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Upgrading the Women's Movement in Iran

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Upgrading the Women's Movement in Iran Upgrading the Women’s Movement in Iran: Through Cultural Activism, Creative Resistance, and Adaptability Meaghan Smead Samuels A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in International Studies University of Washington 2018 Committee: Kathie Friedman Sara Curran Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies ©Copyright 2018 Meaghan Smead Samuels 2 University of Washington Abstract Upgrading the Women’s Movement in Iran: Through Cultural Activism, Creative Resistance, and Adaptability Meaghan Smead Samuels Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Kathie Friedman Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies The purpose of this research is to identify and analyze the effects of the 2009 post- election state crackdown on the Iranian Women’s Movement. Varying narratives of how the crackdown affected women’s activism necessitate a better understanding as to how this social movement negotiates periods of repression. An examination of accounts and actions by women in Iran reveal this Movement to be fluid, adaptable, and resilient, utilizing different structures, strategies and tactics depending on the current political environment. This study demonstrates the ability of Iranian women to develop creative solutions for public engagement in repressive moments, including through everyday acts of resistance and by practicing cultural activism. Women in Iran work to transform culture in order to impel the state to make changes to discriminatory laws. Prevailing social movement theories help to explain some characteristics of the Iranian Women’s Movement, but a more complex model is required to account for dynamic gendered social movements in non-Western, authoritarian contexts. This study reveals some of the theoretical gaps for explaining the way gender based movements navigate public space for activism under authoritarian regimes. 3 To my Mother, thank you for all your incredible support. 4 Table of Contents List of Abbreviations…………………………………………………………………… 6 Introduction……………………………………………………………………………... 7 Background……………………………………………………………………………. 10 Methods………………………………………………………………………………… 35 Results………………………………………………………………………………….. 39 Conclusion …………………………………………………………………………….114 Bibliography………………………………………………………………………….. 146 Appendix A: Initial Resource List for Data Set……………………………………. 151 Appendix B: List of Research Questions for Data Set……………………………... 153 Appendix C: Bibliography of Data Set……………………………………………... 155 Appendix D: Sample of Coding Process……………………………………………. 172 Endnotes……………………………………………………………………………… 156 5 List of Abbreviations IWM Iranian Women’s Movement RM Theory Resource Mobilization Theory PO Theory Political Opportunity Theory CEDAW Convention on Elimination of All forms of Discrimination against Women NSP New Social Movement Paradigm NSM New Social Movement Theory IRI Islamic Republic of Iran 6 Introduction In 2008 I had the opportunity to travel to the Republic of the Islamic State of Iran for work. In a dimly lit restaurant in Tehran I met with an Iranian colleague, an older woman, to discuss our agenda for my visit. After some time our conversation turned to the issue of the state-mandated headscarf, or hijab, and in that talk she made a statement which has stuck with me. We were discussing some of the ways in which young Iranians push the boundaries of the dress code. She commented that we, (as Westerners) should not be fooled by any open displays of affection between men and women, or by the ways in which the women defiantly display their hair from under their scarves. “Things will never change,” she stated, and continued to explain that every spring young women push the limits on how they are legally allowed to conduct themselves, and every spring the local government reacts forcefully with an increase in arrests. The following summer, in 2009, when what came to be known as the Green Movement took to the streets to protest contested presidential elections, the government issued one of its most repressive crackdowns on civil society in the history of the republic which, it would seem, proved my colleague right. Thousands were imprisoned, and the powerful Women’s Rights Movement was among one of the most impacted groups. The purpose of this study is to better understand how the Iranian Women’s Rights Movement negotiates periods of state repression. My research questions is: how did the 2009 government crackdown affect the Women’s Movement and how do existing social movement theories help to explain their tactics for survival during this period? Prominent human rights lawyer and Iranian feminist activist Shadi Sadr argues that the Movement weakened, and wonders “why the Women’s Movement, which many considered to be the 7 most vigorous social movement in Iran, went into retraction after the emergence of the Green Movement and subsequent government crackdown” (2012, 201). Nobel Laureate and human rights defender Shrin Ebadi, on the other hand, argues that the Movement continued to grow stronger in spite of harsh repression (Ebadi, 2010). With such competing views, how should we understand the effects of this period? Is the Movement to be understood as survivalist or as suppressed? The extensive and violent crackdown on civil society, following the disputed reelection of Ahmadinejad specifically targeted women’s rights activists and women’s organizations in this period. The Women’s Movement in Iran, which has a long history of activism as a rights-seeking movement due to women’s status as second-class citizens, did not directly contest the elections and yet the state perpetrated acts of violence and mass arrests of female activists, journalists and human rights defenders. Literature on how the events following the elections affected the Movement present multiple narratives for how individual activists and organizations fared this period of repression. I want to find out to what extent there may have been retraction and why, and to what extent the Movement was able to survive and adapt to this repressive moment. If there was retraction, how could this occur when the Movement was so strong? Why did the state target women when they (as a movement) did not directly contest the elections? How can social movement theory help develop a more dynamic and complex view of the Movement, and where do theoretical gaps exist for explaining these dynamics? How can we understand the events of 2009 as a moment of contention? Social movement theories tell us that political opportunity, resources, culture and identity are important to mobilization processes. How do these concepts help inform how the 8 Women’s Movement mobilizes and sustains public engagement in period of repression? Civil society theory stresses the importance of a healthy democratic political environment for a healthy civic sphere. In repressive authoritarian regimes like Iran, how can the Women’s Movement remain robust and survive in spite of its locale in a closed political setting? The research is designed to better understand these phenomena in order to discover the viability of this social movement to adapt, adjust and renegotiate demands in order to survive periods of repression. Further, this study attempts to understand how this sector of civil society in Iran, the Women’s Movement in particular, is proceeding (or not) in the current socio-political climate. This case is relevant to those who are interested in the dynamics between state and society in Iran, and who are interested in the ability of civil society to help promote human rights (including women’s rights), and civism in the Middle East. This research hopes to make a contribution to scholarship on Iran and the Middle East, social movements, human rights, civil society, women in Muslim societies, political sciences in the Muslim world and gender relations in non-Western contexts. This study will also incorporate issues pertaining to refugee studies and the international humanitarian regime. To a lesser degree, elements regarding democratization studies will be useful to this study. This research appeals to scholars of the aforementioned fields as well as policy makers dealing in diplomacy and foreign relations approaches with Iran. This research paper describes the paradox for how this robust Women’s Movement was targeted, and how it appeared to experience diminishment in the post- election period. I will provide background for the rise and emergence of the modern Women’s Rights Movement in Iran, an overview of the crackdown and some of the 9 internal dynamics of the Movement. I will include existing arguments for the Movement as weakened in 2009 and their suppositions as to why. I offer a description of the puzzle that asks how a powerful movement could experience diminishment as the result of this repressive episode and present the gap in explanations for how the Movement fared in the post-crackdown period. Next, I provide a description of my methodology before presenting the results. Finally, I present a discussion for how the findings in my research have implications for social movement and more generally civil society theory. Background After the contested 2009 presidential elections in Iran and the resulting demonstrations carried out by the civic sector, the administration under former President Ahmadinejad carried out a brutal crackdown on civil society, which lasted well into his second term (Aarts and Cavatorta, 2013). Women activists and women’s organizations were targeted during this time in a particular
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