Abstract Speculative Urbanism and the Urban

ABSTRACT

SPECULATIVE URBANISM AND THE URBAN PLANNING PROCESS IN NAIROBI KENYA: A CASE STUDY OF THE SOUTHERN BYPASS

by Topista Nafula Barasa

Foreign direct investment into the global periphery funds most of the large-scale infrastructural projects. The presence of foreign investments activates local capital invested in real estate, leading to urban transformation. Domestic investors' speculation in the land for urban production has created a new type of urbanism, termed speculative urbanism. The Nairobi Southern Bypass, Kenya, is a transportation infrastructure that brought forth land-use changes. This research has three objectives. First, it aims to determine changes that have occurred before, during, and after its construction. Second, the processes contributing to these changes, and third, what the transformations mean to Kenya's urban development. The analysis of interviews with real estate developers and planners fulfills the second and third objectives. Results from Google Earth Pro images (2002-2010-2018) of the four residential developments serving as case studies depict urban transformations that have occurred. A review of interviews reveals the availability of local capital investments into real estate by local capitalists. The land records indicate the privatization of land by the state and investors' financialization of the land for urban production. Further, the speculative urbanism framework partially unveils the changing urban morphology. Three recommendations provide a way forward for urban development and future studies.

SPECULATIVE URBANISM AND THE URBAN PLANNING PROCESS IN NAIROBI KENYA: A CASE STUDY OF THE SOUTHERN BYPASS

Thesis

Submitted to the

Faculty of Miami University

in partial fulfillment of

the requirements for the degree of

Master of Arts Geography

Topista Nafula Barasa

Miami University

Oxford, Ohio

2021

Advisor: Ian E.A Yeboah (Professor)

Reader: David L. Prytherch (Professor)

Reader: John K. Maingi (Associate Professor)

This Thesis titled

SPECULATIVE URBANISM AND THE URBAN PLANNING PROCESS IN NAIROBI KENYA: A CASE STUDY OF THE SOUTHERN BYPASS

Topista Nafula Barasa

has been approved for publication by

College of Arts and Science

and

Department of Geography

______Ian E.A Yeboah

______David L. Prytherch

______John K. Maingi

Table of Contents

CHAPTER ONE ...... 1 INTRODUCTION ...... 1 1.1: Introduction...... 1 1.2: Statement of the Problem ...... 2 1.3: Brief history of urban development in Kenya ...... 3 1.4: Study Area: The Nairobi Southern Bypass...... 6 1.5: Methodology ...... 8 1.5.1: Data Sources and Analysis ...... 8 1.6: Thesis Organization ...... 9 CHAPTER TWO ...... 10 LITERATURE REVIEW: ...... 10 KEY WRITINGS IN SPECULATIVE URBANISM, INFRASTRUCTURE DEVELOPMENT, AND LAND USE CHANGE ...... 10 2.0 Introduction ...... 10 2.1 Speculative Urbanism...... 10 2.2 Transportation Infrastructure development and Land use change ...... 14 2.3 Conceptual Framework ...... 15 2.6: Conclusion ...... 17 CHAPTER THREE ...... 18 SPATIAL TRANSFORMATIONS ALONG THE SOUTHERN BYPASS ...... 18 3.1 Introduction ...... 18 3.2: Amara Ridge ...... 19 3.3 Shree Kutch Satsang Mandir ...... 20 3.4 The Curve by the Park ...... 21 3.5: China Gardens Estate Road ...... 23 3.6 Discussion ...... 25 CHAPTER FOUR ...... 26 PROCESSES CONTRIBUTING TO URBAN TRANSFORMATIONS ...... 26 4.1: Introduction...... 26 4.2: Transnational policy networks...... 26

4.3: Sources of Capital ...... 27 4.4: Dispossession ...... 29 4.5: Financialization and Monetization ...... 33 4.6: Eco-city and Smart city-making...... 34 4.7: Land Speculation...... 36 4.8: Discussion ...... 37 CHAPTER FIVE ...... 40 RECOMMENDATIONS AND THE WAY FORWARD ...... 40 5.1: Introduction...... 40 5.2: The way forward ...... 40 5.3: Recommendations ...... 42 5.4: Limitations of the study ...... 43 CHAPTER SIX ...... 44 SUMMARY, FINDINGS, AND CONCLUSION ...... 44 6.1 Introduction ...... 44 6.2: Summary and Findings ...... 44 6.3: Conclusion ...... 45 References ...... 47

List of Figures

Figure 1.3.0: Map of the study area ...... 7 Figure 2.4: Conceptual framework...... 16 Figure 3.1: Map of the case studies along the Southern Bypass ...... 18 Figure 3.2: Amara Ridge spatial changes ...... 19 Figure 3.3: Shree Kutch Satsang Mandir spatial changes ...... 21 Figure 3.4: The Curve by the Park spatial changes ...... 22 Figure3.5: China Gardens Estate spatial changes ...... 24 Figure 4.6: A section of Shree Kutch and the Bypass Overlooking the National Park ...... 35

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List of Tables

Table 3.2: Amara Ridge Total Intensity and percentage ...... 20 Table 3.3: Shree Kutch Satsang Mandir Intensity and percentage Increase ...... 21 Table 3.4.1: Intensity before the Curve 2002 and 2010 ...... 23 Table 3.4.2: The Curve footprint...... 23 Table 3.5: Intensity of built-up China Gardens Estate ...... 24 Table 4.2: Developers ...... 27 Table 4.3: Sources of capital...... 29 Table 4.4: Title search summary...... 31 Table 4.7: Period of construction ...... 37

List of Acronyms

GIS: Geographic Information System

KENHA: Kenya National Highway Authority

KWS: Kenya Wildlife Services

KURA: Kenya Urban Roads Authority

LULC: Land Use and Land Cover

MLHUD: Ministry of Lands, Housing and Urban Development

NIUDMP: Nairobi Integrated Urban Development Master Plan

NCIDP: Nairobi County Integrated Development Plan

NLC: National Land Commission

NUDP: National Urban Development Policy

SAP: Structural Adjustment Programs

WGS: World Geodetic System

UTM: Universal Transverse Mercator

Dedication.

To my parents, Mr. Gelas Barasa and the Late Mrs. Goretty Nasimiyu Barasa, and my entire family for giving me everything they had in life to succeed.

Acknowledgments.

I express my gratitude to Prof. Ian Yeboah for his relentless guidance and support in completing this thesis. I extend my sincere gratitude to Prof. David Prytherch and Dr. John Maingi for the meaningful contribution and advice during this period. I would also like to thank the Miami University Graduate School for the Summer Scholarship they provided and the Department of Geography for the round-trip ticket to Nairobi, Kenya, to conduct my research. Further, I thank the KENHA engineers, the National Urban and Physical Planning Department, the National Land Commission, and all the interview respondents I had for making this research a success. Lastly, I thank my family and friends who continuously pushed me to greatness during my two- year study at Miami University. Love and Honor.

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CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1: Introduction The global periphery is experiencing rapid urban and population growth leading to tremendous land-use change (Cervero, 2013; Watson, 2013; Nam, 2017). These changes have been created partially by large-scale transportation infrastructure projects financed by global capital (Watson, 2013; Nam, 2017). Rapid population growth influences transportation planning by increasing traffic on transportation routes. These unique instances have pushed governments to make changes in their transportation infrastructures. Large-scale redevelopments financed by foreign direct investment have catalyzed investments in commercial and residential developments by activating local capital. (Waddell, 2011; Falt, 2016; Goodfellow, 2020).

The process of foreign investments catalyzing urban growth is akin to the speculative urbanism framework, as Goldman (2010;2011) examines. The framework suggests that capital flow from the global core to the periphery has initiated speculative urban governance as most urban areas anticipate international development funds. There is a surgency in land speculation as local investors count on investing in the land around these infrastructures. As this happens, the government and local capitalists also finance land for urban production, further initiating accumulation by dispossession.

The framework explains urban transformations in Asia, while the literature on Africa and Latin America is scant, although Watson (2013) suggests that the process is slowly happening in some African cities. In India, for instance, the Bangalore International Airport Area and the Bangalore-Mysore Infrastructural projects were financed by foreign capital from International Financial Institutions (IFI) like the World Bank (Goldman, 2011). The projects have contributed to massive changes in urban built environments and have redesigned urban governance (Goldman, 2010; 2011). Speculation on land is now the norm as developers seek to invest in real estate along these infrastructural corridors.

According to Watson (2013), the urban transformations in African cities are a 'nightmare' as skyscrapers and glass buildings are now the center of these transformations. On the one hand, foreign investments are financing the large-scale infrastructure, while local capital, on the other hand, is filling the gaps created by the international-financed developments by investing in real estate (Goodfellow, 2020).

The Nairobi Southern Bypass in Kenya is a transportation development mainly financed (85%) by China and (15%) by Kenya's government. Its construction has generated urban land investments by local capitalists, who have vested interest in residential and commercial developments. These investments have created remarkable transformations in the urban morphology along the Bypass and initiated speculation on the land. This thesis has three objectives. The first objective is to map out the spatial changes along the Bypass using four residential case studies. The second objective is to investigate the processes contributing to these changes and examine if the speculative urbanism framework unfolds in Nairobi's urban morphology. The third objective provides a further explanation of the local circumstances' changes in Nairobi's urban transformations.

1.2: Statement of the Problem Infrastructural development in most African countries is primarily supported by foreign direct investment and partly by the government to grow their economies (Gwilliam, 2003; Benjamin, 2004). In Kenya, transportation infrastructure developments are occurring, with emphasis put on Nairobi, which is the primary center for all economic activities. If not all, they are financed through foreign aid or commercial loans (Goodfellow 2013; 2020). There are noticeable spatial changes in land use and land cover generated by investments into the built environment and these developments.

The Nairobi Southern Bypass serves to reduce traffic congestion in and around the city. Its construction has created changes along with it since the area has become prime for real estate investment. These investments have stimulated local finance and motivated investors to fund high- end residential estates and mixed-use developments. Investments in real estate have initiated land- use changes. This study investigates what changes have occurred along the Southern Bypass and examines what processes have led to the transformations. Various studies on land cover changes in Nairobi have investigated the role of transportation development in changing the urban

2 morphology (Mundia and Aniya, 2005; Serneels and Lambin, 2001; Jansen and Gregorio, 2003), but none have examined if the speculative urbanism unfolds as a process contributing to the changes.

1.3: Brief history of urban development in Kenya This section aims to provide Kenya's urban development history and its land use, which helps understand the local processes contributing to urban transformations along the bypass later in the study.

Kenya is in Eastern Africa and has an area of 580 367 square kilometers. It is the largest economy in Eastern and Central Africa and the third in Sub-Saharan Africa after Nigeria and South Africa. Nairobi, Kenya's largest capital city, is the central regional commercial hub in East Africa (Mundia et al., 2010). Nairobi is an African colonial city with colonial foundations, which framed its formation and governance at the time of Kenya's progression to independence. Nairobi originated as a European colonial project and was established as a transportation center before it became an administrative center (Blevin and Buoczo, 1997). Upon independence, there was a rapid increase in population, small-scale trade, and more urban production (Mundia, 2017). Nairobi has grown remarkably, with its transformation driven by various interrelated factors. The increase in population set up planning in the city to cater to the large city populations. Transportation networks were one of the primary projects drawn to improve the urban conditions in Kenyan towns.

During the colonial period, most urban expansions happened along the Mombasa-Uganda Railway, where resources were exported to Uganda from Mombasa's port by the British colonizers (Government of Kenya, 2016). After the construction of the Mombasa-Kisumu Railway, more formal developments emerged along with it. There was the railway station, housing quarters, shopping center, and an Indian bazaar. Nairobi was a designated railway town for Europeans, with mixed European and Asian trading posts (Lee-Smith, 1989). The railway laid the foundation of Nairobi's physical appearance today, directly expressing the notions of segregation of the town's functions and segregation by class and race (Emig and Ismail, 1980). The city was a flourishing area with settlements consisting mainly of separate residential areas for Europeans and Indians and a small African territory in Eastlands (Owuor and Obudho, 1997). When Nairobi became the capital in 1905, it had seven distinct zones. These were the railway center, the Indian bazaar, the European business and administrative center, the railway quarters, the dhobi or washerman's

3 quarters, the European residential suburbs, and the military barracks outside the town (Tiwari, 1981). The city's zoning resulted from the Plan for a Settler Capital, which further enhanced segregation, enclaves, and spatial limits to the European settlers' interests and advantage (Kiamba,1989). The same restrictions applied to land and property ownership as most of the land was under the Crown Land Act (Government of Kenya, 2016). The introduction of the capitalism by white settlers activated the need for private landed property, especially in the city. After independence, the private landed property increased land resource ownership and made them accessible through personal purchasing, a different scenario from the colonial period (Kiamba, 1989). Since then, the land is always as a commodity for private capital accumulation.

By completing the railway, the city's population had grown, and developments had increased, although in an unplanned manner. In 1948, the Nairobi Master Plan for a Colonial City was formulated. Its focus was on delineating land-use zones and creating an industrial area for production, consequently ending racial segregation by building more African workers' houses. Also, it focused on improving road networks around the city (Nairobi County, 2014). The racial aspect of distinct locations in Nairobi still details the spatial organization's racial discrimination in the early phases of its expansion. Europeans resided in areas with higher altitudes, the north and west of the railway with richer, volcanic red soils. The eastern and southern part was strictly for Africans and Indians. These areas experienced frequent flooding, high incidences of malaria, and neglect of municipal services such as refuse and sewage collection (Achola, 2002).

There was a need for more urban development in the post-colonial period to ensure economic prosperity (Kitur, 2019). Migration to urban centers generated constraints on urban areas as the unemployment rates increased, pressure on water and sewer services, and therefore, better planning was urgently needed (Government of Kenya, 2016). Sessional Paper Number 10 of 1965 on "African socialism and its application to planning in Kenya" was the main guiding planning policy post-independence (the Republic of Kenya, 1965). This policy's main emphasis was on planning in national development and influenced the African traditions of collective social responsibility and mobilizing political democracy (Government of Kenya, 2016).

According to the Government of Kenya (2016), five-year development plans followed, and each had policies. The 1970-1974 National Development Plan advocated for regional development by redistributing development from Mombasa and Nairobi to other small towns (Mutisya and Yarime, 2014). The 1974-1978 National Development Plan contained urbanization policies that prioritized urban areas to create human settlement strategies to improve housing and the urban regions (Government of Kenya, 1978). The policies fueled the need to create a framework: Human Settlement Strategy Framework, to govern better housing in the urban areas. The 1979-1983 National Development Plan focused on infrastructural development and service provision in various urban centers. Infrastructural development would help with the economic crisis in the country experienced in the 1980s. These policies emphasized more on socioeconomic and political action rather than national urban development policy. Therefore, the National Development Plan of 2002-2008 launched the National Urban Development Policy, which focused on aiding urban structures that equitably addressed urban problems across the country (Government of Kenya, 2008; Mutisya and Yarime, 2014).

The decentralization of planning happened with the promulgation of the new constitution (2010). According to the Urban Areas and Cities Act (2011), each county is mandated to plan its cities and towns. The establishment of the Urban Areas and Cities Act (2011) catered for the governance, identification, classification, and management of urban areas and cities. The Act also fosters residents' participation in the metropolitan regions' governance (Government of Kenya, 2011).

Globalization has also contributed to the urban development in Nairobi. Economic globalization deals with integrating local economies with international economies through foreign direct investments, trading, capital flows, and the spread of technology from the global core (Owuor and Mbatia, 2008). Advances in communication and information technologies, improved transportation, and deregulation of capital markets have enabled private investors to take advantage of national differences in tax rates, labor costs, and environmental restrictions. Private investors can now maximize financial returns by moving development, production, and marketing functions to the most profitable locations. Globalization has reinforced urban primacy, thereby increasing the scale of urban growth.

Local and global forces intertwine Nairobi's urban development stemming from its colonial origins from the brief history. Transportation developments, racial zonings, globalization effects, and private landed property's introduction characterize the spatial transformations. Since the colonial period, there have also been planning patterns that are still be recognized today in the city's spatial organization. Since this study deals with transportation development and its impact on Nairobi's land use, the following section details The Nairobi Southern Bypass's history.

1.4: Study Area: The Nairobi Southern Bypass The Nairobi Southern Bypass is an 18.4 miles dual carriageway highway that runs from View Park Towers at the Mombasa Road junction in the Southeast end and connects to the Nairobi- Nakuru highway in Gitaru in the Northwest end. It has 7.5 miles slip road and a 10.3 miles service road, with two lanes each (Wahome, 2011). As shown in Figure 1.5.2, it curves part of the Nairobi National Park westward and cuts through Ngong' Forest Northwards. It cuts through Lang'ata Road, Ngong', Dagoretti, and Thogoto Roads. It passes over the Ondiri River and the railway line towards Kikuyu town in Kiambu County.

The Southern Bypass corridor's plan existed since independence in 1963. The Bypass was commissioned by the third President of Kenya, Mr. Mwai Kibaki, in June 2012 and completed in November 2016. Kenya's government signed a bilateral investment agreement with Chinese firms to finance the project through a loan (Fiott, 2010). The project cost $180 million, funded 85% ($153 million) by China Export-Import (EXIM) Bank, and 15% ($27 million) by the Kenyan government (Government of Kenya, 2012). It is critical to mention that even though the financing is in the form of a loan, the Bypass is primarily a foreign direct investment product. The Kenya National and Highway Authority contracted the China Road and Bridge Cooperation (CRBC) to oversee the construction. The project is one of the many bilateral investments into road infrastructure between the Kenyan government and Chinese firms (Fiott, 2010). Its primary purpose is to filter traffic from Nairobi city center and ease Mombasa Road movements to Kenya's Western part. It also provides easy access to the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport and improves Nairobi's socioeconomic aspects and surrounding areas. It has made Nairobi and its environs more accessible, especially for farmers from the neighboring Kiambu County, who rely on Nairobi as their primary source of market for their goods (Kahumbu and Kent, 2012).

Apart from the Bypass contributing to economic prosperity, there have been negative environmental implications along with it. Its construction significantly altered forest cover in the Ngong Forest and destroyed wildlife habitat at the Nairobi National Park. There were also land contestations between the Kenya Wildlife Services and the Kenya National Highway Authority to acquire land for construction. The contestation delayed the project for almost a year, making the building slower. The project was also halted by court cases from environmentalists against the acquisition of parts of the park, further lengthening the construction period. Four case studies, residential estates, make part of this study's study area to represent spatial changes along the Bypass. The four case studies include The Curve by the Park, Shree Kutch Satsang Mandir, China Gardens Estate, and The Amara Ridge.

Figure 1.3.0: Map of the study area Source: Author, 2021

1.5: Methodology 1.5.1: Data Sources and Analysis Qualitative and quantitative methods of data collection provide data for this study. Before the fieldwork, four residential developments were identified on Google Earth Engine by backtracking from 2000, 2010, and 2018 to answer my first question on the Bypass's spatial transformations. The years 2000 to 2010 represent the period before the Bypass construction, while 2012 to 2018 was the Bypass construction period. The two periods are best for showing land-use changes and land cover changes because construction commenced for some of the case studies during these periods.

Google Earth Pro has one-meter resolution imagery, efficient for change detection analysis on a small scale. Keyhole Markup Language (KML) files were exported into ArcGIS software and converted to shapefile (polygons), then projected from a Geographic Coordinate Systems to a Projected Coordinate System of the World Geographic system of 1984 Universal Transverse Mercator zone 37 (WGS 1984 UTM Zone 37). The study area falls in the thirty-seventh zone of the sixty zones provided by the UTM projection. Field visits were taken along the 18.4 Miles stretch of the Bypass while documenting pictures for ground-truthing.

For the second question, to investigate the processes contributing to the changes, I conducted title searches for the four residential developments. The analysis of title searches provides land records on the land acquisition history, while the interviews were to collect data and help describe the processes contributing to the transformations. Urban and physical planners, transportation planners, and land surveyors provide data on the bypass planning process's explanations and their role in bypass construction. The planners also offer a perspective on how the transformations have influenced the land tenure system and physical planning in Nairobi and Kiambu Counties. Internet sources, books, magazines are other sources of information for the study.

1.6: Thesis Organization This thesis contains six chapters in total. The first chapter is the introduction. The second chapter reviews the literature that provides the conceptual framework between speculative urbanism, transportation infrastructure development, and land-use change. The third chapter maps out the changes in the urban morphology along the Southern Bypass, while chapter four discusses the processes contributing to the spatial changes. Chapter five provides recommendations as a way forward to better planning and proper urban development. Chapter six is a summary and conclusions for this study; it also shines a light on the limitations encountered during this study.

CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW:

KEY WRITINGS IN SPECULATIVE URBANISM, INFRASTRUCTURE DEVELOPMENT, AND LAND USE CHANGE

2.0 Introduction This chapter reviews the literature on the speculative urbanism framework, land-use change, and transportation infrastructure development. The chapter has five sections. The first section is on speculative urbanism; the second section is on transportation development planning and land- use change. The third and fourth sections explain land use and the legal frameworks governing Kenya's land use, respectively. The fifth section is the conceptual framework drawn from the three major concepts- speculative urbanism, transportation development, and land-use change.

2.1 Speculative Urbanism Michael Goldman defines speculative urbanism as a new form of transnational urbanism, epitomized by local governments' response to global financial flows (Goldman, 2011, p.2). The framework is associated with transnational network policies, and capital flows from the global core. The financialization and monetization of land (Shatkin, 2016) lead to dispossession and land speculation.

Like the World Bank, International Financial Institutions (IFIs) often finance large-scale projects in the global periphery. The international capital penetrates in commercial loans, foreign aid, foreign direct investments, and other forms that are difficult to analyze (Goodfellow, 2020). In Africa, at least, Goodfellow argues that international finance has affected its political economy and the local investments that do not get financialized by the global core. According to him, global capital has created "gaps" in infrastructure, housing, production, and local financial institutions in these countries (Goodfellow, 2020). Consequently, the emergence of domestically financed real estate (residential and commercial) by the local capitalists takes charge of filling the gaps created by foreign aid in infrastructural development.

The flow of global capital for infrastructural development increases land values and initiates speculation on the land by investors, who anticipate these large-scale projects to pave the way for their investment in real estate (Sood, 2017; Goodfellow, 2017; Goodfellow, 2020). For instance, transport-oriented developments have influenced land values along with them and created forms of speculation. The speculation is usually domestically driven, with most of these investments being residential and commercial real estate.

With capital flow from local and global sources, the land along these projects is financialized and monetized for profit (Shatkin, 2016). Financialization and monetization occur by the government and or the local real estate developers. Land financialization is a process used to generate and set up financial entities by the governments to finance urban development (Wu, 2019). Monetization is the use of the government's capacity to get valuable increases in land rates to prolong state powers by extorting revenue to other administrations (Shatkin, 2016). According to Shatkin, financialization has enabled a 'real-estate turn' in urban transformations, especially in China.

The land in the global semi-peripheries and the peripheries are financialized for urban production (Sood, 2017; Rouanet and Halbert, 2016). In India, for instance, financial agents collect savings from household firms or governments and invest in the construction and management of the built environment (Rouanet and Halbert, 2016). According to Rouanet and Halbert, developers in Bangalore have harnessed finance capital investors, which has given them self-empowerment to achieve economic agency (Rouanet and Halbert, 2016). Shatkin argues that the control of land markets by the state in China is the most probable cause shaping land development strategies through monetization (Shatkin, 2016).

The financialization of land establishes grounds for dispossession and wealth accumulation by local capitalists. Shin and Kim (2016) explain dispossession as a process contributing to the urban transformations in China. As the built environment is growing, people in the agricultural land are displaced to pave the way for development. Goldman (2011) and Sood (2017) explain dispossession in the context of India. Mbiba (2017) discusses dispossession in the African context as a process that has led to irregular and illegal land allocation through urban 'land grabbing.' There is the privatization of most public land by the state in Zimbabwe through financialization (Mbiba, 2017).

Accumulation by dispossession is a way of profiting from the land by dispossessing the owners (Falt, 2016; Chien, 2013). Its key drivers include local, national (the state), and global capital. Circumstances of globalization and mixed capitalism determine the actors (Harvey, 2003:1014). Mbiba examines the role of accumulation in the urban transformations in Africa. He writes that accumulation by dispossession occurs through illegal public land allocations (Mbiba, 2017). He uses Zimbabwe as a case study to provide the state's role in dispossessions. He also associates global capital flows as a catalyst to national 'small-scale' and equally important to land transformation in peri-urban Africa (Mbiba, 2017). Real estate expansion is the dominant twin for dispossession (Nam, 2017, p.648). The desire for real estate accelerates dispossession resulting in rapid accumulation.

The classic work on speculative urbanism is on Bangalore (Goldman, 2010, 2011; Sood, 2017), where dispossession and land speculation are now the norms. As the Indian government anticipates making Bangalore a 'new world city' through transportation development, land speculation and dispossession are rising as agricultural land is commercialized (Goldman, 2010, 2011). Dispossession around and along the Bangalore-Mysore Infrastructural Corridor and the Bangalore International Airport areas pave the way for the two projects and more urban developments (Goldman, 2011). There is rural dispossession because the government, private investors, and capitalists anticipate foreign direct investments, contributing to the need for more land for urban production (Sood, 2017). The anticipation for investment has created transnational policy networks between local developers, landowners, and international financiers, who are the key movers and shakers of urban transformations in Indian cities (Goldman, 2011).

As the government strives to make Bangalore a world city, there is also the need for eco-city making to maintain urban sustainability. Eco-cities are places that "strive to function harmoniously with natural systems and value their ecological assets, and the regional and global ecosystems on which we depend" (Suzuki et al., 2010 p.17; Chang and Sheppard, 2013 p. 4; Zhou et al. 2012 p.2). They are places that maintain urban sustainability, such that their existence does not compromise the continuation of future cities. Chang and Sheppard (2013) discuss the need for eco- cities to embody the probability of ecosystems coexisting with the urban future. They argue that urban development strategies should encompass eco-city concepts to practice environmental

12 protection on a local and global scale. As more agricultural land converts to urban, the government is also striving to maintain its green spaces (Sood, 2017).

Some authors have convincingly applied the framework to explain China's urban transformation (Chien, 2013; Shin, 2014; Shin and Kim, 2016; Shatkin, 2016; Wu, 2019). For China, land markets do not exist since the provincial governments control land management. Speculation on land by local capitalists is minimal, while speculative governance is on the rise. There is competition in urban governance due to power differences between the local and the national governments (Chien, 2013). The provincial government controls the land, and therefore, decisions on land use depend on the local governments' directives. This inter-governmental rivalry has had control over urban entrepreneurship, making land speculation a local entrepreneurism (Chien, 2013; Shin, 2014).

Further, financialization and monetization of land for urban production are mainly by the municipal governments (Shatkin, 2016; Wu, 2019). Land commodification has created new markets for luxury housing. As the desire for luxury housing increases, displacement and dispossession are inevitable. According to Chien (2013), this scenario has created disconnections in the social classes and has brought divisions among the local citizens. The demolition of old buildings in most Chinese cities has generated social inequalities, as most poor people cannot afford luxurious houses (Chien, 2013).

The literature on the framework has identified foreign investment's role in infrastructural development in the global periphery. The anticipation of foreign aid has curated speculation in the land and governance and has promoted property's financialization by the state and local capitalists. These processes have increased land values as investments into residential and commercial real estate are on the rise. Watson (2013) argues that the process of speculative urbanism is slowly happening in Sub-Saharan Africa. The following section discusses the literature on the role of foreign-aid financed transportation infrastructure and land-use changes along with them.

2.2 Transportation Infrastructure development and Land use change Infrastructure development and land use are connected. Land use is the different ways land cover transforms from urban, water, religion, agriculture, forest, etc. (Kumar, 2009; Li et al., 2018). Changes in transportation structure influence the patterning of other urban developments and the location preferences of infrastructure like housing, which might bring changes in land use patterns (Waddell, 2011). Urban land has been changing globally due to rapid urbanization, socioeconomic developments, and administrative policies. These changes have influenced land use at the regional, national, and global scales (Li et al., 2018).

Transportation infrastructure development in the periphery concentrates on cities since they serve as the commercial hubs for these countries (Cervero, 2013; Njoh,2008; Kafi et al., 2014; Bhan, 2013). The projects are foreign aid-dependent due to the government's economic situation, so they cannot afford the total costs of developments. As the periphery is developing these systems, land-use changes are inevitable since most projects take up land covers that were initially either forests, water, agricultural, or other commercial places.

Transportation infrastructure development improves the movement of people, goods, and services by increasing connectivity between rural and urban areas. These connections boost economic activities, hence fueling growth (Galina, 2018; Kennedy et al., 2011; Njoh, 2000). As the economy improves, urban areas simultaneously grow as more infrastructure develops, causing a change in land use. The faster the growth, the higher the demand for land and capital to fund investments (Goodfellow, 2013). For instance, areas around cities with minimal developments increasingly become interest areas for investments like residential and commercial places such as malls, hotels, and gas stations. Investments in residential and commercial real estate are accounted for by the availability of domestic sources of capital, diaspora, and migrants within the African continent (Goodfellow, 2020). Goodfellow argues that these three factors are the major processes driving land-use changes and increasing speculation. The increase in land values has consequently led to unplanned development in the cities since people who cannot afford the high values tend to get land from brokers who do not follow zoning regulations (Goodfellow, 2013; 2020).

2.3 Conceptual Framework Speculative urbanism can evolve from infrastructural development, which causes changes in land use. Foreign investment into transportation infrastructure creates gaps initiating domestic capital through investments into housing, production, and providing more financial services. The foreign-financed transportation developments increase land values as speculation on land ensues (Goodfellow, 2020). Land speculation along the infrastructural corridors results in dispossession through the privatization of public land. The state and local capitalists finance and monetize on a property for urban production (Mbiba, 2017). On the one hand, the state monetizes on the property by using its land management capabilities to gain profit through privatization, while local investors, on the other hand, tap into local financial institutions to source funds for real estate investments (Shatkin, 2016; Wu, 2019). This framework aims to tie together all the concepts suggested in the literature as processes leading to transformations in African cities while trying to determine Nairobi's specific circumstances as a city.

Infrastructural development • Foreign direct investments • Transportation infrastructure development

Speculative Urbanism

• Transnational policy networks • Global capital flows • Dispossession • Financialization and monetization of land • Land speculation

Land use and landcover change. • Domestic capital • Residential and commercial developments • Figure 2.4: Conceptual framework. Source: Author, 2020

2.6: Conclusion This study draws its questions from the literature on land-use change, transportation infrastructure development, and speculative urbanism. The primary purpose is to determine what urban transformations have occurred with the Southern Bypass building and understand what processes have contributed to these changes. The study ties the literature theories with evidence collected in the field to answer the three objectives stated in chapter one. The next chapter investigates the first objective, analyzing the urban transformations along the Southern Bypass through mapping.

CHAPTER THREE

SPATIAL TRANSFORMATIONS ALONG THE SOUTHERN BYPASS 3.1 Introduction To better understand how foreign investment-financed infrastructure projects transform urban space, it is essential to analyze the changes through mapping. This chapter maps spatial changes that have occurred along the Southern Bypass before, during, and after its construction (2000- 2010-2018, respectively). Although there are many developments along the Bypass's eighteen- mile stretch, this chapter only highlights four case studies accessible during fieldwork. The Amara Ridge is located one mile off the Bypass. Shree Kutch Satsang Mandir Place, China Garden Estate, and The Curve are all located half a mile off the Bypass. These residential places are investments constructed by local developers and financed by capital from local financial institutions. They were also built either before, during, or after the Bypass's construction. They provide the best representation of the transformations.

Figure 3.1: Map of the case studies along the Southern Bypass Source: Author, 2021

3.2: Amara Ridge Amara Ridge is a residential development located one mile off the Southern Bypass. Cytonn Investments and Real Estate Company, headquartered in Nairobi, Kenya, developed the estate in 2018. Backtracking time on Google Earth Pro shows that the land had two buildings in 2003 and 2010, as shown in Figure 3.2. To access this community, residents use an exit off the Bypass that connects Ngong' Road and Lang'ata Road. Residents have easy access to the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport and the city, which are 30 minutes away from the estate. In 2018, as shown in Figure 3.2, the real estate company constructed ten homes, which costs about $1m each (Cytonn Investments website). Visual representation is by digitization on Google Earth Pro. Table 3.2 shows the total footprint of the estate per year. Calculations of the values are from the attribute tables of digitized buildings and then analyzed in ArcGIS Pro. The area in square meters in 2003 and 2011 was the same because the place had two structures. After the estate's construction in 2018, the footprint expanded from 247.85 square meters to 24, 153.48 square meters. From these increases in the area between the years, there is evidence of spatial transformations that consequently caused land cover changes.

Figure 3.2: Amara Ridge spatial changes

Table 3.2: Amara Ridge Total Intensity and percentage Year Footprint Floors Intensity (m2) 2003 247.85 1 247.851 2011 247.85 1 247.851 2018 24, 153.48 1 4735.478 Densification 24,401.33 3 24,401.33

3.3 Shree Kutch Satsang Mandir Shree Kutch Satsang Mandir is a mixed development located 0.06 miles off the Southern Bypass and borders the Nairobi National Park. It is a gated community with a mall, an elementary school, a high school, and a college. It has other amenities such as a Buddhist Temple since Indians, who are considered one of Kenya's forty-six ethnic groups, are the primary occupants. Construction started in 2010, as shown on Google Earth Pro and in Figure 3.3 below. There exist three apartment complexes, namely, Epco Village and Samaj Flats, constructed by Epco Builders limited in 2012, Nairobi Game park Apartments built by Beglin Woods Architecture Limited in 2012. Table 3.3 shows the total footprint of the area for the period between 2010 and 2018. In 2010, there were about ten buildings in the area, as shown in Figure 3.3, and in 2018, over 100 buildings existed. The erection of more buildings increased the footprint from 1635.25 square meters in 2010 to 215,196.59 square meters in 2018.

Figure 3.3: Shree Kutch Satsang Mandir spatial changes

Table 3.3: Shree Kutch Satsang Mandir Intensity and percentage Increase Year Footprint Floors Intensity (m2) 2002 0 0 0 2010 1635.25 1 1635.25 2018 215,196.59 1 215,196.59 Densification 216,831.84 2 216,831.84

3.4 The Curve by the Park The Curve by the Park is a residential development located at the Bypass's first junction on the Northside. It is owned and developed by Spartan Developers. This real estate development firm has been operating for almost fifteen years in Kenya (Interviews with Mr. Fahm Bekele, the Human Resource Manager). It is a mixed development fifteen- story building that consists of residential areas, office spaces, and a luxurious hotel overlooking the Nairobi National park. Its occupants have access to NextGen Mall along

Mombasa Road, the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport, and the Nairobi city center. Ordinarily, the residents access the property through Mombasa Road, connecting them to the airport and the city center. Figure 3.4 shows that there have been existing buildings way before the Bypass existed. In 2002 the site was a parking lot, and in 2010, more construction took place, and the area expanded as residential homes increased. Currently, The Curve, a twin tower with fifteen floors facing the Nairobi National Park, is still under construction. Table 3.4.1 shows the area's footprint before The Curve, while Table 3.4.2 estimates the total footprint contributed by The Curve after its construction. In 2002, thirty buildings increased the overall impression by 35,603.23 square meters. Fifteen more facilities in 2010 expanded the total footprint to 42,236.62 square meters. The Curve contributed to a total area of 12,552 square meters.

Figure 3.4: The Curve by the Park spatial changes

Table 3.4.1: Intensity before the Curve 2002 and 2010 Year Footprint (m2) Floors Intensity (m2) 2002 35,603.23 1 35,603.23 2010 42,236.62 1 42,236.62 2018 117, 612 1 117,612 Densification 195,478.85 3 195,478.85

Table 3.4.2: The Curve footprint. Year Footprint (m2) Floors Intensity (m2) 2002 0 0 0 2010 0 0 0 2018 836.857 15 12552.89 Densification 836.86 15 12552.89

3.5: China Gardens Estate Road China Gardens Estate is a residential area constructed in two phases, off the Bypass. The first phase consists of eight homes built in 2009, while the second phase in 2011 has nine homes, as shown in Figure 3.5. To access this estate, the residents use an exit off Lang'ata Road as the estate existed before the Bypass. Between 2002 and 2009, as shown in Table 3.5, the area expanded by 8886 square meters. Consequently, in 2011, the site grew to 47928 square meters after constructing the second phase.

Figure3.5: China Gardens Estate spatial changes

Table 3.5: Intensity of built-up China Gardens Estate 2002 2009 (Phase one) 2011(Phase two)

Footprint( Floo Intensity( Footprint( Floo Intensity( Footpri Floo Intensi m2) rs m2) m2) rs m2) nt rs ty (m2) 0 0 0 8886 1 8886 47928 1 47928

3.6 Discussion The Bypass brought changes evident by it curving 89 acres of land off the Nairobi National Park and cutting through the Ngong Forest. The construction of the Bypass converted forest land and grassland into urban built-up. More significant changes occurred before, during, and after the Bypass construction from the four residential areas' analysis. These transformations result from the desire to improve transportation infrastructure by the government, foreign aid availability, and real estate developers' urge to make a profit and provide quality housing. The investments into the built environment were also because of accessibility to local capital and private landed property, to name but a few. The following chapter details a discussion of the processes contributing to the transformations. It is an assumption that the speculative urbanism framework unfolds as one of these processes generating the spatial changes.

CHAPTER FOUR

PROCESSES CONTRIBUTING TO URBAN TRANSFORMATIONS 4.1: Introduction While the analysis of spatial transformations indicates changes in land use along the Southern Bypass, this chapter explains the processes contributing to these changes regarding speculative urbanism and how the framework unveils through infrastructural development. Tenets of the framework dictate that transnational policy networks, international capital flows, dispossession, eco-city, world city making, financialization and monetization of land, and land speculation underlie spatial changes in peri-urban areas. With the Southern Bypass being financed hugely by foreign investment, this chapter describes other factors contributing to the changes. This section analyzes these factors by analyzing interviews and land records from the title searches with the National Land Commission. Ideas from the literature support discussions, while conclusions clearly define the factors leading to urban transformation.

4.2: Transnational policy networks. Goldman (2011) attributes these networks to landowners, financers, and local investors. Evidence from Table 4.3 reveals regional capital financed investments into the residential developments. The Curve was built by local investments in loans from banks, while Shree Kutch's financing was by local businesspeople who partnered to invest in the estate. Amara ridge was financed by local and global investment, originating from Mauritius, a periphery country. The information in Table 4.2 shows that local real estate development companies developed all four case studies. Local developers and local capital availability conform to Goodfellow's argument that domestic networks of capital and developers in Africa are the major contributors to urban transformations (Goodfellow, 2013;2020). The urban conversions do not rely on foreign investments into real estate. Instead, it is by local networks between developers, landowners, and local investors.

Table 4.2: Developers Project Developer The Southern Bypass China Road and Bridge Corporation (CRBC) The Curve The Spartan Group Developers (Local) Amara Ridge Cytonn Investments (Local) China Gardens Estate Tranquility Limited (Local) Shree Kutch Satsang Mandir Epco Builders Limited (Local)

4.3: Sources of Capital Foreign direct investments in infrastructural developments by governments in the periphery have created new forms of urbanism. Local capitalists tap into regional capital to invest in residential and commercial property for profit. (Goldman, 2011; Sood, 2017; Goodfellow, 2020). Table 4.3 shows the sources of funding for the Southern Bypass and the four developments. Goodfellow (2020) argues that there is a reestablishment of international finance toward African infrastructure through China's rise. China accounts for over 30% of all costs of infrastructure projects in Africa. The Southern Bypass is an example of such infrastructure, evidenced by China's investment into the Southern Bypass through the China Exim Bank.

The reorientation of global capital into infrastructure (the Southern Bypass) has activated domestic money invested into real estate (the residential areas). All the four case studies are real estate developments primarily financed by local investments, as shown in Table 4.3. Three case studies, The Curve, China Gardens Estate, and Shree Kutch Satsang Mandir, were locally funded. Interviews revealed that businesspeople partnered to finance Shree Kutch Satsang Mandir (Vijay Sharma, Resident, June 13th, 2019). In this case, local investors were empowered by local capital availability at their disposal to fund the development.

The SBM Bank of Mauritius funded Amara Ridge's construction (Interviews at Cytonn Investment, July 15th, 2019). SBM Bank is a financial institution originating from Mauritius, which is part of the global periphery. The bank has branches in Nairobi, which came because of Kenya's government signing a Double Taxation Agreement (DTA) with Mauritius in May 2012 (Anyanzwa and Karashani, 2019). Mauritius has accusations of siphoning money from African

27 countries through their low taxes on offshore accounts. The International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) called out corporations through "Mauritius Leaks,"; a story like the Panama Papers for avoiding taxes by taking money into banks in Mauritius (Anyanzwa and Karashani, 2019). Even though there is no evidence of Cytonn Investments being one of these corporations in Kenya, a Mauritius financial institution partly funding the project raises questions on how they are affiliated.

Although the interviewee would not disclose the bank's identity, loans from a local bank funded The Curve. Letters of credits from potential buyers and buyer cash deposits are other capital sources used to support the project (Interviews with Mr. Fahm Bekele, Human Resource Manager, The Spartan Group July 24th, 2019). Ole Sereni Hotel, owned by Placid View Property Limited, was financed by Kenya Commercial Bank, a local financial institution in Kenya (Kawira, 2015). Kawira (2015)indicates that Kenya Commercial Bank Limited invested Kshs 1.9 billion in the hospitality business to expand its conferencing capacity.

From the explanation, foreign and local capital have contributed to the urban changes outlined in chapter three. China's foreign investment into the transportation infrastructure has empowered domestic capital to have a role in the built environment. Local investment companies weighed into the accessibility of money for residential and commercial investments along the Bypass, thus initiating changes to the urban structure.

Table 4.3: Sources of capital. International Local Both

• The Southern Bypass • The Southern Bypass • The Southern Bypass (China Exim Bank- (The Government of (China and Kenya) 85%) Kenya -15%) • Shree Kutch Satsang Mandir (Partnerships from local businesspeople) • Amara Ridge (SBM • The Curve by The • Amara Ridge Bank-Mauritius) Park (Commercial (Mauritius and Bank of Africa and Kenya) Kenya Commercial Bank Limited) • China Gardens Estate • Amara Ridge (Cytonn Investments)

4.4: Dispossession The privatization of public land by the government is a characteristic of dispossession, and it is evident in two case studies. In Table 4.4, in Shree Kutch Satsang Mandir's case, title searches conducted at the National Lands Commission show that the piece of land formerly belonged to the Ministry of Defense. Yet, evidence from the title search and the field shows that the part of the land is now a private residential estate.

Another case of accumulation by dispossession is the case of the Ole Sereni Hotel. Although I did not have interviews with this development, the issue is instructive of how dispossession has occurred around the Bypass. The land title searches in Table 4.4 show that in 1994, the land on which Ole Sereni Hotel sits, Kenya's Government sold to Swan Carriers, who later leased to The United States Government 1999. The United States Government then filed for lease withdrawal in 2006, and the land was bought by Placid View Properties Limited in 2007 for Kshs.10m at market value. However, the ground has had contestations as it is public land even though it is now privatized and monetized for profit.

With the existence of random distribution of land, the accumulation of urban areas for financial gain occurs. The proliferation of urban regions is an abuse of planning, leading to the expansion of wealth by the elite and politically connected (Mbiba, 2017). From Table 4.4, the title searches for Shree Kutch Satsang Mandir show that the land initially belonged to the Ministry of Defense, Langata Barracks. Contrary to the evidence, the same area is now a private residential development instead of the initial lease's use. The mismatch in evidence presents the wealthy people (as local actors) (Harvey, 2003) playing a role in land acquisition and urban development through accumulation by dispossession. This mismatch also indicates that the state negotiates land management practices for urban production. The negotiation between the government and private entities for urban production is accumulation by dispossession, which contributes to changes in the built environment (Mbiba, 2017; Christophers, 2017).

Land tussle also exists with Tranquility Limited (economically elite), the alleged developers for China Gardens Estate. The developer has been accused of land contestations and faced accusations of fraud for not presenting the construction work plans assigned to them on another project (Agoya, 2013). I did not have access to interview either of Placid View Properties Limited owners or Tranquility Limited Developers. Still, these two cases provide an insight into land tussles and fraudulent dealings (Tranquility Limited) by local actors in the process of urban transformation.

Even though the land acquisition process has contestations, investors can still acquire land in one way or another for investment. The ability to purchase property for development amid contestations presents a case of power at a local level and a weak management system at the state level. The power disparities between private developers and the state offer leeway for profit- making through negotiations. The state succumbs to pressure from private developers and landowners (Mabin, 2005). Further, the land tussles also fuel accumulation by dispossession (Mbiba, 2017) in Kenya's urban transformation process. As the unlawful acquisition and distributions are happening, the land cover slowly changes through real estate investments.

Table 4.4: Title search summary. China Gardens Estate

Portion labeled 1:

a) 1/1/90 Leased from the Government to Rimbuki limited (Ksh.1.2m) b) 8/21/91 Leased to Ommuare Limited (3.5m) 1 c) 3/25/94 Leased to Barclays Bank and Barclays Merchant Finance Limited (56m) d) 9/9/98 Leased to Barclays Bank and Barclays Merchant Finance Limited (25m) e) 5/6/2003 Leased to Standard Chartered Bank of Kenya Limited (37m) f) 8/16/2005 Leased to Carnivore limited (17.5m). g) 5/2/2008 Leased to Tranquility Limited (13.5m) Ole Sereni Hotel

Portion labeled 2:

a) 7/1/94 From the Government to Swan Carries Limited (Kshs. 18,000). b) 7/9/99 Leased to the 2 Government of The United States of America c) 4/28/2006 Notice of withdrawal of the Government of The United States of America d) 5/15/2007 Leased to Placid View Limited (Kshs.10m) e) 12/01/2009 an amount of Kshs. 50m paid to I&M Bank. f) 6/29/2011 an amount of Kshs. 14,635,114m and another Kshs

819,523,729m paid to Kenya Commercial Bank Limited g) On 7/7/2015, an amount of USD 15,973,690m paid to Kenya Commercial Bank Limited

The Curve by the Park

Portion labeled 3:

a) 9/1/1985 From Government to Romano Mungiiria Kiome and Susan Wanja Mungiiria (Kshs. 1,075) b) 5/24/1996 Leased to Housing Finance Company of Kenya 3 Limited (Kshs. 1.49m) c) 4/21/2005 Leased to Logging Systems Limited changed the name to Timber Treatment International Limited (Kshs. 2.5m) d) 6/12/2005 Leased to Humphrey Gathitu Mina and Agnes Gathoni Thairu (Kshs. 4m)

e) 7/30/2008 Leased to Savings and Loans Kenya Limited (Kshs. 2.5m) f) 2/20/2012 Leased to Commercial Bank of Africa (7.5m)

Shree Kutch Satsang Mandir

Portion labeled 4:

a) 7/1/1997 leased from President of Kenya to The Permanent Secretary of the Treasury of Kenya to hold as a 4 trustee for the Department of Defense (Langata Barracks)

4.5: Financialization and Monetization Some authors argue that land's financialization and monetization are by the state and private developer s' for urban production. This argument is evident in two case studies, as shown in Table 4.4 above. The title search summary reveals that Kenya's Government sold the hotel land in 1994 to Swan Carriers, who later leased it to the United States Government in 1999. The United States Government then filed for lease withdrawal in 2006, and the land was sold to Placid View Properties Limited in 2007 for Kshs. 10M. From the summary, the state used its capacity to privatize public land for profit. Another case study is the land where Shree Kutch sits. The land initially belonged to the Langata Barracks, under the Ministry of Defense. Yet, evidence shows that the place is now a private residential development.

In addition to the government's financialized and monetizing land, real estate developers took advantage of the local finance capital for developments (Rouanet and Halbert, 2016; Halbert and Rouanet, 2014). From the analysis of the interviews conducted, Spartan Developers financed their construction (The Curve) through Savings and Loans Kenya Limited and the Commercial Bank of Africa. The Commercial Bank of Africa is headquartered in Nairobi, Kenya, and has branches only in East Africa. For instance, Cytonn Investments is a real estate and investment company (a financial agent that collects savings) to deliver local and foreign investment services. The investment company supported its development (Amara Ridge) by sourcing capital from its other investments. After financing the construction, the developers monetized the estate, each house

33 costing $1m. At the Curve, a one-bedroom apartment costs $195,000 to buy (interviews with Fahm Bekele, Spartan Group Developers, July 24th, 2019). Here, the self-empowered developers adjusted to financialization and monetization.

Epco Developers Limited (Shree Kutch Satsang Mandir developers) is a local company operating in Kenya for more than 36 years (Epco Builders Limited). To finance this, influential businesspeople contributed to the development (Interviews Vijay Sharma, June 13th, 2019). The coming together of businesspeople to achieve such an investment conforms to Rouanet and Halbert's concept of "self-empowerment" by investors, as they change the built environment (Rouanet and Halbert, 2016). This financial liberalization has made these local investors and developers achieve higher economic and political agency (Rouanet and Halbert, 2016). Therefore, in Kenya's urban transformation, regional finance capital mobilized by local developers from financial institutions has contributed to urban change along the Bypass. Further, the government has also financialized on land leading to urban production.

4.6: Eco-city and Smart city-making. The Nairobi National Park is a sanctuary to many animal species, especially Kenya's big five: the lion, Cape buffalo, elephant, rhino, and the leopard. With the Southern Bypass carving 89 acres off the park, there is a loss of habitat, and wildlife movement patterns have been disrupted (Okoth, 2015). The loss of habitat is a threat to environmental sustainability. Besides, the loss of habitat leads to ecological degradation. Hence, the Southern Bypass construction did not consider the park's sustainability or eco-city making in totality.

For the case studies, the developers of Amara Ridge incorporated green spaces between the houses. Compared to Shree Kutch's concrete walls separation, Amara Ridge's contractor separated houses with natural fencing. Trees and grass have been planted all over the estate, and the lawns are well manicured. Also, electric fencing separates Shree Kutch and the National Park, as shown in Figure 4.6 below. This separation has limited the mobility of animals in the park since they cannot get through the fenced parts. The residential area has crept into the animals' space, and therefore, there were no eco-city efforts while constructing the Shree Kutch. This scenario also has implications for the human and wildlife conflicts, and in this case, the humans are the problem. Figure 4.3.5 (top right picture) shows how close the Bypass is to the park.

Further, The Curve is a story building with glass walls and big windows open for air circulation. Oversized windows allow clean air circulation and therefore provide residents with a healthy living environment. It is not environmentally sustainable because it is surrounded by a concrete wall as a fence, with no green space in sight. The building has a mechanical ventilation system in its basement ( The Spartan Group, 2019). Concrete walls also separate homes in China Garden Estate. Although a concrete wall is a security source, it does not meet environmental sustainability standards because there is little clean air circulating the estate.

Figure 4.6: A section of Shree Kutch and the Bypass Overlooking the National Park

4.7: Land Speculation The literature suggested that foreign investments into infrastructural developments generate speculation in the land, as local investors anticipate investing in the ground along with these projects. History of the acquisition process and construction time explains land speculation along the Southern Bypass, using the four case studies. Title searches described in Table 4.4 show the land acquisition process for each of the four developments. In contrast, Table 4.7 shows evidence of the construction period for the Bypass and the four developments.

The Southern Bypass's construction took place in a period of four years from 2012 to 2016. Some of the four residential estates were constructed within this period, as shown in Table 4.7. Shree Kutch's construction started in 2010 and ended in 2012, just before the Bypass commenced. China Gardens Estate's development occurred in two phases. The first phase of nine houses was done in 2009, while the second phase was constituting eight houses developed in 2011. The Amara Ridge's construction started in 2018 and was set within one year; and lastly, The Curve's construction commenced in 2016 and is still under construction.

The interviews' analysis reveals that the Southern Bypass was a "prime area for investment" for The Curve and Amara Ridge developments (Interviews with Fahm Bekele, July 24th, 2019 Cytonn Investments, July 15th, 2019, respectively). Periods of construction for the case studies suggest that the investors hypothesized on the Bypass before investing in the projects. Since the developments are primarily residential, the developers weighed in on the advantages the Bypass will provide their residents, such as the accessibility to the city center and Jomo Kenyatta International Airport. To emphasize this, accessibility to recreational facilities and other amenities were some of the reasons provided for their projects' choice of location. Furthermore, representatives of the four developments appreciate that their residents can access the city using the Southern Bypass, including recreational places like the Nairobi National Park.

The speculation on land along the Bypass is domestically activated since all the investors and developers in these residential projects are local. The Bypass fueled land speculation as investors waited on the possibility of a transportation infrastructure to build property. Therefore, land speculation by local investors along the infrastructural development justifies the urban transformations.

Table 4.7: Period of construction Pre 2000 2000-2009 2010-2018

At least 30 buildings around China Gardens Estate (9 The Southern Bypass (2012-

The Curve houses- 2009) 2016)

Shree Kutch Satsang Mandir

(2010-2012)

The Curve (2016-Present)

China Gardens Estate (8

houses-2011)

Amara Ridge (2018)

4.8: Discussion International finance has played a significant role in most African countries' urban transformations through the financialization of large-scale government projects, like the Southern Bypass. The speculative urbanism framework unfolds as a process contributing to the changes since some of the tenets can justify the morphology along the Bypass. Hence, the framework is partially applicable to the processes creating the changes.

The availability of local capital is one of the local factors creating the changes along the Bypass. In Africa, Goodfellow argues that domestic money is 'real-estatized' to fill the housing gap created by foreign aid while international finance is infrastructuralized (Goodfellow, 2020). The Southern Bypass is a foreign financialized investment that has made housing gaps in Nairobi's urban environment; hence, investors' self-empowerment enabled them to harness local financial institutions to provide money for the projects. Local financial institutions and willing developers have stepped up to fill the housing gaps by investing in commercial and residential real estate.

Speculation on the land along the Bypass was locally activated, which is also a characteristic of Goodfellow's argument about urban production in African cities (Goodfellow, 2013; 2020). Investment in real estate increased speculation on the ground along the Bypass, evidenced by the

37 four projects' construction periods. From the interviews, the main objective for investment was the easy accessibility to the city center and other amenities provided by the Bypass. Investors and landowners anticipated the Bypass benefit and invested in residential developments, consequently leading to urban transformations.

The introduction of private landed property in Kenya after independence gave power to local investors to own multiple properties in cities (Kiamba, 1989). He argues that the commodification of land created a private accumulation of wealth through land selling and buying. After analyzing land records, land commodification is evident where the state activates local elites' wealth accumulation. The state has allowed land to generate rent by deliberately selling it to the private sector, which treats it as a financial asset (Christophers, 2017). The privatization of public land has led to irregular acquisitions and allocation of land. Like in Zimbabwe (as in Mbiba, 2017), land rights in Kenya favor the economically elite and the politically connected. Although land rights are different from the colonial period, the illegal allocation and privatization of public land are still rampant. The systems are termed opaque due to the complexities of the acquisition process (interview with Planner Odongo, June 6th, 2019); therefore, infiltrated with land brokers. The land brokers are intermediaries between land governance and land ownership, just as in Bangalore, where agents approach farmers and provide them with alternative land prices (Goldman, 2011). Land agents have taken over the land allocation process and offer quicker land allocation services than the National Lands Commission. They also provide unserviced land ready for development (interviews with Mr. Augustine Masinde, June 7th, 2019). The land-buying societies acquired and hoarded most of the land for private development.

Another local factor explaining the transformations is urban segregation in the case of an ethnic settlement, leading to the issues of the right to the city and raising the question of who has the right to rent and own property in town. The urban separation by ethnicity grounds has been an issue in Kenya since the colonial period. Africans were blocked from the city by Europeans until after independence. During the colonial period, the Indians who built the Nairobi-Ugandan Railway had their residential quotas separate from Africans. This scenario is still present now. Evidence from the fieldwork reveals that the Shree Kutch Satsang Mandir residential area is purely an Indian residential settlement. Although the Indians are part of Kenya's ethnic groups (0.1% of the population), no other person can own or rent a property.

Recently, a known Kenyan musician went on his Instagram to complain of the colorism in the Langata based estate. He wrote:

"Last year, I went to Langata to inquire about some nice houses I had seen on the internet; after getting there, we were told we are not Indians. Only Indians can own property in that area. I went back to Kayole (an informal settlement). I was not respected." (Osoro, 2020).

Even though the musician could probably afford to live in the estate, he cannot be allowed to buy or rent because he is not Indian. The fact that only Indians can own property in this estate raises issues of ethnicity and socioeconomic segregation. The existence of enclaves in the city creates social inequalities among the urban population and is among planning failures in African cities (Watson, 2013; Berrisford, 2011). The separation of urban space to an ethnic group has contributed to the urban transformation, further explaining urban morphology changes.

In conclusion, global and local forces have influenced the conversions along the Bypass. Simultaneously, the speculative urbanism framework slightly unfolds, evidenced by international capital flows and transportation infrastructure development. The privatization of land has initiated wealth accumulation by the local elites, while the state has financialized it for profit. There is also the monetization of land by local investors, and increased speculation has led to the skyrocketing of land prices. All these processes explain the urban transformations discussed in chapter three.

CHAPTER FIVE

RECOMMENDATIONS AND THE WAY FORWARD 5.1: Introduction This chapter provides the way forward from the analysis of interviews with physical planners, urban planners, transportation development engineers, and land surveyors on the Southern Bypass project. Although they all acknowledged the bypass's role in reducing traffic in the city and the transformations due to the developments, they highlighted the goals set by various departments in promoting urban development while preventing encroachment to the Park and the Ngong Forest. This section also discusses the limitations of this study regarding the sensitivity of land and funding sources for the case studies and other challenges experienced in the field.

5.2: The way forward Discussions in this section stem from the interviews conducted with planners while examining the future for planning and urban developments along the Southern Bypass and Nairobi city. This study foresees that planners' steps would cultivate productive outcomes for the planning departments across the country.

First, to regulate irregular allocation and acquisition, the Land Value Index Laws (Amendment) Bill (2018) was passed by the National Assembly (interviews with Mr. Augustine Masinde, June 7th, 2019). The bill defines a land value index as a systematic delineation showing the assessment of land prices in each geographical area at a specific time (Government of Kenya, 2018). The bill's objective is to homogenize Kenya's land values to enhance efficiency and expedite the compulsory acquisition of land (Government of Kenya, 2018). It stipulates that land acquisition (for any project by the government) should be before any compensation payment (to the landowner). Contrary to the Land Act of 2012, which advocated for benefit (to the landowner) after obtaining land (Government of Kenya, 2012).

The bill will also help regulate land markets by tracking down land brokers who evade taxes due to the land market's ineffectiveness (Interviews with Mr. Augustine Masinde, Director of Physical Planning, June 7th, 2019). This measure will assist the Physical Planning Department and the National Land Commission in managing the land markets. Landowners will be mandated to sell land by the value defined by the index.

Second, there is a proposal to build more transportation infrastructural developments around the city to ease congestion on the existing highways. The passage of an international route through the urban center has led to a need for improving road networks to divert the traffic, hence the construction of the Southern Bypass (Nairobi County, 2014). However, with the rapid increase of private vehicles (interviews with Eng. Enashipai Githinji, July 24th, 2019), it is mandatory to strengthen road development plans to curb congestion in and around the city. The idea is to build highways the "Beijing way." In Beijing, road networks usually comprise ring roads and slip roads, which connect to other major roads in the city, mainly for connectivity purposes (Li et al., 2019). The networks form a coordinated ring structure that expands inwards and outwards from an architectural center between Beijing and Tianjin (Yu et al., 2018).

In Nairobi, the bypasses will include six ring roads and slip roads for accessibility to other major highways around the Nairobi Metropolitan Area (interviews with Eng. James Kariuki, KENHA, July 24th, 2019). Currently, the Nairobi Eastern Bypass Highway, the Nairobi Southern Bypass, The Nairobi Northern Bypass, and Nairobi Western Bypass are under construction (Government of Kenya, 2016). These highways will connect the Nairobi Metropolitan Area, which consists of five counties: Nairobi County, Kiambu County, Kajiado County, Machakos County, and Murang'a County. The Nairobi Metropolitan Area is a central economic zone as it is one of the fastest-growing regions in Sub-Saharan African cities (Mundia, 2017).

Third, planning interventions have been set along the Southern Bypass to prevent further encroachment into the Nairobi National Park and the Ngong Forest, either by economically or politically influential individuals. Currently, KENHA, the highway maintenance authority, controlled entry, and exit along the Bypass by reducing entrance and exit ramps. The motive is to restrict movements and preserve road reserves (interviews with Mr. Augustine Masinde, Director of Physical Planning, June 7th, 2019). Also, newly approved development frontages should not face the Bypass to prevent further encroachments. (interviews with Ing. Enashipai Githinji, July 24th, 2019). Evidence from the fieldwork shows that residents of the four case studies use alternative roads, although they are all located along the Southern Bypass. The Curve and China Gardens Estate access their area using exits off Mombasa Road, while Shree Kutch and Amara Ridge use ramps off Lang'ata Road to access their property. This decision secures reserves and

41 prevents encroachment as experienced on other major roads and highways across the city (Interviews with Eng. Enashipai Githinji, KENHA, July 24th, 2019).

5.3: Recommendations A few recommendations emerge from the analysis of the processes contributing to the transformations along the Bypass. First, transnational policy networks, which deal with local and foreign developers, seem to be absent in Nairobi's urban production. I recommend that the government invest in better international trade policies that provide reasonable tariffs and tax incentives to foreign investors and governments to harness foreign capital into local infrastructural development and investments. Through the Central Bank of Kenya, the government should offer tax incentives and favorable tariffs to the financial institutions providing funds to the local developers to ensure affordable loan facilities to encourage more urban developments.

Second, the Nairobi Metropolitan Authority should adopt a proper land-use plan that integrates the counties within the metropolitan area with ethical land-use guidelines and regulations to safeguard specific land uses like the National Park and Forest's landcover encroachment by urban developments. The Kenya Wildlife Services (KWS) should strictly enforce the procedures to preserve the remaining forest and grassland covers along the Bypass and throughout the city. Further, KWS should impose hefty fines on any private developer who illegally builds on a natural ecosystem. The development regulations should single out rules observed by developers, including specific building codes, setbacks, and greening controls that promote a sustainable and eco-friendly smart city. The authorities should designate areas as a wildlife sanctuary and animal crossing to not interfere with the animals' movement within the National Park.

Third, the government should strengthen institutions dealing with land acquisition and urban planning to ensure lawful acquisition and urban land development. Planning institutions should strive to manage land records, monitor urban development, and enforce the development control regulations to ensure sustainability and avoid land acquisition conflicts. The land commission can land allocation and acquisition records by developing a more reliable GIS database. The database should contain the categorization of land according to ownership: private, public, community, as stipulated in the Land Act (2012). The detailed database should be accessible to the public for any person who wants to acquire land for development in the cities. Public accessibility will also reduce

42 land speculation around infrastructural developments since only the wealthy are the only ones with insider information.

5.4: Limitations of the study Given the sensitivity of land issues and capital sources for private projects in Kenya, my research was limited to the four case studies presented. During fieldwork, I had accessibility issues to some of the developments along the bypass and only managed to access the four projects. One major challenge was being sent away by a project manager who was not convinced of my data collection consent letter. Being sent away had a time constraint in the field, although I managed to get the most information from the real estate company's human resource manager. Another limitation is the issue of sources of funding for the projects. For instance, The Curve's capital sources were from local banks, but the interviewee did not disclose the names during fieldwork. This issue is sensitive because it is considered private information by some clients who would not want their funds to be admitted to the public. Therefore, the funding and land dispossession explanations should only be understood from a research point and not from a political perspective. Most of the descriptions provided are meant to contribute to the literature on foreign investments and research on the role of transportation development and local factors affecting urban changes.

CHAPTER SIX

SUMMARY, FINDINGS, AND CONCLUSION

6.1 Introduction This chapter has two sections. The first section summarizes each chapter's findings, while the second section is a conclusion taken from this study.

6.2: Summary and Findings This study investigates: (i) what has happened to urban land cover with the Southern Bypass's construction, (ii) what processes contribute to these changes, and (iii) what these processes mean to the planning process. Chapter two contains speculative urbanism, transportation development, and land-use change, the three concepts underlying this study. Four residential places along the Southern Bypass were identified on Google Earth Engine and used as case studies. The four (Amara Ridge, The Curve by the Park, China Gardens Estate, and Shree Kutch Satsang Mandir) contribute to urban transformations, as shown in the maps and tables in chapter three. Digitization on Google Earth Engine and using ArcGIS Pro for spatial analysis helped produce the evidence.

Chapter four explains the processes contributing to the transformations in chapter three. Foreign direct investment for transportation development has activated local factors such as the availability of capital for real estate investments, which have led to the financing of land and property for urban production. The speculative urbanism framework partly emerges to explain the transformation since most of these developments, except the Bypass, are locally funded. Only two case studies strived for eco-city making. Simultaneously, land speculation is evident from the analysis of construction time for two developments that coincide with the Bypass's commencement.

Chapter five examines the way forward set by planning departments to improve urban development and prevent encroachment to the park and the Ngong Forest. The Land Value Index Bill (2008) enactment will see adjustments in the land markets as the index will standardize land prices. The control of exits and entry along the Bypass prevents further encroachment into the Nairobi National Park and the Ngong Forest. Further, more highways are being built around the city to improve connectivity in and around the Nairobi Metropolitan Area. The chapter also provides recommendations ensuing from the analysis of the processes leading to the changes. First,

I recommend the government offer more tax tariffs to foreign investors to promote urban development. Second, there is a need to implement more strict measures on developers who encroach on urban natural ecosystems. Stringent standards could be in the form of hefty environmental fines to prevent further deterioration of the park and forest land. Third, a more reliable GIS database containing all land records should be developed and provided to the public to prevent the illegal privatization of land for urban production. Lastly, this study had limitations emanating from land issues and funds for private projects, making the case studies restricted to only four. The four places were accessible, and I collected most information needed for the study from the property managers and real estate agents of the four developments.

6.3: Conclusion Urban production along the Bypass has led to remarkable morphological changes justified by analyzing transformations in 2002, 2010, and 2018 (before, during, and after the bypass's construction, respectively). The Bypass has reduced and eased traffic in and around the city as its purpose is to bypass traffic. Local processes are primarily responsible for these transformations, while the speculative urbanism framework partially unveils in Nairobi's urban production. Foreign direct investment into transportation development activated local finance, which the developers harnessed to fund their projects. The state has privatized public land through monetization and financialization, which has encouraged property accumulation.

The government, through planning departments, has strived to encourage urban developments by building more highways in the Nairobi Metropolitan Area. The Land Index Value (2018) is one of the land commission measures to control land values in cities to prevent the extortion of investors who want to invest in the built environment. Further, to preserve the National Park and the Ngong Forest, infringed by the Bypass, restricted entries and exits were strategically set. Developers are required to plan their projects with frontages facing away from the park. This thesis recommends hefty fines for developers who violate land-use restrictions set against encroaching on green spaces. There is a need for a detailed GIS database that encompasses all types of land to prevent further privatization and illegal land acquisitions. Further, tax incentives should be encouraged, especially for foreign investors who want to invest in real estate to promote urban development.

In conclusion, the framework of speculative urbanism partially unveils the urban morphology along the Bypass. This case study, just like in other African cities, has seen transformations initiated by local processes, contrary to the literature, which suggests that real estate developments in Africa are happening due to foreign direct investment availability. In Nairobi's urban transformation, local capital, coupled with the government's willingness to tap into foreign investments, has led to land-use changes. The evidence produced here suggests that the framework's tenets have been generalized in explaining urban transformations in the global periphery, and therefore, that is the weakness in the framework.

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