A Historical Sociology of London's Smaller Company Markets
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
The rise and fall of the penny-share offer: A historical sociology of London’s smaller company markets Dr Philip Roscoe School of Management The University of St Andrews The rise and fall of the penny-share offer: A historical sociology of London’s smaller company markets Dr Philip Roscoe School of Management The University of St Andrews page 1 Philip Roscoe ©Philip Roscoe School of Management The University of St Andrews The University of St Andrews is a charity registered in Scotland: No SC013532. page 2 Contents 1. Summary findings . 5 2. Introductory remarks . 8 3. Dog tracks and matched-bargains. 10 . 3.1. Gorgonzola Hall . 10 3.2. S Jenkins & Son. .15 . 3.3 Big Bang . 19 . 4. Regulation, technology, and the birth of OFEX. 23. 4.1 OTC, USM and Third Market. .23 . 4.2 Formalizing 535.2: J P Jenkins Ltd. 29. 4.3 The market’s ‘place’ . .35 . 5. Elite lobbying and the AIM? . .44 . 5.1. ‘Firestorm’ . 44. 5.2. Building a market . 52 5.3 Privatized regulation . 55 . 6. 1995 to 2000: Dotcom bubble and IPO boom . 62 6.1 The advisory ecosystem and raising funds on OFEX . .66 7. Bear market travails and the end of OFEX . 71 . 7.1. The decision to float on AIM . 74 7.2. The Jenkins family loses control. 79 . 8. From 2004 to 2010: Markets at war. 82 8.1. AIM’s change of direction. 83. 8.2. The new contender – PLUS Markets . 88 8.3. Project Tortoise. .95 . 8.4. Head to head with AIM. .98 . 9. Decline and fall: the final days of PLUS . 102 . 10. Afterword: Changing AIM. 107. 11. Timeline of relevant events. .113 . 12. Appendix i: Interviewees . 115. 13. Appendix ii: References. 117 . page 3 Philip Roscoe page 4 1. Summary findings 1. The history of the UK’s smaller company stock markets shows an ongoing, though cyclical, demand for growth funding and share trading mechanisms (on the part of companies) and investment opportunities (on the part of retail investors and institutions). Skilled, entrepreneurial intermediaries have exploited the opportunities presented by this two-way flow of supply and demand. These intermediaries comprise a financial ecology essential to the effective functioning of the markets; equally, an effective financial ecology must be anchored to the institution of a viable and trusted stock market. 2. Markets are historically and materially embedded entities. They take a particular form as a result of historical forces and material constraints: organisational path dependencies, regulatory changes, advances (or otherwise) in technological systems and market infrastructure, reactions to external stimuli and competitive pressures, and the personal projects and interests of individuals. The distinctive regulatory shape of AIM is an example of one such path dependency, and the launch of OFEX another. The social and cultural contexts in which the exchanges were launched and operate have also been influential in shaping the markets. Recognising path dependencies as the source of institutional form can facilitate discussion over appropriate organisational changes as and when necessary. 3. Market architectures, cultures and trading mechanisms give rise to distinctive kinds of ‘ethics of office’ among participants. Examples are the code of practice among those apprenticed as blue buttons on the floor of the old London Stock Exchange, or the project-based frame of reference of classroom-educated MBAs. These value systems have shaped the developing markets and clashes between them underlie some of the most bitter disputes in my history. 4. AIM has achieved a critically important position in the financial infrastructure of UK plc, raising over £100 billion of investment in the primary and secondary markets. Nonetheless, there are growing strains within the system, notably in terms of regulatory pressures on nominated advisers and a regulatory ambivalence towards retail investors. An over-cautious regulatory stance does not necessarily reflect the realities of growth funding mechanisms, especially in the face of ongoing demand for investment opportunities among the general page 5 Philip Roscoe public. Should regulatory activity make retail investment in small company stocks unrealistic, those demands are likely to be satisfied in other, less reputable fora. 5. Academic research has highlighted the importance of high-growth firms (gazelles) with certain characteristics, notably maturity and heterogeneity of industrial sector. AIM, in its more mature form, has a constituency manifesting these characteristics. Research has also drawn attention to the importance of physically located entrepreneurial ecosystems. It should be noted that the AIM community comprises one such ecosystem in itself, and supports many others through the provision of legitimacy, publicity and financial support. 6. Launching AIM constituted a radical change for the conservative and risk averse London Stock Exchange. It is now clear that the reputation, institutional solidity, and infrastructure of the Exchange have been crucial factors in the success of AIM. My study suggests that there is only room for one full scale growth market in the British economy, and that more benefits accrue from the concentration of trading activity than from the fragmentation required by competition. The Exchange therefore has a heavy responsibility in terms of stewardship of this national resource for the future. 7. The ongoing enthusiasm of financial intermediaries and their clients for earlier-stage sources of funding indicates that AIM should be supplemented by a variety of transparent and clearly supervised funding mechanisms appropriate for growing businesses that are not yet ready for a full market listing. Structural factors suggest that ‘dual-capacity’ arrangements, where market-making revenues subsidize market infrastructure, may be viable here. These would need to be well regulated, but the example of JP Jenkins and OFEX shows that such ‘markets’ can be beneficial for growing firms. Technological innovations linked to more localised economic activity (for example algorithmic micro-exchanges for locally crowd funded start-ups) also offer promising solutions. The London Stock Exchange has been historically supportive of noncompeting funding mechanisms, which it views as feeders for its own business. 8. Technological and regulatory developments, notably the Internet, have concentrated financial ecologies in bridgehead cities such as London. This is neither necessarily desirable nor in keeping with the political page 6 Summary findings aspirations and responsibilities of a national small company market. The perspective of British enterprise – an important political and rhetorical motif in this story – demands mechanisms to reinvigorate issuer activity in Scotland, Wales and the English regions. Growing infrastructure costs and associated economies of scale suggest that ‘white label’ serviced offered by large providers may be a more effective solution than de novo start-ups. 9. It should be stressed that AIM is a stock exchange of a distinctive kind: it is a mechanism for fundraising and stock trading growth companies. Trading mechanisms have evolved to reflect the natural irregularity in supply and demand of stock. Supervisory mechanisms delegate oversight to corporate advisors with close knowledge of the companies in question. Maintaining effective supervision through mechanisms based on reputation and social networks poses a key challenge to the exchange going forward. 10. Finally, my study also shows that stock markets are simply talked into being. Infrastructure, an appropriate regulatory environment and underlying demand are necessary but not sufficient conditions for the successful formation of a market. Markets reflect the collective commitment of participants acted out through multiple, ongoing conversations, and successful market innovations stem from a collective recognition that change is due. We may soon be at another such moment, with Brexit and the aftermath of austerity necessitating a refocusing of our national economic intellect. Smaller company stock markets – and trading mechanisms for even earlier-stage equity finance – should form an increasingly important part of that conversation. page 7 Philip Roscoe 2. Introductory remarks The following pages offer a ‘historical sociology’ of two markets established in London in 1995 in response to a series of rule changes at the London Stock Exchange (LSE). The first, the Alternative Investment Market, or AIM, was set up by the LSE. It was established as part of LSE chief executive Michael Lawrence’s ‘seven-point plan’ for the repositioning of the Exchange as an engine for economic growth focused on the UK regions. AIM was also, in part, a reactive move allowing the Exchange to deal with competitive threats in Europe and at home, particularly growing activity under its own Rule 535. It has acted as a proving ground for many smaller companies and plays an important role in the political positioning of the LSE. The second, OFEX (renamed PLUS in 2004) was privately operated and driven by commercial demand. Originally operated as a trading facility, it achieved legal recognition as a ‘designated market’ in 2001, and then as a Recognized Investment Exchange (RIE) in 2007. As OFEX it coexisted with the LSE and rode the dotcom wave; as PLUS it served as a vehicle for a market rebellion against the LSE. It struggled to maintain a commitment to its original small company constituency and to compete as a trading venue of choice against the Exchange. While AIM has flourished, PLUS faltered after the financial crisis of 2008, and my narrative finishes in 2012 with the sale of the PLUS RIE licence to ICAP, now NEX. I suggest that the sociology of these exchanges is rooted in the interactions on the old floor of the LSE prior to the 1986 ‘Big Bang’ and my narrative begins there. The first section, ‘Dog tracks and matched bargains,’ discusses the period up to the stock market crash at the end of the 1980s. I then discuss the regulatory and technological path dependencies that led to the inception of OFEX in 1995 (‘Regulation, technology, and the birth of OFEX’), and the elite political lobbying in response to these changes that led to the foundation of AIM (‘Elite lobbying and the AIM?’).