Bull. Hist. Chem. 13- 14 (1992-93)

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Bull. Hist. Chem. 13- 14 (1992-93) ll. t. Ch. 13 - 14 (2 2 tr nnd p t Ar n lt nftr, vd lfr, th trdtnl prnpl f ltn r ldf qd nn ft n pr plnr nd fx vlttn, tn, rprntn "ttr." S " xt Alh", rfrn prnd fr t rrptn." , pp. 66, 886. 25. Ibid., p. 68: "... prpr & xt lnd n pr 4. W. n, "tn Clavis Str Key," Isis,1987, tll t n ..." 78, 644. 26. W. n, The "Summa perfectionis" of pseudo-Geber, 46. hllth, Introitus apertus, BCC, II, 66, "... lphr xtr dn, , pp. 42. n ..." 2. l, "tn Alht," rfrn , pp. 224. 4. frn 4, pp. 24. 28. [Ern hllth,] Sir George Ripley's Epistle to King 48. bb, Foundations , rfrn , p. 28. Edward Unfolded, MS. Gl Unvrt, rn 8, pp. 80, 4. l, " xt Alh", rfrn , p. 64. p. 0. bb, Foundations, rfrn , pp. 22222. 2. MS. rn 8, p. Cf. l Philalethes,Introitusapertus, . Wtfll, Never at Rest, rfrn 8, p. 8. in Bibliotheca chemica curiosa, n Mnt, rfrn 2, l. II, p. 2. r t ll b fl t v bth tn prphr 664. (Cbrd Unvrt brr, Kn MS. 0, f. 22r nd th 30. Ibid., MS. rn 8, pp. 2. rnl (hllth, Introitus apertus, in Bibliotheca chemica curi- 31. Ibid. osa, l. II, p. 66: 32. Ibid., pp. 6. Newton: h t trr prptr ltn , t 33. Ibid. nrl trx prptr nrl n p ltntr, t 4. l, "tn Alht," rfrn , p. 20. tn r vltl, t l [lphr] n tr rvlvntr . [Ern hllth,] Sir George Riplye' s Epistle to King ntnt n ntr , d ntr tt t & trrn d Edward Unfolded, n Chymical, Medicinal, and Chyrurgical AD- prf llnt. Intrt. prt p. 0. DRESSES: Made to Samuel Hartlib, Esquire (ndn, 6, p. 22. Philalethes: Ch tn tr t Mnrl rr, 6. h rd "nl" th tn tr fr "rnl" r "nt." ltn rpt, & tn r vltl, ntr d t hllth t n h nfnhd nrpt f th Vade mecum Cl hlphr n Cntr , d Cntr t rvr Philosophicum (rth brr, MS. Sln 6, 0v. Atrl, rrdn rr d prf jbr. .h xplntn f rrdblt prdt f prt n th b tl npl n th lhl trdtn tlzd b hllth. Cf. n, rfrn 26, p. 8, n tn th William R. Newman teaches in the History of Science Depart- Summa: rptr n r [.. ppr ndrn] lt trrtt ment at Harvard University, Science Center 235, Cambridge, nttt t lphrtt djtv t fnt nr, dfl MA 02138. His publications include the monograph "The h d ddntr n l. Et Md d, n x lt 'Summa perfectionis' of pseudo-Geber" and the forthcoming trrtt rnt vv btnt ntrxttrbtr rnt vv ntn volume "Gehennical Fire: The Lives of George Starkey, an t, t d prt n rtr, pr t lphrt trnn Alchemist of Harvard in the Scientific Revolution." vlr ptt. Et n x ll d rn dn brr t lvr ptt ll. r h tr drlntr tprt rrr fr t n nr pr dntntt rrtt nvrt." 8. I. tn, Opticks, vr, Yr, Y, 2, p. 400. ROBERT MAYER AND THE . A. hr, Atoms and Powers, rvrd Unvrt r, CONSERVATION OF MATTER Cbrd, MA, 0, pp. 2 nd 64. 40. r tn dtntn btn "vlr Chtr" nd Kenneth L. Caneva, University of North Carolina at "rt" phlph, . M. ttn, "tn Alhl Greensboro Std," n A. G. b, d., Science, Medicine, and Society in the Renaissance, l Wtn bltn, Yr, Y, 2, pp. Robert Mayer (1814-1878) is well known as one of the discov- 6, nd 0. erers of the principle of the conservation of energy. A physi- 4. frn 8, p. 86. cian from the kingdom of Württemberg in southwestern Ger- 42. I. Chn, Isaac Newton's Papers & Letters on Natural many, Mayer sailed to the Dutch East Indies in 1840, where he Philosophy, rvrd Unvrt r, Cbrd, MA, 8, p.22. was startled by the brighter-than-expected color of the blood he Al bb, Foundations, rfrn , p. 2. let from European sailors recently arrived in the tropics. 4. bb, Foundations, rfrn , p. 220. Reflecting on the implications of Lavoisier's combustion 44. l r, frthrr, tht tn td th lh theory of animal heat, and of his own failed childhood attempt t rr th th prn f "pr" (nd hn vd n to construct a perpetual motion machine, Mayer employed a ttr, hn th rln v tht rr th prnpl widely invoked analogy between organisms and machines to f vltlt nd hn ttntn. Slrl h thn tht tn conclude that there must be a constant numerical relationship 28 Bull. Hist. Chem. 13 - 4 (1992-93) between heat and "motion" (1). Two years later he published his first paper, "Remarks on the Forces of Inorganic Nature", in Liebig's Annalen der Chemie und Pharmacie. That paper contained his calculation of the mechanical equivalent of heat; as he put it, the fall of a given weight through a distance of 365 meters is equivalent to a rise in temperature of one degree Celsius of an equal weight of water. Although this essay cannot develop the full context of Mayer's reflections, it is important to recognize that the line of reasoning sketched above yielded Mayer a number, not a general concept of energy (he said "Kraft", or force), let alone of its conservation. Of central importance in the exposition of his theory of force was an analogy between force and matter - the fundamental concepts, he argued, of (respectively) physics and chemistry. Both force and matter are quantitatively invariable and qualitatively variable. Just as matter is, in the normal course of nature, neither creatable nor destructible, so, too, is force neither creatable nor destructible, at least as far as the processes of inorganic nature are concerned. It is thus tempting to suspect that Mayer transferred to the new concep- tual entity "force" the well-known chemical principle of the conservation of matter. The only thing wrong with this explanation is that there was no such principle in the chemistry and physics texts of the first half of the 19th century, at least not in Germany. The substance of the principle was, to be sure, tacitly assumed as a working principle by chemists, but it had no visibility as a fundamental principle, let alone the fundamental principle upon which the brt Mr science of chemistry is based. In a real sense Mayer had to "discover" for himself the principle we know of as the conser- over terms. I've looked at about 30 works by 17 authors from vation of matter. Nor was it a simple business for him to settle the 1820s till the early 1840s, including the well-known texts upon the analogy between force and matter. He first had to of Baumgartner, Berzelius, Biot, Leopold Gmelin, Kastner, define for himself the meaning of force and to decide what its Mitscherlich, Pouillet, and Wailer. Most list as the general fundamental characteristics were. It was only gradually and properties of matter things like extension, impenetrability, with great conceptual difficulty that Mayer concluded that divisibility, porosity, elasticity, compressibility, inertia, and force, too, cannot be created or destroyed under any circum- motility, rarely also weight or gravity ("Schwere"). Some stances. He never doubted the indestructibility and uncreata- don't even mention mass as an important concept, let alone its bility of matter, but whether those characteristics apply also to conservation. force was precisely the difficult question to answer. A con- One of the standard reference works of the day was Gehler' s fused application of the parallelogram of forces to central- Physical Dictionary, published in 11 multipart volumes be- force motion, coupled with residual uncertainty as to the status tween 1825 and 1845. Neither the short article on "Mass" nor of the vital force and attachment to a widely invoked image of the long one on "Matter" specifically mentioned its conserva- the solar system as an "organism," led him to conclude until tion or indestructibility (2). To be sure, passing mention of around 1844 that force is continuously produced in the sun via such a principle did occur here and there in the course of the neutralization of a portion of the planets' centrifugal force. particular discussions, quite as Lavoisier's oft-quoted enun- In other words "organisms," unlike machines, are truly capable ciation of it was tucked away in the section of his Traite dealing of creating force effectively out of nothing. with vinous fermentation. Thus Lam6 referred to "the inde- The nonexistence of an explicit principle of the conserva- structibility of matter and the constancy of the quantity of vis tion of matter is as unambiguous as it is startling. The viva" in his discussion of the constancy of the quantity of heat overwhelming majority of German chemistry and physics in certain reactions, but he otherwise passed in complete texts and handbooks of the period contain no explicit mention silence over the conservation of matter (3). Interestingly of anything like the conservation, indestructibility, or un- enough, the two other incidental references I've encountered to creatability of matter, mass, or substance. One needn't quibble something like the conservation of matter have to do with Bull. Hist. Chem. 13 - 14 (1992-93) 29 reactions involving oxygen - perhaps a faint resonance of the voisier?) of the fact that the weight of the chemical reagents historical association of that principle with Lavoisier. before and after a reaction must be unchanged, but rather the Such silence is perhaps doubly surprising since not only had explicit enunciation of a particular principle and the kinds of Lavoisier enunciated the principle of the conservation of assumptions which finally made that enunciation reasonable in matter in 1789, but in Germany Immanuel Kant had laid down ways it hadn't been before.
Recommended publications
  • Ethan Allen Hitchcock Soldier—Humanitarian—Scholar Discoverer of the "True Subject'' of the Hermetic Art
    Ethan Allen Hitchcock Soldier—Humanitarian—Scholar Discoverer of the "True Subject'' of the Hermetic Art BY I. BERNARD COHEN TN seeking for a subject for this paper, it had seemed to me J- that it might prove valuable to discuss certain aspects of our American culture from the vantage point of my own speciality as historian of science and to illustrate for you the way in which the study of the history of science may provide new emphases in American cultural history—sometimes considerably at variance with established interpretations. American cultural history has, thus far, been written largely with the history of science left out. I shall not go into the reasons for that omission—they are fairly obvious in the light of the youth of the history of science as a serious, independent discipline. This subject enables us to form new ideas about the state of our culture at various periods, it casts light on the effects of American creativity upon Europeans, and it focuses attention on neglected figures whose value is appreciated abroad but not at home. For example, our opinion of American higher education in the early nineteenth century is altered when we discover that at Harvard and elsewhere the amount of required science and mathematics was exactly three times as great as it is today in an "age of science."^ In the eighteenth century when, according to Barrett Wendell, Harvard gave its » See "Harvard and the Scientific Spirit," Harvard Alumni Bull, 7 Feb. 1948. 3O AMERICAN ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY [April, students only "a fair training in Latin
    [Show full text]
  • Newton the Alchemist Had Been Transmuted Into Newton the Enlightenment Chemist
    © Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. ONE The Enigma of Newton’s Alchemy The Historical Reception hen Isaac Newton died in 1727, he had already become an icon of reason in an age of light. The man who discovered the laws governing gravitational attraction, who unveiled the secrets of Wthe visible spectrum, and who laid the foundations for the branch of math- ematics that today we call calculus, was enshrined at Westminster Abbey alongside the monarch who had ruled at his birth. Despite having been born the son of a yeoman farmer from the provinces, Newton was eulogized on his elaborate monument as “an ornament to the human race.” Perhaps play- ing on the illustrious physicist’s fame for his optical discoveries, the most cel- ebrated English poet of his age, Alexander Pope, coined the famous epitaph “Nature and Nature’s Laws lay hid in Night. God said, Let Newton be! and All was Light.” 1 Thus God’s creation of Newton became a secondfiat lux and the man himself a literal embodiment of the Enlightenment. Little did Pope know that in the very years when Newton was discover- ing the hidden structure of the spectrum, he was seeking out another sort of light as well. The “inimaginably small portion” of active material that gov- erned growth and change in the natural world was also a spark of light, or as Newton says, nature’s “secret fire,” and the “material soule of all matter.”2 Written at the beginning of a generation- long quest to find the philosophers’ stone, the summum bonum of alchemy, these words would guide Newton’s private chymical research for decades.
    [Show full text]
  • Redgrove Alchemy Ancient An
    kansas city public library Books will be issued only on presentation of library card. Please report lost cards and change of residence promp" ^ard holders are responsible for all books, records, films, pictures ALCHEMY: ANCIENT AND MODERN PLATE I. EFFIGIES HlPJ^SELCr JWEDlCI PORTRAIT OF PARACELSUS [Frontispiece ALCHEMY : ANCIENT AND MODERN BEING A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE ALCHEMISTIC DOC- TRINES, AND THEIR RELATIONS, TO MYSTICISM ON THE ONE HAND, AND TO RECENT DISCOVERIES IN HAND TOGETHER PHYSICAL SCIENCE ON THE OTHER ; WITH SOME PARTICULARS REGARDING THE LIVES AND TEACHINGS OF THE MOST NOTED ALCHEMISTS BY H. STANLEY REDGROVE, B.Sc. (Lond.), F.C.S. AUTHOR OF "ON THE CALCULATION OF THERMO-CHEMICAL CONSTANTS," " MATTER, SPIRIT AND THE COSMOS," ETC, WITH 16 FULL-PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS SECOND AND REVISED EDITION LONDON WILLIAM RIDER & SON, LTD. 8 PATERNOSTER ROW, E.G. 4 1922 First published . IQH Second Edition . , . 1922 PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION IT is exceedingly gratifying to me that a second edition of this book should be called for. But still more welcome is the change in the attitude of the educated world towards the old-time alchemists and their theories which has taken place during the past few years. The theory of the origin of Alchemy put forward in I has led to considerable discussion but Chapter ; whilst this theory has met with general acceptance, some of its earlier critics took it as implying far more than is actually the case* As a result of further research my conviction of its truth has become more fully confirmed, and in my recent work entitled " Bygone Beliefs (Rider, 1920), under the title of The Quest of the Philosophers Stone," I have found it possible to adduce further evidence in this connec tion.
    [Show full text]
  • V61-I3-02-Rudrum.Pdf (76.64Kb)
    REVIEWS 193 Its sexually-charged and masculine language (of undressing, pierc- ing, scattering) calls into question West’s description of the poem as a “curiously prim meditation on the nuptials of Jacob’s father,” as the wording of that description fails to take into account the significance of the marriage of Isaac in biblical typology. Jean Daniélou’s From Shadows to Reality appears in West’s bibliography, and might have been usefully drawn upon in discussion of “Isaacs Marriage.” In general, however, this book is so enlivening to read because its author has clearly made good use of, and enjoyed, his opportu- nity for research. I liked especially his exposition of the evidence that Royalists connected Charles Stuart, who was crowned King of Scotland in 1651, with the suffering Jacob. The Stone of Des- tiny was thought to be the same one on which Jacob had slept at Bethel. That Charles could not sit on it at his coronation, because it had been removed to Westminster in 1297, would, West sug- gests, have symbolized to Vaughan the disturbance of the patriar- chal line from Jacob’s day. Whatever particular reservations one might have, West’s discussion of Vaughan’s meditation on the pa- triarchs, and their relevance to contemporary Anglican sufferings, is an important contribution to understanding. Donald R. Dickson, ed. Thomas and Rebecca Vaughan’s Aqua Vitæ: Non Vitis (British Library MS, Sloane 1741). Tempe: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2001. liii + 270 pp. $35.00 Review by ALAN RUDRUM, SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY. Insofar as modern students of literature are aware of Thomas Vaughan (1621-1666), it is as the twin brother of the poet Henry Vaughan.
    [Show full text]
  • Alchemy and Alchemical Knowledge in Seventeenth-Century New England a Thesis Presented by Frederick Kyle Satterstrom to the Depa
    Alchemy and Alchemical Knowledge in Seventeenth-Century New England A thesis presented by Frederick Kyle Satterstrom to The Department of the History of Science in partial fulfillment for an honors degree in Chemistry & Physics and History & Science Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts March 2004 Abstract and Keywords Abstract By focusing on Gershom Bulkeley, John Winthrop, Jr., and other practitioners of alchemy in seventeenth-century New England, I argue that the colonies were home to a vibrant community of alchemical practitioners for whom alchemy significantly overlapped with medicine. These learned men drew from a long historical tradition of alchemical thought, both in the form of scholastic matter theory and also their contemporaries’ works. Knowledge of alchemy was transmitted from England to the colonies and back across a complex network of strong and weak personal connections. Alchemical thought pervaded the intellectual landscape of the seventeenth century, and an understanding of New England’s alchemical practitioners and their practices will fill a gap in the current history of alchemy. Keywords Alchemy Gershom Bulkeley Iatrochemistry Knowledge transmission Medicine New England Seventeenth century i Acknowledgements I owe thanks to my advisor Elly Truitt, who is at least as responsible for the existence of this work as I am; to Bill Newman, for taking the time to meet with me while in Cambridge and pointing out Gershom Bulkeley as a possible figure of study; to John Murdoch, for arranging the meeting; to the helpful staff of the Harvard University Archives; to Peter J. Knapp and the kind librarians at Watkinson Library, Trinity College, Hartford, Connecticut; and to the staff of the Hartford Medical Society, for letting me use their manuscript collection and for offering me food.
    [Show full text]
  • The Intellectual and Social Declines of Alchemy and Astrology, Circa 1650-1720
    The intellectual and social declines of alchemy and astrology, circa 1650-1720 John Clements PhD University of York History December 2017 Abstract: By the early decades of the eighteenth century alchemy and astrology had ceased to be considered respectable or credible by elite society. Astrology had been removed from university curricula, while alchemy largely ceased to be publicly practised by the educated and respected and became regarded by those of elite status to be little more than a tool for charlatans or quacks. This thesis draws out these twin declines and considers them in parallel, focusing on trying to analyse what changed intellectually and socially within England to so dramatically alter the fates of these arts. There is a scholarly tradition which has discussed the declines of alchemy and astrology as part of a broader notion of a decline in ‘occult practices’ or ‘magic’, an idea which is often twinned with the wider notion of a ‘rise of science’. This thesis will therefore consider alchemy and astrology as connected arts, which nevertheless possessed separate identities, and then analyse these arts’ declines alongside each other. Through this process it will explore to what degree and in what ways one can describe the declines of these arts as part of one unified trend, or if one needs to interpret these declines as purely grounded in their own unique circumstances. By utilising the works of alchemical and astrological practitioners and placing the decline of these arts in a longer historical context this thesis studies what those who practised the arts considered to be their core conceptual components and will therefore analyse how these elements were changed or challenged by intellectual developments that occurred in the second half of the seventeenth century.
    [Show full text]
  • Encyklopédia Kresťanského Umenia Alfa - Baleka: Prvé Písmeno Gréckej Abecedy a Α; Grécky Písmový Symbol Vyjadrujúci Počiatok; Je Súčasťou Slov Označujúcich Vodu, T.J
    Marie Žúborová - Němcová: Encyklopédia kresťanského umenia alfa - Baleka: prvé písmeno gréckej abecedy A α; grécky písmový symbol vyjadrujúci počiatok; je súčasťou slov označujúcich vodu, t.j. počiatok života a silu; najmä v židovstve (pozri Židia, judaizmus) sú mená začínajúce písmenom A početné (Adam apod.); alfa sa často používa na označenie prvého alebo najdôležitejšieho výskytu niečoho (alfa samica); veľké alfa sa zvyčajne ako symbol nepoužíva, pretože je ľahko zameniteľné s písmenom A z latinky; pozri omega Iniciála alfa s maiestas Domini a portrétmi autorov (Beatus Girona, 2. pol. 10.st.) alfa a omega - grécke písmená α ω/A Ω; prvé a posledné písmená gréckej alfabety; pozri Zjavenie Krista, Baleka: alfa a omega sú písmenovým symbolom začiatku a konca, večnosti; vystupujú ako kresťanské symboly Božej nekonečnosti; v zmysle večnosti písmená alfa a omega vkladané do Kristovej svätožiary, najmä pri zobrazeniach na sarkofágoch, ale aj na minciach a hostiách; alfa a omega našli spojitosť so symbolikou orla dvojhlavého > v tejto súvislosti sa vzťahujú ku Kristovi ako k bohu Prvému a Poslednému (koptské, galské a rímske stély) www: písmená alfa a omega sa objavujú v kresťanskom umení od 4.st. a často sú spájané so symbolom Krista (v monogram Krista XP, chrismon, kríž), čím vyjadrujú božskosť Krista a Krista ako Bohočloveka na konci bytia a času sveta; s alfa a omega sa stretávame na epitafoch, kde je súčasťou nápisov, na úžitkových predmetoch ako sú tehly, váze, mince; objavujú sa v sochárstve, mozaike, glyptike a iluminácii; v sochárstve sa objavujú na koptských pohrebných stélach, na zvonoch; v stredoveku sa objavujú na liturgických predmetoch, najmä na paschaloch, na hostiách; v modernom umení symbol alfa a omega mizne, vracia sa až v 19.st.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Secrets Revealed: Alchemical Books in Early-Modern England'
    Hist. Sci., xlix (2011) SECRETS REVEALED: ALCHEMICAL BOOKS IN EARLY- MODERN ENGLAND Lauren Kassell University of Cambridge In 1688 William Cooper, a London bookseller, published A catalogue of chymicall books. For two decades he had collected these titles, locating, identifying and recording details of 422 English books.1 This list documents one component of the history of alchemy. It also provides a measure of the vitality of alchemical pursuits in Restoration England. The number of titles listed in Cooper’s Catalogue are plot- ted by year in Figure 1.2 Cooper lists several dozen alchemical books printed in London in the second half of the sixteenth century, with a concentration of activity in the 1590s. The first decade of the new century was relatively quiet. Production then rose slightly and ran at a relatively even pace through to the 1640s. It increased tenfold in the 1650s. After the Restoration, production continued at this elevated level until trailing off at the end of the century.3 These books present historians of science with two apparent paradoxes. The first is that they made secret knowledge public. Alchemy was an arcane art. Its tradi- tions were learned through divine inspiration, instruction by a master under an oath of secrecy, and the study of esoteric texts. These texts encoded the procedures to make the philosophers’ stone. In prose and verse, paradoxes, digressions, erroneous quantities, numerical encodings, metaphors and allegories concealed secrets from the uninitiated reader. Some works bore the name of a mythical or pseudonymous 1690 Fig. 1. The number of titles listed in Cooper’s Catalogue, plotted by year.
    [Show full text]
  • Bull. Hist. Chem. 13
    ll. t. Ch. 13 - 14 (2 19 Around 1950 I was part of the early years of the Society for posthumously in 1696 that Philalethes' Introitus was consid- Social Responsibility in Science. I was delighted to read ered "by the whole family of chemists" to belong among "their recently that both the head of DuPont and the editor of The classics" (2). Similar accolades had been uttered by Daniel Scientist, Eugene Garfield, one of our symposium speakers, George Morhof in his Epistola ad Langelottum of 1673(3) and, were calling on scientists and on the chemical industry to to judge by the translations of the Introitus into English, pledge themselves to an ethic of social responsibility and German, French, and Spanish, and its numerous printings environmental sensitivity. The way I put it is that, just as between 1667, when it first appeared in Amsterdam as the biologists are the guardians of the biosphere, so we of the printing of Johann Lange, and 1779, it would seem that chemical community must become the guardians of the litho- Philalethes' popularity was great indeed (4). Three further sphere, the guardians and protectors of the material world. works by Philalethes, collectively named the Tres tractatus, My interests in the concepts and history of science and the were printed by Martin Birrius of Amsterdam in 1668 (5). In role of science and scientists in society have remained intense the following year the Intro itus was translated into English and ever since. Hence the title of th p: "The Context published as Secrets Reveal' d by William Cooper of London of Chemistry: Conceptual, Historical, Social".
    [Show full text]
  • Reading Alchemically: Guides to 'Philosophical' Practice in Early
    BJHS Themes (2020), 5,57–74 doi:10.1017/bjt.2020.3 RESEARCH ARTICLE Reading alchemically: guides to ‘philosophical’ practice in early modern England Jennifer M. Rampling* Department of History, Princeton University, Princeton, NJ 08544, USA *Corresponding author: Jennifer M. Rampling, email:[email protected] Abstract Dozens of early modern treatises claim to offer straightforward instructions on the theory and prac- tice of alchemy, including all the steps necessary to produce the philosophers’ stone and a range of medicinal elixirs. Yet the resulting works often seem to obfuscate more than they explain: omitting vital information, disguising ingredients and practices behind cover names, and describing out- comes that seem, to modern eyes, impossible. Were such ‘instruction manuals’ ever intended to offer guides for actual practice, or did they serve other ends – from attracting patrons to persuading sceptics of the truth of alchemy? Drawing upon alchemical dialogues written, compiled and anno- tated by English alchemists in the late fifteenth and the sixteenth centuries, I argue that these works of ‘philosophical’ alchemy could indeed serve as technical manuals, although not always of the kind we might expect. Such writings offer advice not only on practical techniques, but also on the process of reading alchemically: guiding readers through the exegetical minefield of alchemical writing, in order both to extract meaningful chemical recipes from obscure texts, and to craft the practitioner’s own persona as an alchemical philosopher. Alle the gramarians of Inglond & of fraunce, Can not teche yow those concordance.1 The art of alchemy has no shortage of ‘how-to’ literature. In early modern Europe, men and women with alchemical interests used texts as a major source of information on prac- tice.
    [Show full text]
  • Encoding Newton's Alchemical Library: Integrating Traditional Bibliographic and Modern Computational Methods
    Journal of the Text Encoding Initiative Issue 11 | July 2019 - June 2020 Selected Papers from the 2016 TEI Conference Encoding Newton’s Alchemical Library: Integrating Traditional Bibliographic and Modern Computational Methods Meridith Beck Mink, Michelle Dalmau, Wallace Hooper, William R. Newman, James R. Voelkel and John A. Walsh Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/jtei/2866 DOI: 10.4000/jtei.2866 ISSN: 2162-5603 Publisher TEI Consortium Electronic reference Meridith Beck Mink, Michelle Dalmau, Wallace Hooper, William R. Newman, James R. Voelkel and John A. Walsh, « Encoding Newton’s Alchemical Library: Integrating Traditional Bibliographic and Modern Computational Methods », Journal of the Text Encoding Initiative [Online], Issue 11 | July 2019 - June 2020, Online since 18 February 2020, connection on 01 July 2020. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/jtei/2866 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/jtei.2866 For this publication a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license has been granted by the author(s) who retain full copyright. Encoding Newton’s Alchemical Library 1 Encoding Newton’s Alchemical Library: Integrating Traditional Bibliographic and Modern Computational Methods Meridith Beck Mink, Michelle Dalmau, Wallace Hooper, William R. Newman, James R. Voelkel, and John A. Walsh SVN keywords: $Id: jtei-cc-pn-dalmau-139-source.xml 931 2020-04-15 22:17:29Z ron $ ABSTRACT The Chymistry of Isaac Newton (http://chymistry.org) project team has digitized and encoded, following the TEI Guidelines, the complete corpus of Newton’s alchemical manuscripts, which total more than two thousand pages and over one million words. Newton cited more than ve thousand published and unpublished works in these manuscripts; many of his annotations reference items in his own library, as he was an exceptionally dedicated reader of alchemical texts.
    [Show full text]
  • The Alchemy Reader: from Hermes Trismegistus to Isaac Newton'
    H-Albion Kusukawa on Linden, 'The Alchemy Reader: From Hermes Trismegistus to Isaac Newton' Review published on Sunday, May 1, 2005 Stanton J. Linden, ed. The Alchemy Reader: From Hermes Trismegistus to Isaac Newton. New York and Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. xxvii + 260 pp. $79.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-521-79234-9; $30.99 (paper), ISBN 978-0-521-79662-0. Reviewed by Sachiko Kusukawa (Trinity College, Cambridge) Published on H-Albion (May, 2005) This is a collection of English translations (previously translated elsewhere) of primary sources relating to alchemy. The collection is divided into three parts (ancient; Islamic and medieval; Renaissance and seventeenth century), each part comprising nine authors. The first part includes excerpts from the works of Hermes Trismegistus The( Emerald Tablet), Plato, Aristotle, Pseudo- Democritus, the anonymous Dialogue of Cleopatra and the philosophers, anonymous recipes, Zosimos of Panopolis, Stephanos of Alexandria, and an anonymous poem; the second part has selections from Khalid ibn Yazid, Jabir ibn Hayyan, Avicenna, Albertus Magnus, Roger Bacon, Nicolas Flamel, Bernard Earl of Trevisan, and George Ripley; the last part contains translations of Paracelsus, Francis Anthony, Michael Sendivogius, Robert Fludd, Gabriel Plattes, John French, George Starkey, Elias Ashmole, Robert Boyle, and Isaac Newton. Each translation is prefaced with a brief biography and description of the excerpts, with a judiciously concise bibliography (a full bibliography is appended at the end of the volume). Although this kind of anthology would never please the purist or the specialist (notable omissions include the writings of Raymond Lull, Arnald of Villanova, and Marsilio Ficino), it is nevertheless helpful to have in one volume so many standard authorities on alchemy and their loci classici.
    [Show full text]