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Paul-Marie Arpaia on the Revolutions in Europe 1848-1849. From R.J.W. Evans, Hartmut Pogge von Strandmann, eds.. The Revolutions in Europe 1848-1849. From Reform to Reaction. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2000. xiii + 250 pp. $60.00, cloth, ISBN 978-0-19-820840-2. Reviewed by Paul-Marie T. Arpaia Published on H-W-Civ (February, 2001) In 1998, a group of former and present mem‐ out Europe attacked the ancien regime, demanded bers of the Faculty of Modern History at Oxford broader political participation in government, University gave a series of lectures to commemo‐ and focused attention on the social question. Al‐ rate the sesquicentenary of the Revolutions of though nationalism played a lesser role in some 1848. The lectures, published in the present vol‐ countries, it was pronounced in central and ume, offer the reader a panorama of the areas southern Europe--even though it wound up be‐ that directly experienced revolutions (France, coming a more divisive than cohesive force. Pogge Italy, Germany, and Austria) as well as several von Strandmann insists that despite the defeat of countries on the periphery (Great Britain, Russia the revolutions, in the long term, they had impor‐ and the United States). Essays by the editors on tant domestic and international consequences. the nature of the Revolutions of 1848 and on the In his essay, "Liberalism, Nationalism, and the decades leading up to the Revolutions, together Coming of the Revolution," R.J.W. Evans offers an with an essay on the meaning of the revolutions overview of European history from 1789 and to subsequent generations, serve as foreword and 1848. He argues that during this period liberalism epilogue. and nationalism could not become an effective Hartmut Pogge von Strandmann's introducto‐ revolutionary force on the continent. Both move‐ ry essay "1848-1849: A European Revolution?" re‐ ments impacted the economic sphere, leading jects the myth that events in France caused revo‐ some to embrace the free market and others, a lutionary activity elsewhere in Europe or served state-controlled market. While liberalism was en‐ as a model for the revolutions in Italy, Germany, couraged by the Revolution of 1830 in France, so‐ or Austria. If the revolutions of 1848 were au‐ cio-economic developments proved to be more tochthonous in nature and their outcomes varied important factors. The migration of agricultural from country to country, all of the revolutions workers to urban areas and the industrial trans‐ shared common aspects. Revolutionaries through‐ formation of urban areas, coupled with the H-Net Reviews spread of radical thought, created the matrix in capitalist sectors of the middle classes. He also ar‐ which the Revolutions of 1848 would become rad‐ gues convincingly that the revolution of 1848 had icalized. Echoing Pogge von Strandmann, Evans a lasting impact on France. concludes that the revolutions impacted later de‐ The greatest strength of Denis Mack Smith's velopments in France, Italy, Germany, Austria and "The Revolutions of 1848-1849 in Italy" can be the successor countries of the Habsburg Empire. found in his discussion of the diplomatic and mili‐ The Revolutions of 1848 acted as a catalyst to so‐ tary side to 1848-49. His analysis of the military cial, political and cultural developments that had struggle between Austria and the various Italian begun with the Revolution of 1789 and would play states demonstrates clearly the problems facing out over the next century. Italian unification. In 1848-49, Italian leaders The major thrust of Geoffrey Ellis's contribu‐ could not overcome military setbacks, tensions tion, "The Revolution of 1848-1849 in France," is between democratic and moderate leaders, and that the revolution failed to show signs of class the rivalries among the Italian states. Viewed struggle. The success of the revolution was owing from this standpoint, the revolutions provided to the leadership of the liberal and republican valuable lessons to the political leaders who bourgeoisie, the unwillingness of the fnancial, would fnally unite Italy. Unfortunately, the commercial and industrial bourgeoisie to rally to prominence Mack Smith gives to diplomatic histo‐ the Orleanist regime, and most importantly, the ry is not balanced with an analysis of two inter‐ Parisian National Guard's abandonment of Louis- connected developments: the insurrections Philippe. The creation of the ateliers nationaux, against local leaders and the creation of the Ro‐ the National Assembly's decision to abolish them man Republic. One may also fnd fault with his and the violence that followed their suppression use of tired clichs. For instance, he marvels that was not motivated by class interests, either. The mafiosi "paradoxically" set things in motion in the workshops offered menial labor and low wages, "socially backward" Sicily. What is missing is any serving primarily as insurance for the middle effort to test the recollections and characteriza‐ classes against the radicalization of the urban tions of the Englishmen and Italians on whom he poor. They hardly matched Louis Blanc's concep‐ basis these characterizations. (This criticism can tion of ateliers soc iaux and were suppressed by be applied to the essay as a whole. The only recent the National Assembly when it became convinced publication cited in the bibliography is Roland that they did not make good economic sense. Sarti's excellent biography of Mazzini.) Mack The resulting violence of the June Days also Smith also fails to recognize that the constitution lacked a class basis, as evidenced by the social adopted in Sicily was not the old constitution, but background of the revolutionaries and counter‐ one that was significantly modified. How and why revolutionaries. The problem with this argument it was modified might have provided insight into is that, although it underscores faws in Karl at least one aspect of the revolution. A similar Marx's analyses, it does not consider other Marxi‐ gloss can be found in Mack Smith's consideration an interpretations or suggest an alternative moti‐ of the revolutions further north. There is hardly vation for what happened. By resorting to the any consideration of the significance of the Ro‐ spontaneity of the revolt as an explanatory factor, man Republic for Italy or Europe. And, while he Ellis implies that there was a whole lot of false states that the presence of "urban guerrillas" in consciousness in 1848 and 1849. His interpreta‐ Milan made the revolt "one of the most extraordi‐ tion does make an important contribution by sug‐ nary episodes" of the 1848 revolutions, he fails to gesting a growing split between traditional and compare this revolt with popular insurrections 2 H-Net Reviews elsewhere in Europe, or at least, in Tuscany, Bres‐ analysis of the revolutions, Evans argues that the cia and Genoa. army was not the key to the survival of the As the title suggests, Hartmut Pogge von monarchy. There was really no serious challenge Strandmann argues in "The German Revolutions to Habsburg rule in 1848 and 1849 with the excep‐ of 1848-1850 and the Sonderweg of Mecklenburg," tion of Lombardy-Venetia and Hungary. More‐ that events in the German states did not constitute over, the army caused problems in the long run a single revolutionary movement. He sees the by retaining the Italian lands against their will German revolutions as spontaneous, uncoordinat‐ and by damaging the relationship between the ed and multidimensional events that belie Marx crown and the Magyar leadership. Instead, the and Engels's reading of the Revolutions of key to the Habsburg's success was to be found on 1848-49. Shifting alliances among landowners, the international front. The failure of the gross‐ peasants, rural laborers, artisans and urban deutsch solution at Frankfurt ensured the viabili‐ workers do not support a class-based interpreta‐ ty of the monarchy as both a German and non- tion. The frst phase of the revolution began German institution. Britain was supportive of the among the peasantry in 1847. Artisans limited Habsburgs, and Russia actively helped quash rev‐ their action to passing resolutions and signing pe‐ olutionary movements. Evans dismisses the ques‐ titions. The revolutionary impulse in the second tion of whether the revolution was liberal or na‐ phase came from property owners among the tional. He maintains that it was both liberal and middle classes, who, despite their fears of revolu‐ national in the sense that liberal legislation was tion, used the unrest among the lower classes as seen as a means of asserting a national identity. an opportunity to advance their demands for po‐ Yet, the true significance of the revolution was to litical reform. These demands included calls for engage the masses and women in nationalist con‐ national constitutional reform and national unifi‐ flicts, creating "popular nationalism" in Central cation as well as issues of local concern. Pogge Europe. Evans also sees the revolutions as a suc‐ von Strandmann insists that there was no "all- cess since they provided key elements for later re‐ German" revolution in 1848-49, and he focuses on forms including the abolition of serfdom, the cre‐ Mecklenburg-Schwerin and Mecklenburg-Strelitz ation of the Reichsrat, and the Ausgleich. to make his point. His thorough analysis demon‐ This collection of essays has the merit of con‐ strates the singularity of events in the two grand sidering the impact of the revolutions of 1848 on duchies, as well as their connection to develop‐ several countries on the periphery. Constraints of ments elsewhere in Germany and Europe. space limit a fuller discussion of the excellent es‐ In his study, "1848-1849 in the Habsburg says on Britain, Russia and the United States of Monarchy," R.J.W. Evans argues that the revolu‐ America. In "Britain's Reaction to the Revolutions, tion in the Habsburg Empire was unlike any other " Leslie Mitchell demonstrates that the revolu‐ because it jeopardized the future of this Great tions confirmed for Englishmen their distinctive‐ Power.
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