Ethical and Practical Matters in the Academic Use of Crowdsourcing
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Recordkeeping Requirements Under the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA)
U.S. Department of Labor Wage and Hour Division (Revised July 2008) Fact Sheet #21: Recordkeeping Requirements under the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) This fact sheet provides a summary of the FLSA's recordkeeping regulations, 29 CFR Part 516. Records To Be Kept By Employers Highlights: The FLSA sets minimum wage, overtime pay, recordkeeping, and youth employment standards for employment subject to its provisions. Unless exempt, covered employees must be paid at least the minimum wage and not less than one and one-half times their regular rates of pay for overtime hours worked. Posting: Employers must display an official poster outlining the provisions of the Act, available at no cost from local offices of the Wage and Hour Division and toll-free, by calling 1-866-4USWage (1-866-487-9243). This poster is also available electronically for downloading and printing at http://www.dol.gov/osbp/sbrefa/poster/main.htm. What Records Are Required: Every covered employer must keep certain records for each non-exempt worker. The Act requires no particular form for the records, but does require that the records include certain identifying information about the employee and data about the hours worked and the wages earned. The law requires this information to be accurate. The following is a listing of the basic records that an employer must maintain: 1. Employee's full name and social security number. 2. Address, including zip code. 3. Birth date, if younger than 19. 4. Sex and occupation. 5. Time and day of week when employee's workweek begins. 6. -
The Shifting Boundaries of Capitalism and the Conflict of Surplus Value Appropriation Within the Gig Economy
The Shifting Boundaries of Capitalism and the Conflict of Surplus Value Appropriation within the Gig Economy. Abstract This chapter addresses the two important themes that we believe characterise how the platform- based gig economy operates. The first of the two themes explores the shifting boundaries of the triangular business model and its place within the wider, evolving capitalist structure. The triangular business model is the foundation of the platform-based gig economy and consists of the digital platform, the producer/worker and the end consumer. The digital platform acts as the intermediary and provides a market for exchange of goods and services between the workers and the end consumers. The fluidity of the triangular relationship has left the platform- based gig economy beyond the reach of the traditional neoliberal regulatory system leading to the blurring of employee and employer relations. The second theme is based on the exploration and application of the Marxist concept of surplus value creation and its appropriation within the gig structure. Here we seek to show the exploitation of the worker as a participant in the triangular business model. Given that the worker bears the majority of the entrepreneurial risk and provides capital they ought to receive a proportion of the surplus value created from the transaction. We have established the increasing dominance of platforms within the triangular business model and the enhanced scope for exploitation of workers in form of poor remuneration standards due to employee status ambiguity and the appropriation of a disproportionate amount of surplus value flowing to the platform owners. Key words Gig economy, surplus value, Marxism, triangular business model, exploitation of workers Introduction We are in the midst of a seismic reorganisation of the global economy, characterised by the emergence of a ‘digital platform economy’ which has consequently changed the way we work, socialise and create value in the economy. -
The Cultural Work of Microwork
Article new media & society 0(0) 1–21 © THe AutHor(s) 2013 The cultural work of Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uK/journalsPermissions.nav microwork DOI: 10.1177/1461444813511926 nms.sagepub.com Lilly Irani UC San Diego, USA Abstract This paper focuses on Amazon MecHanical TurK as an emblematic case of microworK crowdsourcing. New media studies researcH on crowdsourcing Has focused on questions of fair treatment of worKers, creativity of microlabor, and the ethics of microwork. THis paper argues tHat tHe divisions of labors and mediations of software interfaces made possible by sociotecHnical systems of microworK also do cultural worK in new media production. This paper draws from infrastructure studies and feminist science and tecHnology studies to examine Amazon MecHanical TurK and tHe Kinds of worKers and employers produced througH the practices associated with the system. Crowdsourcing systems, we will show, are mechanisms not only for getting tasks done, but for producing difference between “innovative” laborers and menial laborers and ameliorating resulting tensions in cultures of new media production. Keywords cloud computing, crowdsourcing, entrepreneurialism, gender, infrastructure, invisible worK, labor, peer production, subjectivities Introduction You’ve heard of software-as-a-service. Well this is human-as-a-service. – Jeff Bezos announcing Amazon Mechanical Turk in 2006 Corresponding author[AQ: 1] Lilly Irani, Department of Communication, UC San Diego, 9500 Gilman Dr. La Jolla, CA 92093-0503, USA. Email: [email protected] 2 new media & society 0(0) In 2006, CEO of Amazon Jeff Bezos addressed an auditorium of technologists, reporters, and professors had assembled at MIT to hear “what’s next,” informing investments of capital and research agendas. -
Microworkers’ Emerging Bonds of Attachment in A
Paper accepted for publication in Work, Employment and Society, December 2019 ‘If he just knew who we were’: Microworkers’ emerging bonds of attachment in a fragmented employment relationship Niki Panteli Royal Holloway, University of London Andriana Rapti University of Nicosia, Cyprus Dora Scholarios University of Strathclyde, Glasgow 1 Abstract Using the lens of attachment, we explore microworkers’ views of their employment relationship. Microwork comprises short-term, task-focused exchanges with large numbers of end-users (requesters), implying transitory and transactional relationships. Other key parties, however, include the platform which digitally meditates worker-requester relationships and the online microworker community. We explore the nature of attachment with these parties and the implications for microworkers’ employment experiences. Using data from a workers’ campaign directed at Amazon Mechanical Turk and CEO Jeff Bezos, we demonstrate multiple, dynamic bonds, primarily, acquiescence and instrumental bonds towards requesters and the platform, and identification with the online community. Microworkers also expressed dedication towards the platform. We consider how attachment buffers the exploitative employment relationship and how community bonds mobilise collective worker voice. Keywords: attachment, bonds, digital labour, digital platform, employment relationship, gig economy, gig work, identification, microworkers, platform labour, work attachment, worker voice Corresponding Author: Dora Scholarios, Department of Work, Employment & Organisation, Strathclyde Business School, 199 Cathedral Street, Glasgow, G4 8QU. email: [email protected] 2 Introduction On-demand digital labour is a pervasive aspect of employment in today’s gig economy (Howcroft and Bergvall-Kareborn, 2018; Wood et al., 2018a). This article focuses on one type of digital labour – online task crowdwork - which involves paid micro-tasks, or Human Intelligence Tasks (HITs), disseminated through digital platforms and requested by either individuals or companies. -
Real Wages Once More: a Response to Judy Stephenson
Real Wages Once More: A Response to Judy Stephenson Robert C. Allen Working Paper # 0006 July 2017 Division of Social Science Working Paper Series New York University Abu Dhabi, Saadiyat Island P.O Box 129188, Abu Dhabi, UAE https://nyuad.nyu.edu/en/academics/divisions/social-science.html Real Wages Once More: A Response to Judy Stephenson By Robert C. Allen Global Distinguished Professor of Economic History New York University Abu Dhabi Saadiyat Island Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates Senior Research Fellow Nuffield College New Road Oxford OX1 1NF United Kingdom July 2017 Abstract Judy Stephenson’s claim that institutional wage series like of those Greenwich Hospital overstate the earnings of building workers by 20-30% is examined, and, it is argued here, the conclusion is unpersuasive. Whatever adjustments to existing wage series are necessary in view of her new evidence would have no significant implications for real wages in England compared to the rest of the world. Consequently, Judy Stephenson’s findings do not call into question the high wage high wage explanation of the Industrial Revolution. Economists and historians have collected long time series of wages and prices for England, and these have been used to measure changes in the standard of living of workers. The original approach was simply to compare an index of wages to an index of prices (roughly weighted to reflect spending) to see if the resulting real wage ratio went up or down.1 More recent approaches have tried to extract more information from the data by estimating annual earnings and comparing them to the annual cost of subsistence. -
Subcontracting Microwork CHI 2017 Submission
Subcontracting Microwork Meredith Ringel Morris1, Jeffrey P. Bigham2, Robin Brewer3, Jonathan Bragg4, Anand Kulkarni5, Jessie Li2, and Saiph Savage6 1Microsoft Research, Redmond, WA, USA 2Carnegie Mellon University, Pittsburgh, PA, USA 3Northwestern University, Evanston, IL, USA 4University of Washington, Seattle, WA, USA 5University of California, Berkeley, CA, USA 6West Virginia University, Morgantown, WV, USA [email protected], {bigham, jessieli}@cs.cmu.edu, [email protected], [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] ABSTRACT scientific enterprises [10, 11], and community or volunteer Mainstream crowdwork platforms treat microtasks as ventures [5]. Mainstream crowdwork platforms treat indivisible units; however, in this article, we propose that microtasks (also called human intelligence tasks or HITs) as there is value in re-examining this assumption. We argue that indivisible units; however, we propose that there is value in crowdwork platforms can improve their value proposition re-examining this assumption. We argue that crowdwork for all stakeholders by supporting subcontracting within platforms can improve their value proposition for all microtasks. After describing the value proposition of stakeholders by supporting subcontracting within subcontracting, we then define three models for microtask microtasks, i.e. outsourcing one or more aspects of a subcontracting: real-time assistance, task management, and microtask to additional workers. task improvement, and reflect on potential use cases -
2020 Annual Report Contents
Real world AI 2020 Annual Report Contents 2 What we do 3 Why we do it 4 Making AI work in the real world 10 Capturing the market opportunity 12 2020 highlights 14 Chairman’s message 16 CEO’s message 18 Our competitive advantage 19 Our strategic priorities 20 How we create value 22 Global crowd Artificial 24 Appen employees 26 Technology, processes, systems 28 Customer and brand 30 Financial 32 Social and environment intelligence... 36 Identifying and managing risk 44 Our approach to governance 46 Board of Directors 48 Executive Team Appen makes AI work in the real world by 50 Directors’ report 58 Remuneration report delivering high-quality training data at scale. 72 Lead auditor’s independence declaration Training data is used to build and continuously 73 Financial report 128 Directors’ declaration improve the world’s most innovative AI 129 Independent auditor’s report enhanced systems and services. 133 Additional information 136 Corporate directory Our clients include the world’s largest technology companies, global leaders in automotive, financial services, retail and healthcare, and government agencies. ...informed by Appen. About this report We have used the International Integrated Reporting Council (IIRC) <IR> Framework and the Sustainability Accounting Standards Board (SASB) Standards to guide our disclosures on how Appen creates value and which topics are financially material to our business. Appen Limited ABN 60 138 878 298 Appen 2020 Annual Report 1 Contents 2 What we do 3 Why we do it 4 Making AI work in the real world 10 Capturing the market opportunity 12 2020 highlights 14 Chairman’s message 16 CEO’s message 18 Our competitive advantage 19 Our strategic priorities 20 How we create value 22 Global crowd Artificial 24 Appen employees 26 Technology, processes, systems 28 Customer and brand 30 Financial 32 Social and environment intelligence.. -
Design Activism for Minimum Wage Crowd Work
Design Activism for Minimum Wage Crowd Work Akash Mankar Riddhi J. Shah Matthew Lease National Instruments Rackspace School of Information Austin, TX USA Austin, TX USA University of Texas at Austin [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] Abstract required to compensate workers according to local mini- mum wage laws. Would any Requesters support such a pol- Entry-level crowd work is often reported to pay less than min- icy? Would any workers support being blocked from tasks imum wage. While this may be appropriate or even necessary, due to various legal, economic, and pragmatic factors, some that did not meet this wage restriction in their local region? Requesters and workers continue to question this status quo. Would workers in different regions have different views? To promote further discussion on the issue, we survey Re- As inspiration, Turkopticon (Irani and Silberman 2013)’s questers and workers whether they would support restricting design activism both provided functional enhancements on tasks to require minimum wage pay. As a form of design ac- AMT, helping mitigate power disparities, but also provoked tivism, we confronted workers with this dilemma directly by discussion and disrupt common rhetoric of technocentric op- posting a dummy Mechanical Turk task which told them that timism surrounding crowd-powered systems. In this work, they could not work on it because it paid less than their local we survey workers and Requesters, and to be more provoca- minimum wage, and we invited their feedback. Strikingly, for tive, we created a dummy Mechanical Turk task in which those workers expressing an opinion, two-thirds of Indians workers were told after accepting the task that they could favored the policy while two-thirds of Americans opposed it. -
Alabama Law Review
File: CHERRY_working for minimum wage_FINAL2.docCreated on: 8/19/2009 2:36:00 PM Last Printed: 9/9/2009 9:39:00 AM ALABAMA LAW REVIEW Volume 60 2009 Number 5 WORKING FOR (VIRTUALLY) MINIMUM WAGE: APPLYING THE FAIR LABOR STANDARDS ACT IN CYBERSPACE Miriam A. Cherry* INTRODUCTION ................................................................. 1077 I. LABOR MARKETS IN CYBERSPACE ........................................ 1083 II. VIRTUAL WORK AND THE FAIR LABOR STANDARDS ACT ............ 1092 A. Low Wage Work in the Virtual World .............................. 1093 B. Future Issues to Consider in Potential FLSA Litigation .......... 1095 1. Employees versus Independent Contractors ................... 1096 2. Volunteers, and the Work versus Leisure Distinction ........ 1098 III. EXTENSION OF THE FLSA TO VIRTUAL WORK ....................... 1105 CONCLUSION .................................................................... 1109 INTRODUCTION When Congress passed the Fair Labor Standards Act (“FLSA”)1 in 1938 to help relieve the downward spiral of wages in the Great Depres- sion, America’s workers commonly showed up to an employer’s place of * Associate Professor of Law, University of the Pacific, McGeorge School of Law; B.A., 1996, Dartmouth College; J.D., 1999, Harvard Law School. I wish to acknowledge Gerald Caplan, Julie Davies, Frank Gevurtz, Amy Landers, Brian Landsberg, Martin Malin, Michael Malloy, Scott Moss, Beth Noveck, Angela Onwauchi-Willig, Robert L. Rogers, Brian Slocum, Paul Secunda, John Spran- kling, Charles Sullivan, Caitlin Trasande, Michelle Travis, and Jarrod Wong for their insights. I also received valuable feedback from a talk on related subjects at the American Bar Association’s Technol- ogy in the Practice & Workplace Committee meeting in May 2008 as well as at a workshop at the University of the Pacific, McGeorge School of Law in the fall of 2008. -
Piece-Rates As Inherently Exploitative: Adult/Asian Cam Models As Illustrative
New Proposals: Journal of Marxism and Interdisciplinary Inquiry Vol. 7, No. 2 (March 2015) Pp. 56-73 Piece-Rates as Inherently Exploitative: Adult/Asian Cam Models as Illustrative Paul William Mathews Philippines Studies Association of Australasia ABSTRACT: This paper argues that, regardless of contingent conditions, piece-rates areinherently exploitative. It theorizes piece-rates as a labour-remuneration system that is contrary to the interests of labour, exemplified by the new industry of Adult/Asian Cam Models (ACMs). Very little of any literature addresses the question of why a piece-rate system is deleterious for the worker. What the literature does extensively dwell upon is the kinds of piece-rate systems and their situational risks, effects, advantages and disadvantages, rather than the underlying principle of piece-rates as an inherently exploitative system. Thus the paper critiques a sample of contemporary economic/labour literature that focuses on the various models of piece-rate payments to best optimise worker productivity and gains for capital. Given the significant increase in piece-rate work throughout the world in the last few decades, the paper highlights how capital has shifted the risk of production to the worker. KEYWORDS: Adult/Asian Cam Models; cyber sex; labour relations; piece-rates; work conditions Introduction: Piece-rates and Sex-work piece-rate system of payment consists, in its will be illustrated with case studies of ACMs.1 simplest form, of remuneration to workers One of the major changes in western economies Aon the basis of the number of “products” they pro- over the past few decades has been the increased use duce in a given period of time vis-à-vis a wage that of various forms of performance-based pay vis-à-vis is dependent on the time at the work place. -
How Many People Microwork in France? Estimating the Size of a New Labor Force Clément Le Ludec, Paola Tubaro, Antonio Casilli
How many people microwork in France? Estimating the size of a new labor force Clément Le Ludec, Paola Tubaro, Antonio Casilli To cite this version: Clément Le Ludec, Paola Tubaro, Antonio Casilli. How many people microwork in France? Estimating the size of a new labor force. 2019. hal-02012731 HAL Id: hal-02012731 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02012731 Preprint submitted on 16 Feb 2019 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. How many people microwork in France? Estimating the size of a new labor force CLÉMENT LE LUDEC, MSH Paris Saclay, France PAOLA TUBARO, National Center of Scientific Research (CNRS), France ANTONIO A. CASILLI, Telecom ParisTech, France Microwork platforms allocate fragmented tasks to crowds of providers with This novel organization of AI-driven automation in contemporary remunerations as low as few cents. Instrumental to the development of industries does not "replace" human jobs but makes human contri- today’s artificial intelligence, these micro-tasks push to the extreme the bution to productive processes largely inconspicuous. It supports logic of casualization already observed in "uberized" workers. The present technologies where they fail, and yet it is not a selling point that article uses the results of the DiPLab study to estimate the number of people companies leverage to attract and retain large userbases. -
Earned Sick Time Faqs
Massachusetts Attorney General’s Office – Earned Sick Time FAQs Earned Sick Time in Massachusetts Frequently Asked Questions These FAQs are based upon the Massachusetts Earned Sick Time Law, M.G.L. c. 149, § 148C, and its accompanying regulations, 940 CMR 33.00. The Earned Sick Time Law sets minimum requirements; employers may choose to provide more generous policies. Table of Contents Section 1: Introduction, Applicability & Eligibility .......................................................................................................... 2 Subsection A: Introduction .......................................................................................................................................... 2 Subsection B: Employees Eligible for Earned Sick Time ............................................................................................... 2 Subsection C: Which Employers Need to Provide Earned Sick Time? ......................................................................... 4 Section 2: Paid versus Unpaid Earned Sick Time ............................................................................................................. 5 Section 3: General Rules .................................................................................................................................................. 6 Subsection A: How is Earned Sick Time Accrued? ....................................................................................................... 6 Subsection B: Carryover of hours from one year to the next .....................................................................................