 2010). In a survey of 572 Vietnamese Americans, participants reported elevated levels of depression, and being female was a significant predictor of depressive symptoms (Leung, Chueng, & Chueng, 2010). Another study that used epidemiological data from the National Latino and Asian American Study (NLAAS) examined cultural factors related to suicidal ideation and attempts and found that being female, perceiving discrimination, and having lifetime depression and anxiety were also risk factors (Cheng et al.,

2010). Racial discrimination has been associated with depressive symptoms (Chae, Lee, Lincoln,

& Ihara, 2012; Jang, Chiriboga, Kim, & Rhew, 2010), poorer quality of life (Gee & Ponce,

2010) and negative mental health outcomes (Alvarez & Jung, 2010). Other studies on Asian

Americans also reported that racial discrimination stress was associated with increased

49 depressive symptoms (Wei, Heppner, Ku, & Liao, 2010) and that Asian American women reported more negative mental health outcomes associated with lower thresholds of discrimination than men (Hahm, Ozonoff, Gaumond, & Sue, 2010). Asian Americans have also reported greater levels of depression and social anxiety compared to White Americans (Okazaki,

1997)

Although significant depressive symptoms have not been observed in Asian American women in regards to objectification theory, several studies have confirmed the link between self- objectification and depressed mood in predominantly White samples (Grabe & Jackson, 2009;

Muehlenkamp & Saris-Baglama, 2002; Muehlenkamp, Swanson, & Brausch, 2005; Tiggeman &

Kuring, 2004) as well as the mediating role of body shame and appearance anxiety (Haines, et al., 2008; Szymanski & Henning, 2007; Tiggemann & Kuring, 2004). A study found that Asian

Americans who strongly adhered to traditional Asian values were more likely to attribute the cause of their depression to internal factors and utilize disengagement coping strategies such as self-criticism (Wong, Kim & Tran, 2010). Chronic self-deprecation usually associated with depression can contribute to body dissatisfaction (Marsella, Shizuru, Brennan, & Kameoka,

1981), and thus, Asian American women who value Asian cultural beliefs and express body dissatisfaction may be at greater risk for depression. Furthermore, women scoring higher on face satisfaction reported more positive mood states, while greater body dissatisfaction was associated with more negative mood states (Petrie, Tripp, & Harvey, 2002). Since Asian American women have reported dissatisfaction with facial features that depicted racial differences from White beauty norms, they may be at risk of depression.

Summary and Statement of the Problem

While research on objectification theory has grown in testing the paradigm on diverse populations, there continues to be a dearth of studies examining relevant racial and cultural factors that affect specific populations. Furthermore, the majority of these studies are focused on examining the self-objectification process and its psychological consequences, and there are few studies that investigate the relationship between external objectifying events and self- objectification that could lead to mental health issues. Since research on ethnic minorities gives considerable evidence to the negative psychological impact of racial discrimination, it is important to consider how these experiences can also lead to self-objectification, as women of color are conceivably objectified by both race and gender.

Asian American women remain understudied in body image and objectification research.

Studies that exist on Asian American women either test the theory in comparison to White women and thus neglect any unique racial-cultural factors (Grabe & Jackson, 2009) or examine cultural issues with self-objectification and do not consider external socialization experiences

(Tran, 2009). Asian American women also appear to be among the least protected by their racial/ethnic background, as they may face a bicultural conflict wherein needs for conformity and reflecting well on their families may pressure them to achieve dominant cultural standards of beauty that are virtually unattainable. With Asian American women at greater risk for depression and reporting comparable to greater rates of body dissatisfaction than women of other ethnicities, it is important to understand their experiences.

Study design. This study tested a theoretical model of an extended objectification theory that includes racial and sexual objectification experiences, adherence to Asian American cultural issues, and the mediating role of a self-objectification process in predicting depression among

Asian American women. A structural equation modeling approach was used guided by scholars’ recommendations and extant literature (Heimerdinger-Edwards, Vogel, & Hammer, 2011;

Moradi, 2010; Moradi, 2011; Moradi & Huang, 2008). The proposed extended theoretical model included aspects of Asian American women’s socialization experiences that uniquely impact the self-objectification process and its psychological consequences (see conceptual model in Figure

3).

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Figure 3. Theoretical model being tested (on the basis of Moradi, 2010) proposed that socialization experiences, including sexual objectification, racism, adherence to Asian American cultural values may lead to depressive symptoms through the mediating roles of internalization, body surveillance, body shame and lower body satisfaction, and appearance anxiety.

Two exogenous latent constructs were created for the socialization experiences. The latent construct of objectification had three indicator variables: Foreigner, sexualization, and body evaluation. These themes were reported in the literature to be frequently manifested in the

52 daily interpersonal encounters of Asian American women. Being regarded as a perpetual foreigner, sexually exoticized, and visually inspected may reduce Asian American women into physical entities of subordination. The latent construct of Adherence to Asian American cultural values had five indicator variables: Collectivism, conformity to norms, family recognition, emotional self-control, and humility. These values are believed to be commonly endorsed by

Asian Americans across ethnicities. Previous studies suggested that experiences of marginalization and the stress associated with adapting to conflicting cultural values influence the internalization of dominant cultural ideals of attractiveness and were linked to body image and eating problems for ethnic minority women as well as deaf women (Moradi & Rottenstein

2007; Perez, Voelz, Pettit, & Joiner, 2002).

There were six mediating constructs: Internalization, body surveillance, appearance anxiety, body shame, general body satisfaction, and group-specific satisfaction. Internalization and body surveillance were observed variables that were measured explicitly and separately per

Moradi’s (2010) recommendations. Moradi (2010) also proposed that objectification theory include the possible predictive and meditating role of anxiety, as it may be relevant for ethnic and racial minority women in their reports of depression (Mitchell & Mazzeo, 2004; Stice et al.,

2004; Vander Wal & Thomas, 2004). Also, use of a general anxiety scale was weakly associated with depressive symptoms (Mitchell & Mazzeo, 2004); appearance anxiety may be more relevant since previous studies have shown that body shame and appearance anxiety were related to eating disorders, and a direct path from anxiety to depressive symptoms also improved model fit (Tiggeman & Lynch, 2001). Body Shame was included in this model, as it had demonstrated significant relationships with Asian American Cultural Values and Internalization (Tran, 2009).

It had also played a mediating role between self-objectification and depression.

General Body Satisfaction and Group-Specific Body Satisfaction were represented as separate observed variables. Moradi and Huang (2008) argued that the current conceptions of body surveillance and body shame do not take into account group-specific concerns such as skin tone, hair texture, and facial features (Moradi & Huang, 2008). Since some research on Asian

American women’s body image report greater overall body dissatisfaction but lower weight- related concerns, they may be more dissatisfied with physical features related to their race (e.g., eyes, nose, and height; Mintz & Kashubeck,1999; Sabik et al., 2010). In a study evaluating the factor structure of a short form of the Body Parts Satisfaction Scale, the authors found that there was a distinction between body and face satisfaction among non-Asian ethnic minority women, which suggested that women may experience these physical areas fairly independently. Thus, face and body satisfaction may have different effects on body image, disordered eating, and mood (Petrie et al., 2002).

The outcome variable was depression, due to its high prevalence in the Asian American population and its relatedness to constructs of the objectification model (e.g., self-objectification, body shame, body surveillance, and appearance anxiety; Tiggemann & Kuring, 2004; Hurt et al.,

2007). The indirect pathways from the socialization experiences (i.e., objectification and adherence to Asian American cultural values) to depression were mediated by the observed variables in the self-objectification process.

Research Questions and Hypotheses

This study posed the questions: Do adherence to Asian American cultural values and experiences with racial and sexual objectification link to Asian American women’s engagement in a self-objectification process that will then be associated with depressive symptoms? Will the adherence of Asian American cultural values intensify this experience? It was hypothesized that

54 greater reports of objectification would predict self-objectification through body surveillance and the internalization of dominant beauty standards, which would then predict negative psychological consequences, such as body shame, appearance anxiety, decreased race-related and general body satisfaction, and ultimately to depression. That is, the more Asian American women report experiences of being objectified or adhering to Asian American cultural values, the more they will internalize White American beauty standards and become self-conscious about their physical appearance. The presumed inability to achieve these unrealistic standards will worsen preoccupations and engender poorer body satisfaction, which will predict depressive symptoms. It was hypothesized that this process would be exacerbated for Asian American women who strongly adhered to traditional Asian American values. The proposed structural model is shown in Figure 4.

Self Emotional -

Recognition Control Figure 4 Foreigner

Family

. Proposed structural. Proposed model

Objectification

Sexualization Humili American Cultural Values Asian

Conformity

Evaluation

Body

Collectivism

Internalization Surveillance Body

Group General Body Appearance Satisfaction Satisfaction Anxiety Shame Body Body - Specific

Depression

Hypothesis 1. The indicator variables of humility, conformity, collectivism, emotional self-control, and family recognition through achievement will collectively measure the latent variable of adherence to Asian American cultural values.

Hypothesis 2. The indicator variables foreigner racism, sexualization, and body evaluation will collectively measure the latent variable of objectification.

Hypothesis 3a. Greater adherence to Asian American values will positively predict internalization of dominant beauty ideals, which will also positively predict body shame and appearance anxiety, while negatively predicting group-specific and general body satisfaction, ultimately predicting greater depressive symptoms.

Hypothesis 3b. Adherence to Asian American values will have an indirect relationship with body surveillance through internalization of dominant beauty ideals and be associated with the remaining self-objectification variables listed in hypothesis 3a, and ultimately predicting greater depressive symptoms.

Hypothesis 3c. Adherence to Asian American values will have a direct positive relationship to body surveillance, associating positively with body shame and appearance anxiety while negatively predicting group-specific and general body satisfaction, which will ultimately be associated with greater depressive symptoms.

Hypothesis 4a. Greater experiences of objectification will positively predict internalization of dominant beauty ideals, which will also positively predict body shame and appearance anxiety, while negatively predicting group-specific and general body satisfaction, ultimately predicting greater depressive symptoms.

Hypothesis 4b. Objectification will have an indirect relationship with body surveillance through internalization of dominant beauty ideals and be associated with the remaining self-

57 objectification variables listed in hypothesis 4a, ultimately greater predicting depressive symptoms.

Hypothesis 4c. Objectification will have a direct positive relationship to body surveillance and be associated with body shame and appearance anxiety, while negatively predicting group- specific and general body satisfaction, and ultimately predicting greater depressive symptoms.

Hypothesis 5. Adherence to Asian American cultural values will moderate the relationship between objectification, the self-objectification variables, and depression such that those with greater adherence to Asian American cultural values will report greater self- objectification in predicting depressive symptoms.

Chapter III

METHODOLOGY

Participants

A total of 917 individuals consented to participate in the study, and the final sample consisted of 618 participants. Cases were deleted if respondents did not self-identify as Asian

American women 18-years-old or older, were not United States citizens or permanent residents, were not currently living in the U.S., and/or did not complete one or more scales. Demographic differences between the study sample and deleted cases are depicted in Tables 1-4. Because the discriminatory experience of being perceived as a foreigner was studied specifically, participants were required to be U.S. citizens or permanent residents to make this experience salient.

Furthermore, participants were not eligible to participate in this study if they were not currently living in the U.S. since experiences of racial and sexual objectification may vary in different countries, and participants must be substantially exposed to the sociocultural climate of the

United States. Participants were recruited through email blasts on listervs with membership from

Asian American communities (e.g., Asian American Psychological Association, Asian American

Journalists Association, and various Asian American student organizations at both coeducational and women’s colleges and universities), snowballing and word of mouth techniques, and an online posting on a blog that discusses popular Asian American issues.

Study participants’ mean age was 27.58 years (SD=7.28) and ranged from 18-64 years old. Mean BMI was 22.82, normal (SD=4.05), ranging from 14.23, underweight, to 50.11, obese.

Average number of years living in the U.S. was 25.64 (SD=7.71; see Table 1). The majority of study participants identified as Chinese American (36.4%) and Korean American (22.3%). Other ethnicities included Taiwanese American (9.9%), Filipina American (7.1%), Vietnamese

American (6.5%), Indian American (3.2%), Japanese American (3.2%), Multiracial of Asian and

White descent (3.4%), Multiethnic of East and Southeast Asian descent (3.2%), and Multiethnic of East Asian descent (1.3%). Other ethnicities represented at less than 1% frequencies included those of Cambodian, Thai, Hmong, Laotian, Nepali, Pakistani, Burmese, and Singaporean descent (see Table 2). The majority of participants identified as heterosexual (83.3%).

Participants also identified as bisexual (6.8%), queer (4.2%), lesbian (1.6%), pansexual (.8%), asexual (.8%), questioning (.5%), and did not specify (1.9%; see Table 3). In terms of highest level of education completed, the majority of participants were college graduates (39.8%) or held a Master’s or professional degree (29.6%); others had some college (12.3%), completed high school (9.5%), or held doctorates (7.4%; see Table 4).

Table 1

Means and Standard Deviations of Age, Years Living in the U.S., and BMI

Variable Mean Standard Deviation

Study Sample Deleted Cases Study Sample Deleted Cases N=618 N=218 N=618 N=218

Age 27.58 27.82 7.28 6.99

Years living in the U.S. 25.64 25.74 7.71 8.08

BMI 22.82 22.68 4.05 3.86

Table 2

Frequencies and Percentages of Ethnicity

Ethnicity Frequency Percentage Study Sample Deleted Cases Study Sample Deleted Cases N=618 N=218 N=618 N=218

Chinese American 225 81 36.4 37.2

Korean American 138 58 22.3 26.6

Taiwanese American 61 6 9.9 2.8

Filipina American 44 13 7.1 6.0

Vietnamese American 40 10 6.5 4.6

Indian American 20 11 3.2 5.0

Japanese American 20 6 3.2 2.8

Multiracial Asian and 21 6 3.4 2.8 White

Multiethnic East/Southeast 20 11 3.2 5.0 Asian

Multiethnic East Asian 8 5 1.3 2.3

Cambodian American 1 1 .2 .5

Thai American 5 1 .8 .5

Hmong American 5 6 .8 2.8

Laotian American 4 0 .6 0

Nepali American 1 0 .2 0

Pakistani American 2 0 .3 0

Burmese American 1 1 .2 .5

Singaporean American 1 1 .2 .5

Not specified 1 1 .2 .5

Table 3

Frequencies and Percentages of Sexual Orientation

Variable Frequency Percentage

Study Sample Deleted Cases Study Sample Deleted Cases N=618 N=218 N=618 N=218

Sexual Orientation

Heterosexual 515 192 83.3 88.1

Bisexual 42 8 6.8 3.7

Queer 26 4 4.2 1.8

Lesbian 10 3 1.6 1.4

Pansexual 5 2 .8 .9

Asexual 5 1 .8 .5

Questioning 3 0 .5 0

Not specified 12 8 1.9 3.7

Table 4

Frequencies and Percentages of Highest Education Completed

Variable Frequency Percentage

Study Sample Deleted Cases Study Sample Deleted Cases N=618 N=218 N=618 N=218 Highest level of Education Completed

Some high school 2 4 .3 1.8

GED 1 0 .2 0

High School Graduate 59 15 9.5 6.9

College Graduate 246 100 39.8 45.9

Associate’s Degree 5 2 .8 .9

Some College 76 18 12.3 8.3

Master’s or Professional 183 65 29.6 29.8 Degree

Doctorate 46 13 7.4 6.0

Measures

Demographics form. Participants completed a demographics questionnaire that asked them to report their ethnicity (open ended), age (open ended), body mass index (open ended; calculated by height and weight), number of years living in the U.S. (open ended), educational level completed, and sexual orientation (open ended).

Objectification. The latent variable of objectification was measured with 3 constructs:

Foreigner, Sexualization, and Body Evaluation. The underlying construct being examined was experiences of evaluation and prejudice based on being perceived as of objects of race and

63 gender. Also, all three measures were reflective of racial and gender microaggressions, which are subtle everyday slights that denigrate others due to their marginalized group memberships (Sue,

2010). The Foreigner and Sexualization constructs were reflective of racially microaggressive themes reported in the literature. The Body Evaluation Scale contained items referring to being sexualized through subtle comments and leering. All of these experiences involved derogatory remarks and gestures that were considered commonplace, subtle, and may have cumulative effects. Since Fredrickson and Roberts (1997) suggested that continuous exposure to objectifying events could lead to self-objectification, conceptualizing objectification with microaggressive experiences appeared particularly applicable.

Sexualization. The Sexualization subscale of the Racial Microaggressions Scale (RMAS;

Torres-Harding, Andrade, & Diaz; 2012) consists of 3 items that reflect experiences of being overly sexualized because of one’s racial background. Items on this scale were derived from research literature reporting common themes of racial microaggressions. Asian American women, in particular, reported feeling exoticized because of their race (Sue et al., 2009).

Participants were asked to report how frequently they had experienced feeling sexualized (e.g.,

“Other people hold sexual stereotypes about me because of my racial background”) using a 4- point Likert-type scale (0=never, 1=a little/rarely, 2=sometimes/a moderate amount,

3=often/frequently). A previous Cronbach’s alpha for this subscale was .83. In the validity study of the RMAS, women scored significantly higher on Sexualization than men, suggesting that the construct being measured by this scale may be particularly relevant for women of color (Torres-

Harding et al., 2012). The Cronbach’s alpha for the current sample was .84.

Foreigner. The Perpetual Foreigner Racism (PFR) subscale is part of the Asian

American Racism-Related Stress Inventory (AARRSI; Liang, Li, & Kim, 2004) and consists of 7

64 items that reflect experiences of being perceived as perpetual foreigners in the U.S. (e.g., “You are asked where you are really from.”). These items were derived from literature across disciplines by a focus group of 8 Asian Americans. The PFR scale produced a coefficient alpha of .84 on a sample of 142 Asian Americans, suggesting good internal reliability (Liang et al,

2004). It also demonstrated good concurrent and discriminant validity as well as test-retest reliability. A recent study evaluated the factor structure of the full AARRSI scale and found a two-factor solution with items falling in either the Vicarious and Collective Racism factor or the

Daily Racial Microaggressions Factor (Miller, Kim, Chen, & Alvarez, 2012). The latter included items from the Perpetual Foreigner Racism subscale, supporting the notion that this form of racism is subtle and commonplace. Since the factorial analysis study did not examine convergent and discriminant validity, the current study will use the original 7-item PFR subscale.

Additionally, for the purposes of this study, the responses were modified to a 4-point Likert scale adapted from the Racial Microaggressions Scale (RMAS; Torres-Harding et al., 2012) measuring frequency rather than distress of these experiences (0=never, 1=a little/rarely, 2=sometimes/a moderate amount, 3=often/frequently). The Cronbach’s alpha for the adapted scale in the current study sample was .74, indicating good internal consistency.

Body evaluation. The Body Evaluation subscale of the Interpersonal Sexual

Objectification Scale (ISOS; Kozee, Tylka, Augustus-Horvath, & Denchik, 2007) consists of 11 items that measure respondents’ reported experiences with inexplicit interpersonal sexual objectification. Items on this scale reflect the subtle and denigrating ways in which women are treated and evaluated. Sample items include “How often have you been whistled at while walking down a street?,” “How often have you noticed someone leering at your body?,” and

“How often have you noticed that someone was not listening to what you were saying, but

65 instead gazing at your body or a body part?” Participants will rate their experiences on a 5-point

Likert scale, where 1 = never to 5 = almost always. Higher scores indicate greater rates of interpersonal sexual objectification. This scale was normed on a predominantly White sample and obtained a Cronbach’s alpha of .93.The full scale total score and the subscales scores were internally consistent and stable over test-retests. They also demonstrated convergent validity through their strong associations with sexist degradation. Additionally, the ISOS had construct validity in their relationships with unfair sexist events, self-objectification, and body shame. The

Cronbach’s alpha for the current sample was .92.

Asian American cultural values. The latent variable of Asian American cultural values will be measured using subscales of the Asian American Values Scale-Multidimenstional

(AAVS-M; Kim, Li, & Ng, 2005). This scale was derived from research on common cultural values that were salient and endorsed across different ethnic groups of Asian Americans such as valuing group welfare over individual needs, conforming to societal standards, refraining from emotional expression, making achievements to honor family, and having modesty. The AAVS-M was validated on a sample of 189 Asian Americans and demonstrated good validity and internal and test-retest reliability on all subscales as well as the total scale score. Subscales include

Collectivism, Conformity to Norms, Emotional Self-Control, Family Recognition Through

Achievement, and Humility. Sample items include: “One’s efforts should be directed toward maintaining the well-being of the group first and the individual second” (Collectivism); “One should recognize and adhere to the social expectations, norms, and practices” (Conformity to

Norms); “It is better to hold one’s emotions inside than to burden others by expressing them.”

(Emotional Self-Control); “One’s achievement and status reflect on the whole family” (Family

Recognition Through Achievement); and “One should not openly talk about one’s

66 accomplishments” (Humility). Responses were made on a 4-point Likert scale (1=strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=agree, 4=strongly agree). Higher scores reflect greater adherence to these values.

In the development, reliability, and validity study of the AAVS-M, the authors reported the following ranges in coefficient alphas: .89-.92 for Collectivism, .80-.86 for Conformity to

Norms, .79-.90 for Emotional Self-Control, .89-.91 for Family Recognition Through

Achievement, and .75-.86 for Humility, which reflects good internal reliability (Kim et al.,

2005). In a study of Asian American women, the researcher reported Cronbach alphas of .74,

.85, .84, .93, and .84 for Collectivism, Conformity to Norms, Emotional Self-Control, Family

Recognition Through Achievement, and Humility, respectively (Tran, 2009). The study also found significant relationships between the AAVS-M and measurements of self-objectification.

Specifically, positive correlations were found between each of the AAVS-M subscales and the

Body Shame subscale of the Objectified Body Consciousness Scale (OBCS). Additionally, the

Family Recognition Through Achievement subscale was also positively related to the

Surveillance scale of the OBCS. Conformity to Norms and Family Recognition Through

Achievement were also positively associated with a scale measuring the internalization of societal attractiveness ideals (Internalization-General Scale of SATAQ-3). Thus, it appears that the AAVS-M and its subscales may be relevant measures to be examined in objectification research with Asian American women. The current sample produced Cronbach’s alphas of .84

(Collectivism), .78 (Conformity to Norms), .85 (Emotional Self-Control), .92 (Family

Recognition Through Achievement), and .86 (Humility).

Internalization of dominant cultural standards of beauty. Participants’ internalization of mainstream beauty standards will be measured by the Internalization subscale of the

Sociocultural Attitudes Toward Appearance Questionnaire (SATAQ-I; Heinberg, Thompson, &

Stormer, 1995). This scale consists of eight items that measures respondents’ identification with and internalization of societal standards of beauty. Sample items include: “Photographs of thin women make me wish I were thin;” “Women who appear in TV shows and movies project the type of appearance that I see as my goal;” “I tend to compare my body to people in magazines and on TV.” Respondents rate each item on a 5-point Likert scale from 1 (completely disagree) to 5 (completely agree). Initial factor analysis of the SATAQ-I found that the Internalization subscale produced a Cronbach’s coefficient alpha of .93, and a cross-validation study reported evidence of internal consistency reliability (!= .88; Heinberg et al., 1995). The SATAQ-I was validated on predominantly White female college students and demonstrated good convergence with other measures. The Internalization scale was a significant predictor of body image disturbance, body shame, and disordered eating. A Cronbach’s alpha of .94 was reported for a sample of Asian American women, and as described previously, this scale was also positively related to adherence to Asian American cultural values (Tran, 2009). The Cronbach’s alpha for the current sample was .87.

Body surveillance. Body surveillance was measured by the Surveillance subscale of the

Objectified Body Consciousness Scale (OBCS, McKinley & Hyde, 1996). This scale addresses the extent to which women take on the observers’ perspective on their own body appraisals. The

Surveillance Subscale consists of 8 items that measures the degree at which women view their bodies as an external observer and engages in habitual body monitoring (item: “I often worry about whether the clothes I am wearing make me look good.”). Respondents rate each item using a 7-point response format ranging from 1-strongly disagree to 7-strongly agree. McKinley and

Hyde (1996) found satisfactory construct validity and moderate to high internal consistency for

68 all of the subscales of the OBCS with predominantly White, undergraduate, and middle-aged women. The Surveillance subscale previously obtained an alpha of .89. It also demonstrated good test-retest reliability over a 2-week period.

Surveillance and Body Shame were significantly correlated with each other, negatively correlated with body esteem, and positively correlated with fear of fat and disordered eating

(McKinley & Hyde,1996). Thus, the Surveillance subscale is a frequently used measure of body self-observance and is often used as an indicator of self-objectification. In a large sample of

2,206 men and women in the U.S., the Surveillance subscale was administered on White,

Hispanic, and Asian participants (468 predominantly East Asian women) with an overall

Cronbach’s alpha of .82 and alphas greater than .70 for male and female participants of each ethnic group (Frederick et al., 2007). In a sample of 120 Asian American women in an unpublished dissertation, scores on the Surveillance were normally distributed and attained a

Cronbach’s alpha of .80. Thus, the Surveillance subscale may be a relevant measure for Asian

American women. The Cronbach’s alpha for the current sample was .83.

Body shame. Body shame was measured by the Body Shame subscale of the OBCS and consists of 8 items that assessed the extent to which women feel they are bad people when they view themselves as not meeting cultural appearance standards, particularly for thinness (“When

I’m not the size I think I should be, I feel ashamed”; McKinley & Hyde, 1996). Respondents rated each item using a 7-point response format ranging from 1-strongly disagree to 7-strongly agree. The Body Shame subscale previously obtained a Cronbach’s alpha of .75. In an unpublished manuscript, the body shame subscale obtained a Cronbach’s alpha of .77 for an

Asian American female sample (Tran, 2009). The Cronbach’s alpha for the current sample was

.83.

General and group-specific body satisfaction. General and group-specific body dissatisfaction were be measured by the Satisfaction and Dissatisfaction with Body Parts Scale, widely referred to as the Body Parts Satisfaction Scale (BPSS; Berscheid, Walster, & Bohrnstedt,

1973)—an extensively used measure of body image attitudes. The BPSS is a 24-item scale that assesses individuals’ feelings regarding different parts of their bodies including facial features, extremities (i.e., arms, shoulders, hands, feet), torso (i.e., abdomen, buttocks, hips, legs, ankles), height, weight, breasts, and muscle tone. Respondents rate each body part on a 6-point Likert- type scale ranging from 1 (extremely dissatisfied) to 6 (extremely satisfied). This scale appears to have face validity, as respondents directly assess their level of satisfaction with various specific body parts. High internal consistency has been demonstrated (alpha=.89; Noles, Cash, &

Winstead, 1985) as well as a positive significant correlation (.70; Bohrnstedt, 1977) between mean body satisfaction scores and a single item measuring overall body satisfaction as well as other body image disturbance measures (Mitchell & Mazzeo, 2009) and bodily shame/guilt

(Kearney-Cooke & Striegel-Moore, 1994), which suggests adequate construct validity. The

BPSS also demonstrated concurrent validity through associations with disordered eating measures (Klemchuk et al., 1990; Mintz & Betz, 1988; Petrie, 1996). Although this scale was normed on a predominantly White sample, a study sample of 56 Asian American women reported a reliability coefficient of alpha = .89 (Lau et al., 2006). The Cronbach’s alpha for the total scale in the current sample was .93.

Mintz and Kashubeck (1999) did not use all of the original items in their study examining disordered eating and body image disturbance among White and Asian American women.

Instead, they used 12 of the items (i.e., height, weight, eyes, nose, overall face, shoulders, breasts/chests, arms, abdomen, buttocks, hips/upper thighs, general muscle tone) as independent

70 measures of body satisfaction rather than the total score in order to ascertain specific body dissatisfaction areas. In this way, they were able to find racial differences in body dissatisfaction between White and Asian American women; while both groups were comparably dissatisfied with body parts that were weight- and eating disorder-related (lower torso), Asian American women were significantly more dissatisfied with their eyes and face, considered to be racially- defined features. Mintz and Kashubeck (1999) also illustrated the importance of examining body satisfaction in terms of those features that may (e.g., torso) or may not (e.g., facial) be modified with diet and/or exercise.

Thus, in a more recent study of the factorial and construct validity of the BPSS using scale items more salient to eating disorder research as identified by Mintz and Kashubeck (1999) and Austin and Petrie (1997), the authors found a 2 factor model (Satisfaction with Body and

Satisfaction with Face) that were both internally consistent (.89 and .76, respectively) with moderate correlation (r=.37; Petrie et al., 2002). This 2-factor model of the BPSS-Revised demonstrated concurrent and construct validity with disordered eating and body image disturbance measures. Moreover, only the Satisfaction with Body factor was related to body shame (r=-.63). While this study validated a revised BPSS on a sample of ethnic minority and non-minority women, Asian American made up 5% of this sample, and specific facial features relevant to this population’s body satisfaction (i.e., eyes, nose) were not included in the overall face construct. Thus, the current study will use original items on the BPSS to create 2 separate factors for general and group-related body dissatisfaction. Based on previous literature suggesting that facial features and height were particularly relevant and race-specific to Asian

American woman, the items eyes, nose, overall facial attractiveness, and height (Mintz &

Kashubeck,1999; Sabik, et al., 2010) were included in the Group-Specific Body Satisfaction

Scale, while all other items of the BPSS were included in the General Body Satisfaction Scale for this study. Cronbach alphas for Group-Specific Body Satisfaction and General Body

Satisfaction for the current sample were .71 and .92, respectively.

Appearance anxiety. The Appearance Anxiety Scale (AAS; Dion et al., 1990) is a 30- item questionnaire that measures individuals’ concerns about their physical appearance and how they might be appraised by others. Sample items of this scale are “I worry about how others are evaluating how I look” and “I get nervous when others comment on my appearance.” Responses were made on a 5-point Likert-type scale (0=never, 1=sometimes, 2=often, 3=very often,

4=almost always). Higher scores indicate greater levels of appearance-related anxiety. The coefficient alpha for internal reliability previously ranged from .86-.89. In the development of this scale, the authors also found no ethnic differences between Asian and White samples. They also found positive correlations between appearance anxiety and public self-consciousness, interaction anxiety, audience anxiety, and test anxiety (Dion et al., 1990). Appearance anxiety has also fully mediated the relationship between self-objectification and depressed mood in objectification theory studies (Tiggemann & Kuring, 2004; Symanski & Henning, 2007). The

Cronbach’s alpha for the current sample was .93.

Depression. Depression was measured by the Rasch short version of the Center for

Epidemiological Studies-Depression Mood Scale (CES-D; Cole, Rabin, Smith, & Kaufman,

2004). The CES-D is a widely used depression screening tool for a general, non-clinical population. It has four factors: depressed affect, positive affect, interpersonal symptoms, somatic and vegetative activity). The Rasch-derived CES-D consists of 10 items, 2 of which are reversed scored. Responses were made on a 4-point Likert-type scale (0=Rarely or none of the time/less than 1 day, 1=Some or a little of the time /1-2 days, 2=Occasionally or a moderate amount of

72 time/3-4 days, and 3=Most or all of the time/5-7 days). Sample items include: “I was bothered by things that usually don’t bother me” and “I had trouble keeping my mind on what I was doing.”

Higher scores indicate greater depressed mood. The Cronbach’s alpha for the CED-D full form was .87 and .75 for the short form, which was not significantly different from what was reported in the development sample, .82. The validation sample (N=410) was 54% female and comprised

African Americans (6.52%), Asian Americans (12.08%), Caucasians (65.70%), Hispanic

Americans (9.90%), and mixed or other ethnicity (5.32%; Cole et al., 2004). The Rasch-derived short form is more advantageous than the other short forms of the CES-D because it is the only version that has used confirmatory factor analysis to ensure structural similarity with the full form and validated a single-factor hierarchal structure. As such, a total score may be used, which increases ease of use. The Cronbach’s alpha for the current study was .86.

Procedures

Participants were recruited via an online posting, email blasts, and snowballing techniques (e.g., word of mouth). Liaisons were made with leaders of Asian American organizations in college settings and the community. Recruitment emails were then forwarded to members on listservs that were provided. The email and online postings included a short description of the study along with a link to an online survey. Participants were first asked to read the consent form, and they were instructed to proceed with the study if they understood its guidelines and agreed to participate. Participants were instructed to close the link if they chose not to participate at any time. The web survey consisted of the aforementioned instruments, which were presented in random order via the Qualtrics platform (following the demographics questionnaire) to prevent an order effect. Participants completed 11 measures: 1) Demographics

Questionnaire; 2) the Perpetual Foreigner Racism subscale (PFR; Liang et al., 2004), 3) the

Sexualization subscale (Torres-Harding et al., 2012); 4) the Body Evaluation subscale (Kozee et al., 2007), 5) the Asian American Values Scale-Multidimensional (AAVS-M; Kim et al., 2005);

6) the Internalization subscale (Heinberg et al., 1995); 7) the Surveillance subscale (McKinley &

Hyde, 1996); 8) the Body Shame subscale (McKinley & Hyde, 1996); 9) the Body Parts

Satisfaction Scale (BPSS, Bohrnstedt, 1973); 10) the Appearance Anxiety Scale (AAS; Dion et al., 1990); and 11) the Center for Epidemiologic Study-Depression Scale Rasch Short Form

(CES-D; Cole et al., 2004).

Data Analysis

Structural equation modeling has become a valuable analytical tool for the field of counseling psychology (Fassinger, 1987). It allows researchers to examine if correlational data on a specific population can confirm theoretical models. Several studies have used the SEM approach to test pathways and structural models of objectification theory (Kozee & Tylka, 2006;

Mitchell & Mazzeo, 2009; Moradi et al., 2005, Phan & Tylka, 2006; Tylka & Hill, 2004; Tylka

& Subich, 2004). SPSS AMOS v.22 was used for the SEM analysis in this study, which tested both the measurement model and the structural model with path analyses. A confirmatory factor analysis was used to test the measurement model in order to assess how well the observed variables combined to generate the underlying constructs of the two latent variables (i.e., Asian

American Cultural Values and Objectification). For the structural model, the specified theory proposed that socialization experiences (i.e., adherence to Asian American cultural values and objectification) predicted a self-objectification process involving body surveillance, internalization, body dissatisfaction, shame, and anxiety, which then linked to depressive symptoms (see Figure 4). Parameter estimates were interpreted for specific effects.

Chapter IV

RESULTS

Preliminary Analysis

Deleted cases. Several cases were deleted from the study sample prior to data analysis.

Out of the 917 total number of individuals who consented to the study, 299 cases were deleted for the following reasons: 9 cases did not specify gender, 3 cases identified as male, 13 cases did not specify or identify U.S. citizenship or permanent residency, 54 cases did not specify age, 1 did not identify as Asian American, and 219 did not complete one or more scales (41 of whom exited the study after consent). A total of 836 participants met study criteria and provided demographic data. There were no significant differences between the final study sample and deleted cases in terms of age t(834) = -.426, p = .670; years living in the U.S. t(833) = -.156, p =

.876; BMI t(816) = .443, p = .658; ethnicity !2(17) = 26.14, p = .072; sexual orientation !2(6) =

7.02, p = .319; and educational attainment !2 (7) = 11.09, p = .135 (also see Tables 1-4).

Missing value analysis. A small percentage of respondents provided 1 missing value on either or both the Body Shame (0.3% to 5.3%) and Body Surveillance (0.2% to 0.8%) scales. Per scoring guidelines, 2 or more missing responses on either scale rendered the entire scale missing, and those cases were deleted prior to analysis (N=15). For those cases with fewer than 2 missing values on either scale, Little’s Missing Completely at Random (MCAR) test was conducted to determine whether the pattern was omitted completely at random. The findings revealed that the data was MCAR, !2(3976) = 4110.60, p = .067. Because the pattern was MCAR, the missing data values were imputed via the expectation maximization (EM) method (Tabachnick & Fidell,

2007).

Tests of normality and outliers. Univariate normality was assessed via the skewness and kurtosis indices of the variables. Per Kline (2011), a variable is non-normal when its skewness index is above three and its kurtosis index is above 20. Twenty-seven items and four variables had a skewness index above three. Multivariate normality was assessed via Mardia’s coefficient in AMOS. Multivariate normality was also violated, Mardia’s coefficient = 28.31, p =

.000. Since univariate and multivariate normality was violated, bootstrapping maximum likelihood procedures were conducted (Nsamples = 1000) to generate bootstrapped standard errors;

95% bias-corrected confidence intervals were requested.

Multivariate outliers were detected via the Mahalanobis D2 values generated by the

AMOS program. Per Kline (2011), a case is a multivariate outlier if the p-value of D2 is less than

.001. Eighteen cases had Mahalanobis D2 p-values below .001. However, since bootstrapping was used to generate the standard errors, these cases were retained.

Descriptive statistics. Correlations between demographic variables and study scales are reported in Table 5. Demographic variables were significantly correlated with each other, but their relationships with study scales varied. Means, standard deviations, reliability coefficients, and ranges were calculated for all of the measurements in this study and are reported in Table 6.

All scales reported acceptable reliability.

Table 5

Correlations Matrix of Demographic Variables and Scales

Construct 1 2 3 4 5 6 1 Age 1 2 Ethnicity -.09* 1 3 Years in U.S. .81** -.10* 1 4 Education .41** -.05 .31** 1 5 Sexual orientation -.15** .09* -.10* -.09* 1 6 BMI .14** .04 .13** .03 .08* 1 7 Emotional control -.11** .01 -.15** -.06 -.05 -.02 8 Family recognition -.01 .05 -.01 .04 -.11** -.02 9 Conformity .12** -.10* .02 .09* -.21** -.00 10 Collectivism -.06 .05 -.03 -.01 .03 -.03 11 Body evaluation -.04 .13** .01 -.01 .11** -.07 12 Foreigner -.10* .02 -.17** -.05 .08 -.05 13 Sexualization .00 .19** .03 -.01 .14** -.01 14 Internalization -.08 -.07 -.06 -.04 -.08* -.01 15 Surveillance -.17** -.00 -.12** -.07 -.04 .06 16 General body satisfaction .09* .02 .06 .07 -.07 -.28** 17 Specific body satisfaction .13** -.01 .13** .10* -.01 -.03 18 Body shame -.09* .04 -.08* .01 .03 .23** 19 Appearance anxiety -.11** .01 -.10* -.06 .02 .24** 20 Depression -.17** .04 -.15** -.14** .17** .05 Note. * p < .05. ** p < .01.

Table 6

Means, Standard Deviations, Reliability Coefficients, Item Numbers, Range of Scores (N=618)

Variable M SD Alpha Item Actual Possible N Range Range Emotional Self-Control 2.75 1.11 .85 8 1.00-6.50 1.00-7.00

Family Recognition 4.33 1.30 .92 14 1.00-7.00 1.00-7.00

Humility 3.80 1.17 .86 6 1.00-6.83 1.00-7.00

Conformity 3.76 1.32 .78 7 1.00-7.00 1.00-7.00

Collectivism 4.00 1.19 .84 7 1.00-7.00 1.00-7.00

Body Evaluation 2.30 .72 .92 11 1.00-4.80 1.00-5.00

Foreigner Racism 1.10 .55 .74 7 0.00-2.86 0.00-3.00

Sexualization 1.32 .83 .84 3 0.00-3.00 0.00-3.00

Internalization of Beauty Ideals 2.94 .92 .87 8 1.00-5.00 1.00-5.00

Body Surveillance 4.32 1.08 .83 8 1.50-6.88 1.00-7.00

General Body Satisfaction 4.08 .76 .92 20 1.60-6.00 1.00-6.00

Group-Specific Body Satisfaction 4.32 .82 .71 4 1.75-6.00 1.00-6.00

Body Shame 3.29 1.21 .83 8 1.84-6.63 1.00-7.00

Appearance Anxiety 2.74 .62 .93 30 1.30-4.67 1.00-5.00

Depression 19.09 6.15 .86 10 10.00-37.00 10.00-70.00 Note: Alpha=Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficient.

Primary Analysis

Measurement model. The proposed measurement model consisted of two second-order factors (i.e., Asian American Cultural Values and Objectification) and seven variables (i.e.,

Internalization, Body Surveillance, General Body Satisfaction, Group-Specific Body

Satisfaction, Body Shame, Appearance Anxiety, and Depressive Symptoms). Prior to testing the full measurement model, confirmatory factor analyses (CFA) were conducted on each of the second-order factors to determine if the proposed number of first-order factors did represent the second-order factors. These analyses were performed to confirm Hypotheses 1 and 2 of the 78

current study, which proposed the latent variables of Asian American Cultural Values and

Objectification. That is, factor loadings for the latent variable Asian American Cultural Values were tested with the indicator variables Humility, Family Recognition, Conformity,

Collectivism, and Emotional Self-Control; and factor loadings for the latent variable

Objectification were tested with the indicator variables Sexualization, Foreigner, and Body

Evaluation.

Model fit was assessed by evaluating the factor loadings and path coefficients at the .05 level and by interpreting several fit indices. The Comparative Fit Index (CFI) and the Tucker-

Lewis Index (TLI) were examined such that values of .95 and above indicated that the model fit the data well (Hu & Bentler, 1999). The Root Mean Square Error of Approximation (RMSEA) was also interpreted with values of .05 or lower indicating that the model has good fit, .08 indicating reasonable fit, and .10 or higher indicating poor fit (Brown & Cudeck, 1993).

Additionally, the Standardized Root Mean Square Residual (SRMR) was reported with values

.08 or lower suggesting that the model has good fit (Hu & Bentler, 1998).

Hypothesized latent variable of Asian American Cultural Values. The results for the proposed first-order measurement model of Asian American Cultural Values indicate that the five-factor model did not fit the data well in terms of the CFI and TLI values (.85 and .84, respectively; see Table 7). To improve fit, it has been suggested that items with standardized factor loadings below .60 be dropped (Hair, Black, Babin & Anderson, 2010). The following items had standardized factor loadings below .60 and were deleted: Emotional Control 3,

Emotional Control 4, Emotional Control 6, Family Recognition 4, Family Recognition 13,

Family Recognition 14, Conformity 3, Conformity 5, Conformity 6, Conformity 7, Collectivism

4, Collectivism 6, and Collectivism 7. Note that Conformity 4 was left in the model, as Kline

(2011) recommended that latent constructs have at least three indicator variables.

Additionally, modification indices (MI) were examined to determine if each of the items was cross-loading onto each other. Indicator variables with high MI suggest that they cross-load onto other constructs and thus, do not have discriminant validity (Byrne, 2001). These items were also deleted. Based on the modification indices, nine items were dropped: Emotional

Control 5, Family Recognition 1, Family Recognition 2, Family Recognition 8, Family

Recognition 11, Family Recognition 12, Humility 2, Humility 3, Humility 5.

As shown in Table 6, the revised model fit well. A second-order measurement model was then tested, where the five first-order factors were made to load onto a second-order factor labeled, Asian American Cultural Values. This model, depicted in Figure 5, fit the data adequately. However, since the standardized loading of Humility was only .16 (see Figure 5), albeit statistically significant, Humility was dropped from the model. The change in chi-square from the five-factor model to the four-factor model was statistically significant, "!2(50) =

130.55, p < .001, thus indicating that the four-factor model (Emotional Self-Control, Family

Recognition, Conformity, and Collectivism) fit significantly better in measuring the latent variable of Asian American Cultural Values. Therefore, the four-factor model was retained and used in subsequent procedures.

Table 7

Chi-square Results and Goodness of Fit Indices for the Asian American Cultural Values

Measurement Models

First-Order Second-Order Index/Test Proposed Revised Five-Factor Four-Factor Chi-square 2481.31 379.74 448.07 317.52 Degrees of freedom 809.00 160.00 165.00 115.00 Sig. .00 .00 .00 .00 Tucker-Lewis index (TLI) .84 .94 .93 .94 Comparative fit index (CFI) .85 .95 .94 .95 Root mean squared error (RMSEA) .06 .05 .05 .05 90% confidence interval – lower .06 .04 .05 .05 90% confidence interval – upper .06 .05 .06 .06 Standardized root mean square residual .07 .05 .07 .05 (SRMR)

2 Note. At p < .001, critical ! crit (50) = 86.66.

Figure 5. Standardized coefficients for the five-factor Asian American Cultural Values model.

Hypothesized latent variable of Objectification. The results for the proposed measurement model of Objectification in Table 8 indicate that the three-factor model did not fit the data well in terms of the CFI and TLI. Thus, items with standardized factor loadings below

.60 (Hair et al., 2010) and items with high MI values were dropped for cross-loading (Byrne,

2001). The following items had standardized factor loadings below .60 and were deleted:

Foreigner 2, Foreigner 3, Foreigner 5, Foreigner 6, and Body Evaluation 3. Note that Foreigner 1 was left in the model despite a factor loading below .60; as indicated earlier, Kline (2011) recommended that latent constructs have at least three indicator variables. Based on the modification indices, five items were dropped: Body Evaluation 9, Body Evaluation 2, Body

Evaluation 7, Body Evaluation 4, Body Evaluation 6.

As shown in Table 8, the revised model fit well. The change in chi-square from the proposed model to revised model was statistically significant, "!2(145) = 920.55, p < .001, thus indicating that the revised model fit significantly better. A second-order measurement model was then tested, where the three first-order factors were made to load onto a second-order factor labeled, Objectification. This model, depicted in Figure 6, fit the data well. Therefore, the three- factor model was retained and used in subsequent procedures.

Table 8

Chi-square Results and Goodness of Fit Indices for the Objectification Measurement Models

First-Order Second- Index/Test Proposed Revised Order Chi-square 1064.30 143.75 143.75 Degrees of freedom 186.00 41.00 41.00 Sig. .00 .00 .00 Tucker-Lewis index (TLI) .85 .96 .96 Comparative fit index (CFI) .86 .97 .97 Root mean squared error (RMSEA) .09 .06 .06 90% confidence interval – lower .08 .05 .05 90% confidence interval – upper .09 .08 .08 Standardized root mean square residual (SRMR) .05 .05 .05

2 Note. At p < .001, critical ! crit (145) = 203.37.

Figure 6. Standardized coefficients for the three-factor Objectification model.

Convergent and Discriminant Validity of Constructs. The results for the full measurement model, which include both latent variables and observed variables, revealed that the model fit adequately, as all indices were in the adequate range (see Table 9). In addition, all indicators loaded on significantly to their respective constructs (see Table 10). The standardized factor loadings and correlations from this model were used to test the convergent and discriminant validity of the constructs.

Table 9

Chi-square Results and Goodness of Fit Indices for the Full Measurement Model

Index Value Chi-square 875.95 Degrees of freedom 476.00 Sig. .00 Tucker-Lewis index (TLI) .95 Comparative fit index (CFI) .96 Root mean squared error (RMSEA) .04 90% confidence interval – lower .03 90% confidence interval – upper .04 Standardized root mean square residual (SRMR) .04

The composite reliability and the average variance extracted were used to measure the convergent validity of constructs. Constructs have convergent validity when the composite reliability exceeds the criterion of .70 (Hair et al., 2010), and the average variance extracted is above .50 (Bagozzi, 1994). As shown in Table 11, with the exception of the Foreigner construct, the composite reliability for each of the constructs was above .70; reliabilities were acceptable and ranged from .76 to .88. The Foreigner construct had a composite reliability of .66, which was slightly below criterion, and thus not a very reliable measure. However, average variance extracted values were acceptable and ranged from .51 to .69 for all variables. Thus, with the exception of the Foreigner construct, all the constructs demonstrated good convergent validity.

Table 10

Convergent Validity for the Constructs

Construct SFL CR AVE Emotional control .79 .58 Emotional control 1 .65 Emotional control 2 .64 Emotional control 7 .81 Emotional control 8 .69 Family recognition .87 .60 Family recognition 3 .71 Family recognition 5 .80 Family recognition 6 .64 Family recognition 7 .76 Family recognition 9 .71 Family recognition 10 .70 Conformity .76 .59 Conformity 1 .73 Conformity 2 .86 Conformity 4 .53 Collectivism .84 .64 Collectivism 1 .69 Collectivism 2 .72 Collectivism 3 .82 Collectivism 5 .79 Body evaluation .88 .65 Body evaluation 1 .69 Body evaluation 5 .85 Body evaluation 8 .81 Body evaluation 10 .73 Body evaluation 11 .74

Construct SFL CR AVE

Foreigner .66 .51

Foreigner 1 .38

Foreigner 4 .67

Foreigner 7 .80

Sexualization .84 .69

Sexualization 1 .85

Sexualization 2 .86

Sexualization 3 .80

Note. SFL = standardized factor loading. CR = composite reliability. AVE = average variance extracted.

Discriminant validity was assessed by comparing the absolute value of the correlations between the constructs and the square root of the average variance extracted by a construct.

When the correlations are lower than the square root of the average variance extracted by a construct, these constructs demonstrate discriminant validity (Fornell & Larcker, 1981). The findings in Table 12 reveal that the square roots of the average variance extracted for all the constructs were equal to or higher than their correlations with other constructs. Thus, all constructs had discriminant validity.

! * Note 14 Depression 13 Appearance anxiety 12 Body shame 11 Specific body satisfaction 10 General body satisfaction 9 Surveillance 8 Internalization 7 Sexualization 6 Foreigner 5 Body evaluation 4 Collectivism 3 Conformity 2 Family recognition 1 Emotional control Discriminant Validity Results for the Full Measuremen Table

p < .05. . The the values of 11

Construct p < .01.

***

p square root of thesquare root average of variance extracted are on the diagonal; all other entries are the correlations. < .001.

- - - - .18 .19 .23 .21 .22 .05 .16 .04 .14 .05 .34 .26 .29 .76 1

*** *** *** *** *** *** * *** *** ***

- .06 .16 .20 .01 .06 .15 .25 .04 .14 .02 .38 .44 .77 2

*** *** *** *** * *** ***

------.01 .12 .15 .03 .07 .14 .25 .21 .07 .21 .30 .77 3

** *** ** *** *** *** *** t Model

- - .10 .07 .12 .05 .08 .03 .15 .03 .16 .05 .80 4

* ** *** **

.13 .10 .16 .04 .05 .24 .17 .71 .32 .81 5

** * *** *** *** *** ***

.19 .14 .19 .04 .02 .12 .05 .41 .72 6

*** ** *** * ***

- .17 .08 .13 .03 .03 .09 .03 .83 7

*** ** *

- - .24 .54 .46 .29 .43 .55

--- 8

*** *** *** *** *** ***

- - .26 .66 .54 .32 .44 --- 9

*** *** *** *** ***

- - - .46 .73 .56 .70 10 --- *** *** *** ***

- - - .38 .59 .35 11 ---

*** *** ***

.45 .69 12 ---

*** ***

.47

13 ---

***

Structural Model Analysis. The results for the structural model are depicted in Figure 7 and summarized in Tables 12 and 13. The model had adequate fit, as the TLI and CFI were close to .95, the RMSEA was low at .04, and the SRMR was acceptable at .06.

The standardized and unstandardized path coefficients are shown in Table 14 and reveal that only the paths between Asian American Cultural Values and Body Surveillance,

Objectification and Internalization, and Appearance Anxiety and Depression were not statistically significant. Otherwise, Asian American Cultural Values positively predicted

Internalization, # = .36, p = .002. Objectification positively predicted Body Surveillance, # = .13, p = .002.

In turn, Internalization positively predicted Body Surveillance, # = .54, p = .001, Body

Shame, # = .23, p = .001, and Appearance Anxiety, # = .25, p = .001. Internalization negatively predicted General Body Satisfaction, # = -.28, p = .001, and Group-Specific Body Satisfaction, #

= -.16, p = .001. Similarly, Body Surveillance positively predicted Body Shame, # = .42, p =

.001, and Appearance Anxiety, # = .52, p = .001. Body Surveillance negatively predicted

General Body Satisfaction, # = -.28, p = .002, and Group-Specific Body Satisfaction, # = -.24, p

= .002.

General Body Satisfaction negatively predicted depression, # = -.14, p = .018. Group-

Specific Body Satisfaction also negatively predicted depression, # = -.12, p = .025. Body Shame positively predicted depression, # = .24, p = .003.

Self Emotional - .06 -

Control

Foreigner Figure 7

Recognition .46

Family . Standardized path the coefficients proposed structural for model.

.63 .68

Objectification

Sexualization

American

Cultural Values Asian

.89 . 63

Conformity

.80 .54

Evaluation

Body

Collectivism

.13 .36

** **

- .11 .01 .01

Internalization Surveillance .54 Body ***

.16 ** *

.52 * .42 * - * - - .24 .28 .28

*** *** ** ** **

* .23

* .25 Group

Gener

** Satisfaction Appearance Satisfaction ***

Anxiety Shame

Body Body - al Body Specific

* - .14

* * .13 * .24 * -

.12

** *

Depression

Table 12

Chi-square Results and Goodness of Fit Indices for the Proposed Structural Model

Index Value Chi-square 1138.47 Degrees of freedom 536.00 Sig. .00 Tucker-Lewis index (TLI) .93 Comparative fit index (CFI) .94 Root mean squared error (RMSEA) .04 90% confidence interval – lower .04 90% confidence interval – upper .05 Standardized root mean square residual (SRMR) .06

Table 13

Unstandardized and Standardized Path Coefficients of the Proposed Structural Model

Path B SE # t Asian American cultural values to: Internalization .72 .13 .36 5.46 ** Body surveillance -.02 .11 -.01 -.21 Objectification to: Internalization .30 .12 .11 2.46 Body surveillance .42 .13 .13 3.24 ** Internalization to: Body surveillance .64 .04 .54 14.29 *** General body satisfaction -.23 .04 -.28 -6.62 *** Specific body satisfaction -.14 .04 -.16 -3.53 *** Appearance anxiety .17 .03 .25 7.27 *** Body shame .30 .05 .23 5.75 ** Body surveillance to: General body satisfaction -.20 .03 -.28 -6.81 ** Specific body satisfaction -.18 .04 -.24 -5.26 ** Appearance anxiety .30 .02 .52 15.17 *** Body shame .47 .04 .42 10.65 *** General body satisfaction to depression -1.14 .49 -.14 -2.40 * Specific body satisfaction to depression -.92 .43 -.12 -2.51 * Body shame to depression 1.22 .26 .24 5.01 ** Appearance anxiety to depression 1.24 .66 .13 2.13

Note. Bootstrapped standard errors are reported. * p < .05. ** p < .01. *** p < .001.

Moderator Role of Asian American Cultural Values. A mean composite for Asian

American Cultural Values was created. Thereafter, the sample was broken into two Cultural

Values groups via a median split. Respondents who scored 3.76 and below were categorized into the Low Cultural Values group (N=313). Those who scored 3.77 and above were classified into the High Cultural Values group (N=305). The structural model was then tested within the Low

Cultural Values group and tested again within the High Cultural Values group. Thereafter, tests of coefficient differences were conducted between the two groups.

Results. The structural model adequately fit the data of the Asian American respondents who had low Cultural Values scores as well as those who had high Cultural Values scores (as shown in Table 14; also see Figure 8). The findings in Table 15 reveal, however, that the path coefficients did not generally differ significantly across groups. The only coefficient that varied significantly across groups was that of the path between Body Shame and Depression, z = 2.15, p

< .05. In the low scoring group, the standardized coefficient was positive and statistically significant but in the high scoring group, the standardized coefficient was not statistically significant. Thus, it appears that Adherence to Asian American Cultural Values moderated the relationship between Body shame and Depression. However, Adherence to Asian American

Cultural Values did not moderate any of the other relationships.

Table 14

Chi-square Results and Goodness of Fit Indices for the Proposed Structural Model within the

Low and High Asian American Cultural Values Groups

Index Low High Chi-square 280.81 246.54 Degrees of freedom 118.00 118.00 Sig. .00 .00 Tucker-Lewis index (TLI) .92 .94 Comparative fit index (CFI) .94 .95 Root mean squared error (RMSEA) .07 .06 90% confidence interval – lower .06 .05 90% confidence interval – upper .08 .07 Standardized root mean square residual (SRMR) .06 .07

-.26** General Body Satisfaction

-.31*** *

-.03 * -.18** Group-Specific

** Foreigner Internalization Body -.22 Satisfaction * .01 -.25*** * .66

.15** Depression .76 .33*** Sexualization Objectification * * .52*** Body .89 Shame .49*** * Body .10 Evaluation Body

Surveillance .05 *

.23** * .54*** Appearance Anxiety

-.26** General Body Satisfaction

-.26** * -.25** *

-.12 Group-Specific

Foreigner Internalization Body -.03 Satisfaction * .22* -.22** * .58

.26** Depression .85 .11 Sexualization Objectification * * .50*** Body .88 Shame .35** * Body .19* Evaluation Body * Surveillance .20 *

.24** * .51*** Appearance Anxiety

Figure 8. Standardized path coefficients for the low scoring values group (top) and the high

* ** *** scoring values group (bottom); p < .05. p < .01. p < .001.

Table 15

Standardized Coefficients within the Low and High Asian American Cultural Values Groups

Low High Path B SE # B SE # z Objectification to: Internalization .02 .21 -.00 .59 .44 .22 * -1.18 Body surveillance .31 .20 .10 .61 .38 .19 * -.69 Internalization to: Body surveillance .62 .06 .52 *** .61 .07 .50 *** -.14 General body satisfaction -.20 .05 -.26 ** -.23 .06 -.26 ** .41 Group-specific body satisfaction -.16 .06 -.18 ** -.11 .06 -.12 -.57 Body shame .19 .07 .15 ** .36 .08 .26 ** -1.60 Appearance anxiety .15 .04 .23 ** .17 .04 .24 ** -.50 Body surveillance to: General body satisfaction -.21 .04 -.31 *** -.19 .04 -.26 ** -.29 Group-specific body satisfaction -.19 .05 -.25 *** -.17 .05 -.22 ** -.29 Body shame .52 .06 .49 *** .40 .06 .35 ** 1.47 Appearance anxiety .30 .03 .54 *** .30 .03 .51 *** -.10 General body satisfaction to depression -.28 .73 -.04 -2.03 .77 -.25 ** 1.66 Specific body satisfaction to depression -1.58 .60 -.22 ** -.27 .56 -.04 -1.59 Body shame to depression 1.70 .36 .33 *** .57 .38 .11 2.15 * Appearance anxiety to depression .49 .95 .05 2.08 .94 .20 * -1.19

Note. Bootstrapped standard errors are reported. * p < .05. ** p < .01. *** p < .001.

Summary of Findings

The results of this study confirmed several of the hypotheses that were proposed and were congruent to findings from previous studies. Firstly, this study’s results found that adherence to Asian American cultural values could be explained by such principles of conformity, collectivism, emotional self-control, family recognition through achievement, and humility (Hypothesis 1). Since humility was more weakly associated with the latent variable than the other factors, it was deleted to significantly improve model fit, and the four-factor model was used in subsequent analyses. Secondly, a three-factor model of the Objectification construct fit the data well and included discriminatory and derogatory experiences of being treated as an object of race and gender (Hypothesis 2).

Thirdly, greater adherence to Asian American cultural values was positively associated with internalization of dominant beauty ideals, which was also positively correlated to body shame, and negatively associated with group-specific and general body satisfaction, which was then significantly related to depression (Hypothesis 3a). However, while adherence to Asian

American cultural values was positively related to internalization of ideals, which was then positively related to body shame and appearance anxiety, appearance anxiety did not significantly predict depression. While it was not confirmed that adherence to Asian American cultural values was positively related to body surveillance directly (Hypothesis 3c), it was positively associated to body surveillance indirectly through the mediation of the internalization of dominant beauty ideals (Hypothesis 3b), which was then associated to the remaining meditational variables of the self-objectification process and ultimately depression.

Fourthly, experiences of objectification positively predicted body surveillance directly

(Hypothesis 4c) but not to internalization of body ideals (Hypothesis 4a, Hypothesis 4b) in

positively predicting body shame and appearance anxiety while negatively predicting group- specific and general body satisfaction. However, while body shame and both forms of body satisfaction significantly predicted depression as expected, appearance anxiety did not.

In summary, the more participants endorsed Asian American cultural values, the more they engaged in a self-objectification process that involved internalizing mainstream ideals of beauty, monitoring their body appearance, and feeling shame and less satisfaction with their bodies, which made them more likely to experience depression. In considering participants’ adherence to Asian cultural values, the internalization of mainstream body ideals was necessary to engaging in self-objectification. Similarly, the more participants endorsed experiencing objectifying events, the more they engaged in the self-objectification process, which predicted depression. However, internalization of mainstream body ideals was not a necessary link between experiencing objectifying events and engaging in other components of the self- objectification process. Furthermore, while the socialization experiences of adhering to Asian

American cultural values and facing objectification were associated with a greater likelihood of engaging in self-objectification including having appearance anxiety, appearance anxiety itself did not then predict depression as hypothesized.

Lastly, adherence to Asian American cultural values did not have a significant moderation effect on the relationships between objectification, self-objectification, and depression, as predicted (Hypothesis 5). However, those who reported lower adherence to Asian

American cultural values showed a more significantly positive association between body shame and depression than those who had higher adherence to Asian American cultural values.

The results of this study largely confirm the basic tenets of objectification theory, particularly the idea that significant socialization experiences are related to a self-objectification

process that has a negative psychological outcome. Furthermore, the current study was able to extend the theory to include racial and cultural factors in order to confirm applicability of the theory on Asian American women not previously demonstrated.

100

Chapter V

DISCUSSION

This chapter will elaborate on the study’s findings and their implications. A summary of the current study and theoretical rationale will be outlined followed by an expanded discussion on the study’s findings and limitations. Implications for future research, theory, and clinical practice will also be discussed. A concluding summary will present a general overview with closing statements.

Summary of the Current Research Study

Previous research on objectification theory has been predominantly studied in White, middle class, heterosexual women. The basic tenets propose that sexually objectifying events, such as the “male gaze” can lead to women’s self-objectification and subsequent psychological distress (e.g., depression, disordered eating, and sexual dysfunction; Fredrickson & Roberts,

1997). Continual exposure to being treated as objects can influence women to internalize this view—to self-objectify—and become preoccupied with their physical appearance. This theory has previously been used to explain body image disturbances. As research has expanded to observe objectification theory in diverse populations, findings have been mixed, and the self- objectification phenomenon was unsupported in some samples (Buchanan et al., 2008; Engeln-

Maddox et al., 2011; Grabe & Jackson, 2009). Accordingly, Moradi (2010) proposed an expanded model of this theory that lends room for gender and cultural considerations. Since group differences appeared to occur in reports of self-objectification, and the construct itself lacked some consistency in its measurement across studies, Moradi (2010) suggested that self- objectification be discussed as a process of mediating factors rather than measured as a single construct alone. Such mediating factors include body surveillance, body shame, internalization of

101

dominant cultural standards of beauty, appearance anxiety, and body dissatisfaction.

Furthermore, instead of observing sexual objectification as the primary precipitating factor, the proposed expanded framework included other “socialization experiences” such as racial discrimination and cultural identity conflicts in promoting self-objectification (Moradi, 2010).

The current study tested an extension of objectification theory on Asian American women based on this expanded framework and included such racial and cultural factors as racial microaggressions, adherence to Asian American cultural values, and group/race-specific body satisfaction.

Much of the extant literature on objectification theory focused on self-objectification and its psychological sequelae. The current research examined the whole theory including external objectification experiences, self-objectification, and mental health outcome. As stated previously, the theory was originally formulated based on the experiences of White women, and thus, sexual objectification was highlighted as the principal stressor, which neglected other forms of objectification. Similar to gender, race is also a socially constructed system based on physical features wherein racial minorities are subordinated. Thus, Asian American women may experience objectification beyond gender to include race. Historically, Asian American women have been sexualized as being exotic, docile, and subservient while also having sexual prowess

(Espiritu, 1994; Mok, 1998; Shah, 1997; Sue et al., 2007; Tien, 2000; Uchida, 1998).

Additionally, Asian Americans have reported experiences of being perceived as perpetual foreigners in the U.S., despite the their centuries old presence here (Devos & Banaji; 2005;

Huynh, Devos, & Smarlarz, 2001; Liang et al. 2004; Sue et al., 2007). The perpetual foreigner stereotype emphasizes Asian American’s departure from the dominant norm and homogenously groups them as “others” (e.g., “All Asians look alike”). These experiences may be considered

102

objectifying in that Asian Americans are treated with a denial of their subjectivity and considered interchangeable (Armenta et al., 2013). The current study theorized that the experience of being evaluated based on racialized physical features that connote “foreignness” or an “exotic other” is also a form of objectification alongside being sexualized, which can influence Asian American women to become self-conscious about their bodies. That is, they may objectify their own bodies not only as sexual beings but also as racial entities that deviate from mainstream norms and the dominant ideal of Whiteness.

Indeed, research has suggested that racial discrimination may heighten women of color’s awareness of how their physical appearance is evaluated by others (Fredrick et al., 2007; Neal &

Wilson, 1989; Root, 1990), and they may then devalue racial features, foods, rituals, and manners that differentiate them from mainstream society (Kaw, 1993; Kawamura, 2011; Root,

1995). Racially discriminatory experiences have also been related to negative body image (Iyer

& Haslam, 2003; Reddy & Crowther, 2007; Yokoyama, 2007; Yoo & Henderson, 2012).

Fredrickson and Roberts (1997) theorized that women and girls are continuously exposed to objectifying experiences, which can cumulatively result in self-objectification. Similarly, racial minorities are also exposed to daily forms of racism, the most insidious and pervasive of which are racial microaggressions (Sue et al., 2007). As ubiquitous as the “male gaze” is to sexual objectification of women, so are subtle displays of racial discrimination (i.e., racial microaggressions) to people of color. Due to the everyday nature of objectifying experiences, this study conceptualized them as gender and racial microaggressions, which included experiences of objectifying gazes, sexual jokes, remarks, and gestures, sexual exoticization, and messages that Asian Americans are not “true” Americans.

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Another socialization experience relevant to Asian American women is adherence to traditional Asian cultural values. These values include collectivism, conformity to norms, emotional self-control, humility, and family recognition through achievement (Kim et al; 2005).

Previous studies have suggested that adherence to these values have been associated with body dissatisfaction (Evans McConnell, 2003; Lau et al., 2006) and self-objectification (Tran, 2009).

Collectivist tendencies may influence Asian American women to value the interdependence of self and the dominant culture, which entails a drive to conform to mainstream ideals (Kawamura,

2011; Lau et al., 2006; Markus & Kitayama, 1991). Honoring the family through achievement may also pressure Asian American women to meet societal standards for beauty (Ting & Hwang,

2007), as physical attractiveness is necessary for social and economic success (Fredrickson &

Roberts, 1997; Striegel-Moore & Bulik, 2007). Emotional self-control and humility may manifest in Asian American women underreporting psychological distress and endorsing greater body dissatisfaction so as to appear modest (Lau et al., 2006). Although these principles are underrated in the U.S. and run contrary to dominant Western values of individuality and competition, they may coexist in Asian Americans and create a bicultural conflict (Lau et al.

2006). This conflict may elicit psychological distress in Asian Americans when already oppressive mainstream ideals, such as those of beauty, further devalue them. In examining the role that adherence to Asian American values plays in objectification theory, it is important to consider its link to the internalization of dominant ideals of beauty, which are both Eurocentric and thin, and thus, virtually unattainable.

Research that examined Asian cultural values illuminated some of the mixed findings on body image studies among Asian American women, which had previously suggested both lower body dissatisfaction (since there was less discrepancy between their actual body size and the thin

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ideal; Altabe, 1998) and comparable or greater body dissatisfaction to White women (Frederick et al., 2007; Sabik et al., 2010). Another explanatory factor considered in the research was race- specific body satisfaction. That is, discrepancies in the literature may exist because Asian

American women’s body satisfaction was being evaluated based on the concerns of White women—thinness. Asian American women may be more concerned with race-specific features such as their eyes, nose, and height, which are more immutable than weight (Koff et al., 2001;

Mintz & Kashubeck, 1999; Sabik et al., 2010). These features also emphasize their deviation from the Eurocentric beauty ideal, and may be more or equally relevant to Asian American women’s body image.

The present research extended objectification theory to include variables relevant to the lived experiences of Asian American women as described previously. The few studies that have tested components of objectification theory among Asian or Asian American women both support and refute their applicability to this population. For example, one study tested self- objectification and its link to depression in Asian American men and women and found no such association, nor significant gender differences, but they reported significantly lower levels of self-objectification than White women (Grabe & Jackson, 2009). Another study found that the positive relationship between body surveillance and body dissatisfaction was comparable between White and Asian American women, but the latter group reported significantly greater body dissatisfaction (Frederick et al., 2007). The limitations of these studies were that they focused on self-objectification, excluding the effect of objectifying or other socialization experiences, and examined Asian American women in comparison to their White counterparts, thereby neglecting relevant racial and cultural factors.

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Other studies that examined Asian or Asian American women, specifically, included culturally salient variables. A previous dissertation found that those who reported greater levels of adherence to Asian cultural values also reported greater internalization of dominant cultural standards of beauty and experienced greater body shame and surveillance (Tran, 2009). Research on South Korean women found that media exposure was directly linked to face size and shape surveillance rather than body surveillance. Media exposure was also associated with body shame and disordered eating through the mediating roles of face surveillance and the internalization of cultural standards of beauty (Kim et al., 2014). These two studies incorporated relevant socialization experiences such as adherence to Asian cultural values and media exposure, but the former limited its link to self-objectification and did not examine a mental health outcome, while the latter was specific to an Asian sample whose experiences may differ from Asian Americans

(i.e., exposure to interpersonal racism).

The present paper attempted to test all three major components of objectification theory as outlined by Moradi (2010) (i.e., socialization experiences, the self-objectification process, and a mental health outcome) and proposed an expanded theory. These socialization experiences included adherence to Asian American cultural values and objectification by race and gender, which may be particularly relevant experiences for Asian American women. These experiences were then linked to a self-objectification process that included internalization of dominant beauty ideals, body surveillance, body shame, race-specific and general body satisfaction, and appearance anxiety. The self-objectification process was then associated with the mental health outcome of depression. To date, this study is the first to examine all the major tenets of objectification theory in a sample of Asian American women and to theorize that objectification in this model could include both race- and gender-related experiences.

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Overview of the Major Findings

Extended theoretical model. The results of this study support the basic theoretical framework of objectification theory in that external socialization experiences are linked to an internal self-objectification process that is then associated with mental health issues. These findings specifically illustrate an extension of the theory (see theoretical model in Figure 3) that includes racial and cultural expansions of the socialization experiences and self-objectification process discussed in the following section.

Socialization experiences. Two socialization experiences were examined in this paper: objectification and adherence to Asian American cultural values. These two constructs were tested as latent variables, and confirmatory analyses suggested that they were adequately measured by their respective indicator variables. Specifically, objectification was explained by denigrating experiences of being sexualized and racialized through body evaluation, sexual exoticization, and perpetual foreigner racism. Examples of body evaluation included being leered at, overhearing inappropriate sexual comments or innuendoes about one’s body, and having one’s body parts gazed at while speaking. Perpetual foreigner racism included experiences of being told that “all Asians look alike” and that “you people are all the same.” Sexual exoticization depicted both race and gender in describing experiences of being seen as overly sexual or considered “exotic” in a sexual way due to one’s race. These factors share important underlying properties: 1) they capture interpersonal experiences of being reduced to racial and/or sexual entities; and 2) they are subtle or microaggressive in nature.

The extension of the original theory’s focus on sexual objectification to include objectification by race may be equally salient or inextricably tied to the former in the experiences of Asian American women. These quantitative results support findings from a recent qualitative

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study in which African American women described sexual objectification as including racist, sexist, and classist ideologies rooted in the historical context of slavery, sexualized images of

Black women, and patriarchal society (Watson et al., 2012). Furthermore, the current results suggest that objectification was positively correlated with body surveillance, which was then linked to other components of the self-objectification process, thereby supporting the theoretical framework. However, there was no significant association between objectification and the internalization of dominant beauty ideals.

The other socialization experience measured was adherence to Asian American cultural values, which was adequately explained by conformity to norms, collectivism, family recognition through achievement, emotional self-control, and humility. These results were consistent with the factorial structure that was first proposed in the construction of the Asian

American Values Scale-Multidimensional (Kim et al., 2005). However, while humility loaded onto the latent variable, it was relatively low and subsequently dropped, which significantly improved model fit for this study. These findings illustrate the distinct experience of endorsing traditional Asian cultural values in the face of mainstream ideals. As predicted, adherence to

Asian American cultural values was positively associated with the internalization of dominant ideals of beauty, which was subsequently linked to other components of the self-objectification process described below. Of note, there was no direct relationship between adherence to Asian

American cultural values and body surveillance, an often-used indicator of self-objectification in previous studies. This observation supports previous studies that suggest that the internalization of dominant beauty ideals is an important part of the self-objectification process when considering cultural variables (Kim et al., 2014; Moradi, 2010; Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011; Tran,

2009).

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Self-objectification process. As seen in previous studies, body surveillance, internalization of dominant cultural standards of beauty, body shame, and body satisfaction described a self-objectification process and were significant mediators between socialization experiences and depression. Specifically, internalization of dominant beauty ideals was positively associated with body surveillance, which was then positively linked to body shame and appearance anxiety and negatively associated with race-specific and general body satisfaction. These results are consistent with previous research, which showed links between body surveillance and body shame (Engeln-Maddox et al., 2011), internalization of dominant beauty ideals and body shame (Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011), and body surveillance and body satisfaction (Fredrick et al., 2007). Other examinations on women of color have found that using race-specific variables such as skin tone surveillance and satisfaction in African American women (Buchanan et al., 2008) and face surveillance and satisfaction among South Korean women (Kim et al., 2014), better explained relationships between objectification and negative psychological consequences than general body surveillance. However, this study found significant relationships incorporating both race-specific and general body satisfaction, which suggest that Asian American women are conscious of both features that make them racially different and those that are valued by mainstream society.

Mental health outcome. Present findings confirmed the original theory’s hypothesis that objectification or other socialization experiences linked to self-objectification, which then correlated to a mental health outcome. Specifically, the socialization experiences of adherence to

Asian American cultural values and objectification were associated with depression through the mediating role of self-objectification. However, while body surveillance and internalization of dominant beauty ideals were positively correlated with appearance anxiety, as hypothesized,

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appearance anxiety did not then link to depression. It may be that the other mediating variables of body shame and race-specific and general body satisfaction confounded the relationship between appearance anxiety and depression. These other variables may have also subsumed what was being measured by appearance anxiety. Nonetheless, while a previous study did not find a significant link between self-objectification and depression among Asian American women

(Grabe & Jackson, 2009), such a relationship exists with the inclusion of racial and cultural factors.

Adherence to Asian American cultural values as moderator. There was no evidence of a significant moderating role of adherence to Asian American cultural values on the experience of objectification and its link to the self-objectification process and depression. That is, the model fit the data well for both high and low levels of adherence to Asian American cultural values. However, in the low-scoring group, the link between body shame and depression was more significant than observed in the high-scoring group. Since adherence to Asian

American cultural values did not significantly moderate the relationships between objectification, self-objectification, and depression, it suggests that stronger ties to traditional values do not necessarily buffer nor exacerbate these experiences for Asian American women.

Much of the previous research on body image issues suggested that women of color are protected from appearance disturbances due to ties in their ethnic communities, which support beauty ideals that are more congruent to their actual bodies (Hebl & Heatherton, 1998; Molloy &

Herzberger, 1998; Rogers Wood & Petrie, 2008). However, more recent research suggested that stronger ethnic identity might worsen body concerns among Asian American women (Evans &

McConnell, 2003; Frederick et al; 2007). This study does not appear to support either view since

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objectifying experiences and self-objectification had damaging effects regardless of levels of ethnic identity as described by adherence to Asian American values.

Study Limitations

Findings from this paper must be considered carefully with the limitations described in this section. First, while the study sample included a diversity of ethnicities, they were not evenly distributed or representative of the population at large. That is, the majority of the participants were of East Asian, specifically Chinese (36.4%) and Korean descent (22.3%), while other ethnicities were below 10% of the total sample, making meaningful group comparisons unfeasible. While the Chinese population also makes up the greatest proportion of Asians in the

U.S. according to the 2010 Census (Hoeffel, Rastogi, Kim, & Shahid, 2012), Filipinos and Asian

Indians were the second and third largest groups, respectively, but were underrepresented in this study. The significant disparities in ethnic representation make it difficult to generalize results of this study to all Asian American subgroups. Second, the sexual orientation of study participants was predominantly heterosexual (83.3%), which also compromised the generalizability of the findings across sexual minority groups of Asian American women.

Third, the vast majority of the participants held bachelor degrees or higher (76.8%), which is greater than what was reported for Asian American women in the 2010 U.S. Census

(47.0%; Hoeffel et al., 2012). Thus, these results may not represent the experiences of Asian

American women with lower levels of educational attainment. Since most institutions of higher education in the U.S. are predominantly White, the participants of this study may have greater exposure to mainstream ideals and pressures than those with lower levels of educational attainment. Thus, it is possible that women of color with more years in higher education may face more conflicts between dominant sociocultural values and values from their racial/ethnic

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groups. The discrepancies in education levels reported in this study sample make it difficult to analyze group differences in this area.

Fourth, this study used the online data collection method, which allowed participants to self-select their participation in the study. It is possible that there was a tendency for certain individuals to respond to invitations to participate in this online research, while others disregarded it, causing a systematic bias. The sample was also limited to those who had access to computers, the Internet, and email membership to Asian American interest groups. Accordingly, the primary recruitment sources were Asian American organizations’ email listservs and a blog that discusses Asian American issues. These sources may draw participants who have strong ties to their racial/ethnic groups, whose racial identities are particularly salient, and/or are more aware of issues pertaining to Asian American women than the general target population.

Specifically, these participants may be especially sensitive to racially and sexually objectifying experiences.

Fifth, there were limitations to the utilization of the Perpetual Foreigner Racism (PFR) subscale in this study. The scale was modified for use by the current study to reflect reported frequencies of these experiences rather than the racism-related distress that the scale originally measured. In this way, the response ratings reflected similar frequency reports of the

Sexualization and Body Evaluation subscales used as factors for the latent construct of objectification. The items in this scale were originally formulated by a focus group of 8 Asian

Americans based on commonly reported experiences of racial discrimination in extant literature

(Liang et al., 2004). It is possible that these items were created with distress in mind, and as such, there may be other ways in which Asian Americans experience being perceived as perpetual foreigners that were not reflected in the scale. For example, being stared at due to their

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race or hearing comments about typically Asian physical features, may also be experiences in which Asian Americans are made to feel like foreigners in their own land.

The two items from the PFR subscale that had significant loadings onto the objectification latent variable included “Someone tells you that all Asian people look alike” and

“Someone tells you that ‘you people are all the same,’” which have an underlying appearance- based evaluation and implies interchangeability shared by the other factors measuring objectification. A third item, which did not have significant loading, was included in the

Foreigner construct, since latent constructs are recommended to have at least 3 indicator variables (Kline, 2011). While the Cronbach’s alpha for the adapted full PFR scale was .74, indicating acceptable internal consistency, the composite reliability (CR) of the 3-item Foreigner construct decreased to .66, which compromised its convergent validity with the other factors.

Thus, this 3-item scale was not a very reliable measure. Since the CR was only .04 below the criterion of .70, the construct was left in the model, though it leaves room to question the theoretical relatedness between all three factors. Arguably, the other two factors, Sexualization and Body Evaluation, more clearly demonstrate their theoretical consistency in that they both describe experiences of being sexually objectified due to race and gender.

Implications for Future Research, Theory, and Practice

Research and theoretical implications. This paper is a significant contribution to objectification theory. It supports the idea that objectifying events can lead to self-objectification and poorer mental health outcomes. More importantly, it demonstrated the need to include racially and culturally relevant factors when testing the theory in diverse populations. There are several future directions in this research area. Prospective studies could examine other socialization experiences such as internalized racism, peer and familial pressures regarding body

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appearance, and exposure to environmental microaggressions. Additionally, adherence to Asian

American values did not significantly moderate the relationships between objectification, self- objectification, and depressive symptoms among Asian American women. Thus, it may be worthwhile to study other moderator variables such as peer or familial support, the latter of which has shown to buffer the relationship between everyday discrimination and depression among Asian Americans (Chae et al., 2012; Tummala-Narra, Alegria, & Chen, 2012).

The theory can be extended further to consider other correlates of objectification and self- objectification beyond mental health outcomes. Since reduced psychological flow was a suggested consequence of objectifying events (Frederick & Roberts, 1997; Quinn, Chaudoir, &

Kallen, 2011), future studies may investigate outcomes such as educational and vocational achievement or performance. Furthermore, Asian American women are a heterogeneous group with diversity in ethnicity, gender identity, sexual orientation, ability, social class, generational status, and other identities. As such, when studying subgroups of this population, it will be important to examine them separately in order to include other cultural variables that are particularly salient to them. Finally, there remains a dearth of research on women of color in this area and body image literature. As depicted in this paper, the few studies that exist examine the experiences of African American women, which have paved the way for subsequent examinations in other minority groups. Asian American women’s experiences reported presently illustrate the unique experiences of other women of color, and future research must include racial and ethnic minority women who continue to occupy the margins.

Few studies of objectification theory tested the framework on men of color, which is another future direction in this work. Although one study found comparably low levels of self- objectification between Asian American men and women when compared to White women

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(Grabe & Jackson, 2009), further investigation may elucidate possible differences. Among racial stereotypes experienced by Asian American men as reported in a recent qualitative study (Wong,

Owen, Tran, Collins, & Higgins, 2012), unflattering physical attributes, physical ability distortions, perpetual foreigner status, and sexual/romantic inadequacies were described.

Outsider stereotypes were related to higher levels of depressive symptoms. Awareness or internalization of these stereotypes can arguably influence Asian American men to become conscious of their bodies.

The present study not only confirms objectification theory, but it also has implications for intersectionality research. The inclusion of gender, racial, and cultural variables demonstrated intersectionality as defined by the interaction of two or more social identities that shapes qualitatively different experiences for an individual than any one social identity alone (Warner,

2008). This investigation is the first quantitative study to conceptualize objectification as both race- and gender- related experiences in a single construct rather than as separate variables. It is supported by the perspective that experiences of women of color should be explored from an integrative point of view and not an additive one where identities are simply aggregated onto each other; “Black women are not White women plus color, or Black men plus gender” (p.7,

Wing, 2000). For example, “gendered racism” was coined to describe sexism and racism intermingling to create one hybrid phenomenon (Essed, 1991). However, since the perpetual foreigner racism construct demonstrated relatively weak convergent validity with the other objectification indicators, it can be argued that sexual objectification and racial objectification may interact but need to be examined separately in future studies. If objectification was to be measured again as a single latent construct, future investigations may consider the use of potentially stronger indicators, such as those that measure racial teasing or discrimination based

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on appearance. Prospective research may also include construction of a scale that measures objectification based on dehumanizing race- and gender- based experiences.

This research also supports microaggressions research and the incorporation of such in future investigations of objectification theory. Objectification was measured by scales that were either specifically developed on racial microaggression literature (i.e., the Sexualization subscale of the RMAS) or were congruent with reported experiences of racial and gender microaggressions (i.e., Perpetual Foreigner Racism and Body Evaluation subscales). They all share the subtle, everyday, and derogatory qualities that defined the phenomenon experienced by marginalized groups (Capodilupo et al., 2011; Sue et al., 2007). Even though these experiences are covert and often unintentionally perpetrated, they are also chronic and can have a cumulative effect over time as evidenced in this paper. Microaggressions may be particularly relevant to objectification theory when examining trait levels of self-objectification. Although other research has demonstrated that state levels of self-objectification may be activated by the singular event of wearing a bathing suit or speedo (Fredrickson, Roberts, Noll, Quinn, & Twenge, 1998, Hebl et al., 2004), sustained daily exposure to objectifying events can predict self-objectification that also remains stable over time or across circumstances. Thus, future research in objectification theory may investigate other microaggressive experiences relevant to specific populations when examining correlates to self-objectification.

Clinical practice implications. This study’s outcomes have implications for mental health providers. When working with diverse populations it is important to receive multicultural training and education in order to develop cultural competence. Adequate treatment and care requires practitioners to be continually self-aware of their biases, increase their knowledge of multicultural issues, and acquire culturally appropriate skills (Sue & Sue, 2013). Asian

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Americans have historically underutilized mental health services, and when they do, they tend to terminate prematurely. Barriers to help-seeking include minimization of problems, uncertainty about treatment credibility, shame, stigma, value conflicts, and lack of awareness or access to services (Leong & Lau, 2001). Thus, provision of culturally valid assessment and therapy is paramount to working with Asian Americans.

This research paper contributes to the understanding of Asian American women’s experiences. In general, it is important to consider the contextual background of Asian American women such as the socialization experiences described in this study. In this way, the conceptualization of a client’s presenting issue is not limited to intrapsychic conflicts but include the deleterious effects of external or interpersonal stressors. For example, when working with

Asian American women who present with body image disturbances, it is important to explore their experiences of objectification as both racialized and sexualized beings. Also, body dissatisfaction may not be limited to weight-related concerns, and other physical features that are typically devalued in mainstream society may need particular attention. Accordingly, disordered eating may not simply be due to dissatisfaction with weight or appearance but could also be a maladaptive coping mechanism for oppressive structures that subordinate Asian American women’s racial identities. In addition, examining objectification and self-objectification may still be important when working with Asian American women who present with non-body image related issues such as depression. Body image concerns, which may contribute to psychological distress, can go undetected because women have internalized the idea that worrying about their appearance is what they ought to do.

While, adherence to Asian American cultural values was linked to self-objectification, which was associated with depression, it is important to note that the internalization of dominant

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beauty ideals was a significant mediator to other forms of self-objectification (e.g., body shame, body dissatisfaction, and appearance anxiety) and was not directly linked to body surveillance.

Thus, adherence to Asian American cultural values should not be pathologized as a predictor of psychological distress, since it is through its relationship to the internalization of mainstream values that it appears to be problematic. While adhering to values such as conformity and collectivism may predispose Asian American women to endorse mainstream ideals, these ideals are in itself harmful in its glorification of both Whiteness and thinness. Mental health providers should be sensitive to the bi-cultural conflict that arises from internalizing both traditional values that appreciate one’s race and dominant values that inherently denigrate it. It is important to examine messages from both mainstream and traditional cultures to understand Asian American women and their experiences.

Conclusion

Objectification theory was developed to examine the experiences of women in the United

States, but its applicability has been challenged over time when used to study diverse populations. This study extended the original framework to include racial and cultural factors in describing the unique experiences of Asian American women. Objectifying experiences were expanded to include both racially and sexually denigrating events, which predicted a self- objectification process that was linked to depressive symptoms. Adherence to Asian American cultural values did not buffer or exacerbate these relationships. Rather, adherence to Asian

American cultural values was also linked to depression through the mediating role of self- objectification, particularly the internalization of dominant cultural standards of beauty. Thus, racial and sexual objectification and cultural conflicts are significant predictors of appearance concerns for Asian American women. This manuscript further elucidates contributing factors to

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body image issues and depression among Asian American women not previously understood. It supports an extended model of objectification theory and provides a basis for future research objectives. Results from this research elucidate the complexity of Asian American women’s experiences for consideration in both research literature and provision of mental health services.

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Appendix A

Demographics Form

What is your sex? Female Male

Are you a U.S. citizen or permanent resident? Yes No

What is your age?

What is your ethnicity?

How many years have you been living in the United States?

What is your highest level of education completed? Some high school GED High school graduate College graduate Association’s degree Some College Master’s or professional degree Doctorate

What is your sexual orientation?

What is your height?

What is your weight?

BMI calculated by researcher

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Appendix B

Perpetual Foreigner Racism (Adapted from Liang, Li, & Kim, 2004)

Instructions: Please recall if each of these items happened to you in the past and indicate how often.

0 1 2 3 Never A little/Rarely Sometimes/A Moderate Amount Often/Frequently

1. You are told that “you speak English so well.”

2. You are asked where you are really from.

3. Someone asks you if all your friends are Asian Americans.

4. Someone tells you that all Asian people look alike.

5. Someone asks you what your real name is.

6. Someone you do not know speaks slow and loud at you.

7. Someone tells you that “you people are all the same.”

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Appendix C

Sexualization Subscale (RMAS; Torres-Harding, Andrade, Jr., & Diaz, 2012)

Please indicate how often you have encountered each of the following items:

1. People suggest that I am “exotic” in a sexual way because of my race. 0 1 2 3 Never A little/Rarely Sometimes/A Moderate Amount Often/Frequently

2. Other people view me in an overly sexual way because of my race. 0 1 2 3 Never A little/Rarely Sometimes/A Moderate Amount Often/Frequently

3. Other people hold sexual stereotypes about me because of my racial background. 0 1 2 3 Never A little/Rarely Sometimes/A Moderate Amount Often/Frequently

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Appendix D

Body Evaluation Subscale (ISOS; Kozee, Tylka, Augustus-Horvath, & Denchik, 2007)

Instructions: Please circle how frequently you have encountered the following experiences in the past year.

1. How often have you been whistled at while walking down a street? 1 2 3 4 5 Never Rarely Occasionally Frequently Almost Always

2. How often have you noticed someone staring at your breasts when you are talking to them? 1 2 3 4 5 Never Rarely Occasionally Frequently Almost Always

3. How often have you felt like or known that someone was evaluating your physical appearance? 1 2 3 4 5 Never Rarely Occasionally Frequently Almost Always

4. How often have you felt that someone was staring at your body? 1 2 3 4 5 Never Rarely Occasionally Frequently Almost Always

5. How often have you noticed someone leering at your body? 1 2 3 4 5 Never Rarely Occasionally Frequently Almost Always

6. How often have you heard a rude, sexual remark made about your body? 1 2 3 4 5 Never Rarely Occasionally Frequently Almost Always

7. How often have you been honked at when you were walking down the street? 1 2 3 4 5 Never Rarely Occasionally Frequently Almost Always

8. How often have you seen someone stare at one or more of your body parts? 1 2 3 4 5 Never Rarely Occasionally Frequently Almost Always

9. How often have you overheard inappropriate sexual comments made about your body? 1 2 3 4 5 Never Rarely Occasionally Frequently Almost Always

10. How often have you noticed that someone was not listening to what you were saying, but instead gazing at your body or body part?

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1 2 3 4 5 Never Rarely Occasionally Frequently Almost Always

11. How often have you heard someone make sexual comments or innuendos when noticing your body? 1 2 3 4 5 Never Rarely Occasionally Frequently Almost Always

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Appendix E

Collectivism Subscale (AAVS; Kim et al., 2005)

Instructions: Please circle the response that best reflects your beliefs.

1. The welfare of the group should be put before that of the individual. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

2. One’s efforts should be directed toward maintaining the well-being of the group first and the individual second. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

3. One’s personal needs should be second to the needs of the group. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

4. The needs of the community should supersede those of the individual. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

5. One need not always consider the needs of the group first. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

6. The group should be less important than the individual. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

7. One need not sacrifice oneself for the benefit of the group. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

Conformity to Norms Subscale

1. One should recognize and adhere to the social expectations, norms, and practices. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

2. One should adhere to the values, beliefs, and behaviors that one’s society considers normal and acceptable.

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1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

3. Conforming to norms provides one with identity. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

4. One need not blend in with society. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

5. Conforming to norms is the safest path to travel. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

6. Conforming to norms provides order in the community. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

7. One should not do something that is outside of the norm. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

Emotional Self-Control Subscale

1. It is better to show emotions than to suffer quietly. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

2. One should be expressive with one’s feelings. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

3. Openly expressing one’s emotions is a sign of strength. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

4. It is better to hold one’s emotions inside than to burden others by expressing them. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

5. It is more important to behave appropriately than to act on what one is feeling. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

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6. One should not express strong emotions. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

7. One’s emotional needs are less important than fulfilling one’s responsibilities. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

8. One should not act based on emotions. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

Family Recognition Through Achievement Subscale

1. One should achieve academically since it reflects on one’s family. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

2. Succeeding occupationally is an important way of making one’s family proud. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

3. Getting into a good school reflects well on one’s family. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

4. Failing academically brings shame to one’s family. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

5. One should go as far as one can academically and professionally on behalf of one’s family. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

6. One’s academic and occupational reputation reflects the family’s reputation. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

7. Academic achievement should be highly valued among family members. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

8. One’s achievement and status reflect on the whole family. 1 2 3 4

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Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

9. Making achievements is an important way to show one’s appreciation for one’s family. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

10. One’s educational success is a sign of personal and familial character. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

11. One should work hard so that one won’t be a disappointment to one’s family. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

12. It is one’s duty to bring praise through achievement to one’s family. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

13. Receiving awards for excellence need not reflect well on one’s family. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

14. Children’s achievements need not bring honor to their parents. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

Humility Subscale

1. One should be able to brag about one’s achievements. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

2. One should be able to boast about one’s achievement. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

3. One should not sing one’s own praises. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

4. One should not openly talk about one’s accomplishments. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

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5. One should be able to draw attention to one’s accomplishments. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

6. Being boastful should not be a sign of one’s weakness and insecurity. 1 2 3 4 Strongly Disagree Disagree Agree Strongly Agree

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Appendix F

Internalization of Societal Beauty Standards (SATAQ-1; Heinberg, et al, 1995).

Instructions: Please circle the answer that best reflects your beliefs.

1) Women who appear in TV shows and movies project the type of appearance that I see as my goal. 1 2 3 4 5 completely disagree neither agree nor disagree completely agree

2) I believe that clothes look better on thin models. 1 2 3 4 5 completely disagree neither agree nor disagree completely agree

3) Music videos that show thin women make me wish that I were thin. 1 2 3 4 5 completely disagree neither agree nor disagree completely agree

4) I do not wish to look like the models in the magazines. 1 2 3 4 5 completely disagree neither agree nor disagree completely agree

5) I tend to compare my body to people in magazines and on TV. 1 2 3 4 5 completely disagree neither agree nor disagree completely agree

6) Photographs of thin women make me wish I were thin. 1 2 3 4 5 completely disagree neither agree nor disagree completely agree 7) I wish I looked like a swimsuit model. 1 2 3 4 5 completely disagree neither agree nor disagree completely agree

8) I often read magazines like Cosmopolitan, Vogue, and Glamour and compare my appearance to the models. 1 2 3 4 5 completely disagree neither agree nor disagree completely agree

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Appendix G

Body Self-Surveillance Subscale (OBCS; McKinley & Hyde, 1996)

1. I rarely think about how I look. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7