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Home , Greater Finland, Imperiet, Karelian question, Tver Oblast, Vepsians, Votes

TThehe BBalaltticic SSeaea RRegionegion Cultures,Cultures, Politics,Politics, SocietiesSocieties EditorEditor WitoldWitold MaciejewskiMaciejewski

A Baltic University Publication Case Chapter 2 Constructing : Myths and Symbols in the Multiethnic Reality Ilja Solomeshch

1. Power of symbols Specialists in the field of semiotics note that in times of social and political crises, at Political symbolism is known to have three the stage of ideological and moral disintegra- major functions – nominative, informative tion, some forms of the most archaic kinds of and communicative. In this sense a symbol in political symbolism reactivate in what is called political life plays one of the key roles in struc- the archaic syndrome. This notion is used, for turing society, organising interrelations within example, to evaluate the situation in pre- and the community and between people and the post-revolutionary (1917) , as well as various institutions of state.

Karelia

Karelia is a border area between and Russia. Majority of its territory belongs to Russian , with a capital in . The Sovjet Union gained the marked area from Finland as the outcome of war 1944. Karelia can be compared with similar border areas in the Baltic Region, like Schleswig-Holstein, Oppeln (Opole) Silesia in Poland, region in Russia. Probably the best known case of such an area in is Alsace- -Lorraine.

Map 13. Karelia. Ill.: Radosław Przebitkowski

The Soviet semioticity

When trying to understand historical and cultural developments in the Russian/Soviet/Post-Soviet spatial area, especially in terms of Centre-Peripheries and Break-Continuity paradigms, one can easily notice the semioticity of the Soviet system, starting with its ideology. New communist rites and rituals, as well as symbols, were destined to oppose the old religious ones associated with the Tsarist regime. While religious rituals were intended to prove, above all, the existence of a sacral community, the Christian church, the main assignment of Communist rituals was to prove the existence of a principally new sacral construction, the State, which, under the Communist Party’s leadership, was building Communism. Some scholars believe this semioticity, where almost everything seems to carry a message, to be an old Russian tradition.

History 110 Constructing Karelia: Myths and Symbols in the Multiethnic Reality the fall of the and its aftermath. Among the main features of this phenomenon are its irrationality, insensibility to obvious contradictions, and the mythologisation of the abilities of the charismatic leaders. Thus, sym- bols and political myths are used as instruments of governing and manipulation by exploiting irrational spheres of human mentality.

2. Karelian perspective Firstly, we must stress the fact that Karelia was (and actually still remains) a border territory with a very complicated ethnic composition. The latter ranges from and , who had lived there for centuries, to the who came there from Finland proper, from the historical province of as well as from America who settled there mostly in the 20th century, and to post-war Belarussian resettlers. Actually the very Finno-Ugric nature of Soviet Karelia’s statehood could also be perceived as one of numerous mystifications and myths of Map 14. Finno-Ugric People in the Baltic Region. (1) Soviet times, since so-called national fractions Finns and (2) . The area where these are in of its population, i.e. Karelians, Finns and majority do not overlap precisely with the country bor- Vepsians, created a majority only in 1920, the ders of Finland and . The more than 300.000 year of the Karelian Labour commune founda- Finns that live as immigrants in are not indicated. tion, and after that (or non-nationals) (3) Izhors and (4) together with Finns are found have always created clear majority in this nomi- in former Ingria in the St Petersburg area. (5) Karelians nally Finno-Ugric administrative formation. and (6) Veps live mostly in the Karelian Republic in the Russian Federation. (7) in Latvia. (8) Saami Taking into consideration this specificity of peoples. Darker colour indicate Finno-Ugrians in major- the Karelian Republic, we can trace not only ity. Hatched line is the water divide. Ill.: Karin Hallgren ways of adopting so-called ‘all-union’ symbols, but also of creating own local micro-symbols and micro-cults.

Table 3. Population of Finno-Ugrians in the Russian Baltic Region

People/Year 1913 1990

Finns in Ingria 120,000 20,000 in Karelia – 15,000 rest of Russia – 15,000

Total 120,000 50,000

Izhors in Ingria 15,000 500

Total 15,000 800

Votes 1,000 50

Karelians in Karelia 160,000 80,000 in 80,000 30,000

Total 240,000 130,000

Vepsians 30,000 12,500

History Constructing Karelia: Myths and Symbols in the Multiethnic Reality 111 The boundaries

In Russian tradition the concept of boundaries has an exceptional socio-psychological meaning. The boundary, either artificial or natural, is first of all a defence line protecting the We/Ours from the hostile They/Others.

3. Borders transformed into argumentation for political and territorial claims. The symbol and the icon of ‘the Border’ should A special resonance to pondering the be outlined first. From the end of the 1920s nature and role of boundaries was given by and onwards the word ‘Border’ was usually the foundation in 1919 of so called “buffer linked with the motto ‘The border is locked zones” in the framework of the Versailles sys- up!’ with the emphasis on the strong need tem. This, in its turn, became the implemen- to safeguard the achievements of the Great tation of the earlier formulated geopolitical October Socialist revolution from constantly idea of the “medial tier” between Germany existing external threats. and Russia. “Buffer states” as viewed in par- In the case of Finland, its relations with ticular by Lord Curzon after his successful the eastern neighbour have been an essential activity on the border demarcation in India, constituent in the creation of Finnishness, and were relatively independent states whose sov- in many cases the boundary between the two ereignty was guaranteed by the third party states has been regarded as an icon of these rela- countries. To old “buffer states” – , tions. The concept of “natural boundaries” was Denmark, Sweden, Holland, Belgium, getting more and more popular in the political Luxembourg and Switzerland – the new lexicon due to the much publicised views of the ones were added, those of Finland, Estonia, German scientist Friedrich Ratzel, the founder Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, of modern political geography and politology. and Romania. During the same period there appeared trans- lated into many languages investigations of the Swedish politologist Rudolf Kjellén who 4. External Menace introduced the term “geopolitics” into scien- The related symbol of the external enemy tific language as early as in the 1910s. beyond the boundary might be described Due to the dominating pro-German ori- as an integral part of the Russian mental- entation which had consolidated in Finland ity, playing a key role within the paradigm before 1917, the publicity of Ratzel’s and of eastern paternalism by providing a nec- Kjellén’s ideas had not only scientific but essary justification for the system of rela- political foundation as well. From that time tions between the Leader/the Father and the onwards the concept of a “natural bound- People. It can be argued that one can hardly ary” would be used in academic works by find a stronger mental succession in people’s Finnish geographers as the scientific basis of behaviour, before and after the ’ the idea of the whose new socialist revolution of 1917, than the implicit boundaries should correspond to the natural faith in the power of the Word and in the ones and thereby stretch eastwards (as well constant existence of an Enemy. Throughout as westwards) much farther than the bor- the history of the Russian State, the latter ders did. In other words, the solution of the concept has been repeatedly deployed, both began to be linked directly to mobilise against actual external danger to the idea of the Greater Finland. Among and to justify the struggle against a putative the factors that determined the geographical inner enemy, often a phantom. One can eas- position of “natural boundaries”, there were ily find examples illustrating this thesis in listed not only the physical-geographical ones Russian history from its very beginnings to (seas, rivers, lakes, watersheds and highlands), the present day. but also the ethnocultural reasons – national, The fate of the so-called Red Finns in linguistic and religious. Thus the results of Soviet Karelia, i.e. Finnish communists who purely scientific geographical researches had fled from Finland to Soviet Union after the

History 112 Constructing Karelia: Myths and Symbols in the Multiethnic Reality unsuccessful revolution attempt in 1918, for trying to expand Lutheran influence in serves as but one illustration of this thesis. Russian Karelia. Instruments chosen to resist Perhaps the most prominent among them was this danger were not only ideological, but also PhD . Most of the top-level economical ones. For example, one of the pur- Red Finns, as well as great number of other poses of the construction of the Murmansk groups of Finns in the USSR, suffered dur- railroad, the first plans were elaborated long ing the Stalin’s purges in 1930s. Symbols of before World War I, was to strengthen Russian Border and Enemy, both being either external influence among not only Karelians, but also or internal, are closely linked to each other Finns in the border regions. In the 1930s the and, in Karelian’s case, have a much wider Finns were once again blamed for so-called spatio-temporal orientation. bourgeois , a conspiracy in the External threat in the North-West border- attempt to join Karelia to Finland. lands has an extended record of resemblance Soviet Karelian newspapers have played with the situation on the eastern frontiers of their role in creating such an image of Finland Russia. In the early 1930s, after the occupa- (and Finns), which was a priori aggressive tion of Manchuria by the Japanese an almost towards Russia (and the Russians). This pro- hysterical fear of intervention gripped the cess culminated in late 1920s – early 1930s, Soviet Union, and this, above all, was used when image of Finland was already presented as grounds for a purge both against officers as “part and parcel” of Fascism and a source of of Finnish origin in Karelia and in border war threat. During 1920s and 1930s, media regions where Karelians lived. propaganda reproduced methods of propagan- For the second time, after World War II distic campaign against so called Panfennistic and during the Korean war, Stalin, not being activities in Orthodox Karelia in the begin- satisfied by the events in Korea, seems to have ning of the 20th century, before the Russian been stricken by a kind of war panic. Serious revolution. signs of war preparations were discerned by Russians viewed the orientation within the Soviets even in Finland, and that was the Panfennism in the late 19th and early 20th last case when , one of centuries towards mostly Orthodox Karelia the few prominent Red Finns who survived, as a manifestation of Finnish , was summoned to Stalin’s cabinet. and, conversely, with no foundation what- And, finally, these issues have once again soever, the Finns suspected Russia of imperi- been connected together in public debates on alistic ambitions when its central authorities the Karelian question during the perestroika proposed unification initiatives regarding and post-perestroika periods. Some Finns’ Finland, culminating, in 1914, in the odi- approach towards the fate of lost Karelia was ous programme of of the Grand then compared to Japan’s official approach Duchy of Finland. towards disputed territories of the Kurile Finnish enthusiasm about the fate of islands. Generally speaking, all these cases their Karelian brothers during the first two evoke latent appeals to the patriotic idea of decades of the 20th century was labelled as inviolability of Russian borders and to the Finnish irredenta, appealing both to the idea image of an external enemy. of natural boundaries for the Greater Finland For Russians, Karelia had always been and and to the Finno-Ugric tribal brotherhood remained Russian territory, and any doubts pathetics. on this score were perceived as represent- In the 1930s external threats were linked ing an assault on the indivisibility and maj- together once again with the threat of nation- esty of the State, be it the Russian Empire or alism in Karelia. This, being a reflection of the Soviet Union. The only change after the a much more general shift towards national Bolshevik revolution of 1917 was that the Bolshevism in 1934, as defined by Gerhard idea of the Communist Motherland gradually Simon, in its turn was connected with the replacing the Great Russian Orthodox idea. phantom notion of the Red Greater Finland The image of An Enemy /A Stranger / The and reflected a fight for power both at the Other remained practically unchanged. At the central and peripheral levels. beginning of the 20th century the defenders of the Great Russian idea blamed the Finns

History Constructing Karelia: Myths and Symbols in the Multiethnic Reality 113 5. Cults and Myths If we return back to the symbolic world of Soviet reality, let us mention the motto of ‘the United Family of Free Peoples’, a symbol that correlates, above all, to the fate of Karelia. The correlation is obvious, as the unity was stressed more and more strongly whilst real autonomy, real free- dom was becoming more and more nominal. This process culminated in the late 1920s. We can therefore come to the conclusion that there is clear evidence of continuity in the instrumentality of national policy conducted in Russia towards non-Russian border regions Figure 30. before and after the Bolshevik revolution in an Karelia, a attempt to avoid the danger of disintegration comb. Ill.: of the State. Małgorzata One of the most specific features is the Sheiki-Biń- Finno-Ugric nature of Soviet Karelia’s autono- kowska my, once again, real and nominal. During the The so-called Red Finns have played their period of Communist Fennicization of Soviet prominent role in the history of the region, and Karelia it was usually stressed by the advocates this is also considered as a specificity. Soviet and initiators of the campaign that they were Karelia as a case study area gives a wide range building a new Karelia (new schools, new engi- of material for the discourse on the correlation neering, new poetry, etc.). This sign of novelty of Soviet internationalism and patriotism as should not be considered as a totally specifi- a legacy of disputes between Zapadniks and cally local one. The hymn of the Soviet Union Slavophils. later pronounced that ‘we will build our new The Centre needed to maintain the State as world’. Local specificity becomes apparent in united, strong, and indivisible. However, after the Finno-Ugric involvement in the process of the Bolshevik revolution, the idea of strong building something new. statehood could not be supported any more by As far as the role of a charismatic leader is the Orthodox idea, a new set of symbols and concerned, it should be noted that the cult of myths had to be invented. This was actually and later Josif Stalin was imme- done during the first decades of the Soviet rule. diately reproduced at the local level, constitut- The symbolic world of Soviet Russianness ing a sort of hierarchy. As early as in the mid seems finally to be moulded after World War 1920s we can already trace back the existence II, more familiar to a ‘rank-and-file’ Soviet of a local cult of prominent leaders, Gylling citizen than the Great Patriotic War, with, and Rovio. One of its most peculiar features once again, strong emphasis on the notions was that these leaders were so-called Red Finns, of Border, Enemy and Fatherland. Within the representing by nationality the narrowest stra- Centre-Peripheries paradigm, this process had tum of the Karelian population, and they were created a construction with much stronger and often perceived by the majority as strangers. effective control from the Centre and much The famous Finnish epic compilation more emasculate and formal self-dependence Kalevala offered good ideas to be used, among at the local level. Under these circumstances, them Sampo, the mill of happiness (respectively, the real content of national, Finno-Ugric, the Red Sampo), the traditional music instru- specificity of Soviet Karelia was doomed to ment Kantele (respectively, the Red Kantele), be demolished. Whilst formal attention to etc. Needed scientific grounds for Kalevala’s national culture and related symbols was con- images involvement in propaganda have been stantly stressed, the very Finnishness of Soviet carefully provided by Soviet scholars in order to Karelia/Karelian Republic, as far as the second draw a line separating bourgeois understanding half of the 20th century is concerned, could of old Karelian mythology and the new Marxist, be argued to shift its real meaning step by step and, thus, the only lawful, one. towards a symbol per se.

History 114 Constructing Karelia: Myths and Symbols in the Multiethnic Reality LITERATURE AND REFERENCES

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