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ISHA NEWSLETTER International Social History Association
Vol. 7 | No. 1 | December 2018 ISHA NEWSLETTER International Social History Association CONTENTS 1. Labor and historical periodization of capitalism by Alessandro Stanziani >>> 2. Labor Feminists and Domestic Workers by Eileen Boris >>> 3. The Latin American Problem in the Liberal Mind: Adolph Berle and the Limits of Anti-Communism as Social Policy by Leon Fink >>> 4. Cooperation across disciplines: The Bonn Center for Dependency and Slavery Studies (BCDSS) by Jeannine Bischoff >>> 5. Co-existence and interaction between free and unfree labour: The workers’ perspective, Turin, 21–22 September 2018 by Giulia Bonazza >>> Labor and historical periodization of capitalism by Alessandro Stanziani* Unlike Polanyi, I will not speak of a “great transformation” to show a break in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries that swept away the old pre-capitalist world through enclo- sures and the poor law and replaced it with a self-regulating economy which, in turn, is said to have been replaced by a new form of interventionism in the twentieth century. This chro- nology is false not only because the privatization of lands,1 the proletarization of the peasant- ry (see here after) and the mechanization fully developed only after the mid-nineteenth cen- tury, but also because the nineteenth-century market was anything but self-regulated.2 On the contrary, there is no reason to oppose the liberal nineteenth century to the eighteenth and twentieth centuries described as interventionist, each in its own way. What differentiated these periods was not liberalism versus regulation, but different forms of regulation, with different aims, goals, and tools. Eighteenth and nineteenth century liberal interventions sup- ported increasing social and economic inequalities, while since the late nineteenth century state intervention sought to reduce inequalities, although only between labor and capital in- side each country and increased inequalities between the main land and its colonies. -
Unfree Labor, Capitalism and Contemporary Forms of Slavery
Unfree Labor, Capitalism and Contemporary Forms of Slavery Siobhán McGrath Graduate Faculty of Political and Social Science, New School University Economic Development & Global Governance and Independent Study: William Milberg Spring 2005 1. Introduction It is widely accepted that capitalism is characterized by “free” wage labor. But what is “free wage labor”? According to Marx a “free” laborer is “free in the double sense, that as a free man he can dispose of his labour power as his own commodity, and that on the other hand he has no other commodity for sale” – thus obliging the laborer to sell this labor power to an employer, who possesses the means of production. Yet, instances of “unfree labor” – where the worker cannot even “dispose of his labor power as his own commodity1” – abound under capitalism. The question posed by this paper is why. What factors can account for the existence of unfree labor? What role does it play in an economy? Why does it exist in certain forms? In terms of the broadest answers to the question of why unfree labor exists under capitalism, there appear to be various potential hypotheses. ¾ Unfree labor may be theorized as a “pre-capitalist” form of labor that has lingered on, a “vestige” of a formerly dominant mode of production. Similarly, it may be viewed as a “non-capitalist” form of labor that can come into existence under capitalism, but can never become the central form of labor. ¾ An alternate explanation of the relationship between unfree labor and capitalism is that it is part of a process of primary accumulation. -
NDWA Domestic Worker Sample Contract
Domestic Worker Employment Agreement The Employer and Domestic Worker should negotiate the terms of the agreement to best suit both parties. This agreement is entered into between ___________________ (“Employer”) and __________________(“Domestic Worker”) on ________________(date). 1. Beginning date of employment: 2. Employment length:! □ Until either party terminates the agreement. □ For a fixed term: ______________# of □ Month(s) □ Year(s) □ Other:____________ 3. Position Title: 4. Supervisor Name: Contact Information: 5. Location of Employment (address): 6. Employer’s Address: 7. Work Responsibilities (check all that apply and, if applicable, describe nature): □ Housekeeping □ House cleaning! □ Home management! □ Childcare and nanny services Description of child(ren) (number of children, name, age, gender, etc.): ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ Description of duties related to care of child(ren): ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ □ Adult care, including sick, convalescing, and elderly individuals Description of adult(s) (number of adult(s), name, age, gender, etc.): ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ Description of duties related to care of adult(s): -
Legal Protection for In-Home Care Workers in the United States
University of Connecticut OpenCommons@UConn Faculty Articles and Papers School of Law 2016 Serving in the Master’s House: Legal Protection for In-Home Care Workers in the United States Michael Fischl University of Connecticut School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://opencommons.uconn.edu/law_papers Part of the Labor and Employment Law Commons Recommended Citation Fischl, Michael, "Serving in the Master’s House: Legal Protection for In-Home Care Workers in the United States" (2016). Faculty Articles and Papers. 491. https://opencommons.uconn.edu/law_papers/491 Reprinted from Employment Relations and Transformation of the Enterprise in the Global Economy (Edoardo Ales, Francesco Basenghi, William Bromwich, & Iacopo Senatori, eds.) (Giappichelli, Turin) (2016), with permission graciously provided by the publisher. Serving in the Master’s House: Legal Protection for In-Home Care Workers in the United States Richard Michael Fischl∗ SUMMARY: 1. Introduction. – 2. Labor stories. – 3. The emerging law of in-home care work: Three initiatives. – 4. Evaluating the initiatives. – 5. References. – Appendices. 1. Introduction This essay will focus on the developing forms of legal protection available in the United States to those whose principal place of work is another person’s home and 1 who are paid to do what is broadly referred to as “care work.” The particular services vary widely – from housecleaning, to child care, to companionship and routine health care management for the elderly and the infirm – but the labor market demographics do not: This is low-wage/no-benefit work performed almost exclusively by women and primarily by women of color and of extra-national origin (Blackett, 2011; Boris, Klein, 2015; Markkanen, Quinn, Sama, 2015). -
The Echoes of Slavery: Recognizing the Racist Origins of the Agricultural and Domestic Worker Exclusion from the National Labor Relations Act
Loyola University Chicago, School of Law LAW eCommons Faculty Publications & Other Works 2011 The choE es of Slavery: Recognizing the Racist Origins of the Agricultural and Domestic Worker Exclusion from the National Labor Relations Act. Juan F. Perea Loyola University Chicago, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/facpubs Part of the Labor and Employment Law Commons Recommended Citation Perea, Juan F., The choeE s of Slavery: Recognizing the Racist Origins of the Agricultural and Domestic Worker Exclusion from the National Labor Relations Act, 72 OHIO ST. L.J. l 95 (2011). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by LAW eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications & Other Works by an authorized administrator of LAW eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Echoes of Slavery: Recognizing the Racist Origins of the Agricultural and Domestic Worker Exclusion from the National Labor Relations Act JUAN F. PEREA* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. THE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONTEXT OF THE NEW DEAL ............ 100 A. Blacks and Southern Agriculture........................................... 100 B. The Politics of the New Deal.................................................. 102 II. THE EXCLUSION OF BLACKS FROM THE NEW DEAL ...................... 104 A. The NationalIndustrial Recovery Act (1933) ........................ 104 B. AgriculturalAdjustment Administration (1933) .................... 107 C. The Social Security Act (1935) ............................................... 109 D. The FairLabor StandardsAct (1938).................................... 114 III. THE NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS ACT AND ITS EXCLUSION OF AGRICULTURAL AND DOMESTIC EMPLOYEES .............................. 118 A. The Legislative History of Section 152(3) .............................. 118 B. InterpretingSection 152(3) of the NLRA as Racially D iscriminatory ....................................................................... -
1 What Is to Be Done for Migrant Domestic Workers?
What Is to Be Done for Migrant Domestic Workers? Virginia Mantouvalou∗ This piece appears in the book Labour Migration in Hard Times, B Ryan (ed), Institute of Employment Rights, 2013, http://www.ier.org.uk/publications/labour-migration-hard- times-reforming-labour-market-regulation The position of migrant domestic workers is nowadays at the forefront of discussions on labour migration and regulation both at national level in many legal orders, and at international level in the context of the International Labour Organisation and the European human rights system. Domestic workers are mostly migrant women, who work in the privacy of the employers’ home. Even though their work is invaluable in many households, it is systematically undervalued. It is well-documented that they are often employed in unfair conditions, which in extreme cases international bodies have even classified as ‘modern slavery’. Their position is uniquely vulnerable, for they may be hidden from the authorities and other networks of support. This chapter discusses the position of domestic workers. It first explains what domestic work is and what challenges it presents. The second part turns to the vulnerabilities of migrant domestic workers, which are created or reinforced through their exclusion or special treatment in law. I call this exclusion or special treatment ‘the legislative precariousness of domestic workers’ and examine it in the context of labour and immigration law. The third part focuses on the United Kingdom (UK) overseas domestic workers visa and argues that it risks breaching European human rights law, because it potentially leads to situations of modern slavery. Many aspects of the law must change for domestic work to be viewed as decent work, and the overseas domestic workers’ visa is an area of priority. -
Solutions, Not Scapegoats: Abating Sweatshop Conditions for All Low-Wage Workers As a Centerpiece of Immigration Reform
\\server05\productn\N\NYL\10-3\NYL305.txt unknown Seq: 1 25-OCT-07 14:41 SOLUTIONS, NOT SCAPEGOATS: ABATING SWEATSHOP CONDITIONS FOR ALL LOW-WAGE WORKERS AS A CENTERPIECE OF IMMIGRATION REFORM Rebecca Smith and Catherine Ruckelshaus* I. INTRODUCTION Across the country, low-wage workers are all too frequently paid less than the minimum wage, denied overtime pay, and retaliated against for speaking up about their treatment. In particular, immigrant workers in the United States work exceedingly hard, often in situa- tions of wage exploitation, discrimination, and exposure to life-threat- ening dangers on the job. Because of their recent arrival in the United States, undocumented immigrants can face especially staggering ob- stacles to obtaining even the basic necessities for survival, leaving them vulnerable to exploitation by unscrupulous employers. Protection of the labor rights of undocumented workers has not been central to the national debate on immigration reform. Instead, the major focus of discussion has been border security, and the tenor of the debate has often demonized immigrant workers, with some commentators making frequent references to an “illegal immigrant in- vasion.”1 To the extent that workers are discussed, the question has * Rebecca Smith is the Coordinator of the Justice for Low-Wage and Immigrant Workers Project, and Catherine Ruckelshaus is the Litigation Director at the National Employment Law Project. We would like to thank our former colleague Amy Sugimori, as well as Ana Avendano, Mary Bauer, Michael Dale, Marielena Hincapie, Tyler Moran, and Art Read for their help and ideas as we have thought through the recommendations outlined here. -
DOMESTIC WORK POLICY BRIEF 9 Making Decent Work a Reality for Migrant Domestic Workers
DOMESTIC WORK POLICY BRIEF 9 Making decent work a reality for migrant domestic workers Domestic work from Migrant domestic workers are caught at the crossroads of a migration perspective origin and destination countries’ policies and regulations that govern entry of foreign workers and their insertion In many parts of the world, domestic workers have the into the labour market, as well as their employment face of a migrant woman. For many of them, migration and labour protection. Growing inequalities within and can represent a positive experience and have important between countries are driving more and more women emancipating and empowering impacts. Evidence also into migrating for domestic work. Family welfare, care and shows the important contribution these women make gender equality policies in general, considering that the to the economies and the societies of destination and overwhelming majority of domestic workers are women, origin alike, by sustaining and renewing human life and also have a significant impact on migrant womens’ households, and fostering productivity, economic growth participation in the sector. and human development. Responses to these complex challenges must therefore Globally, domestic workers face serious decent work be multidimensional and should be placed within broader deficits, including poor wages, excessive working hours efforts to promote decent work for national domestic and little rest, but among them migrants are particularly workers, gender equality and good governance of labour exposed to human rights, including labour rights, violations migration. at each stage of the migration cycle – during recruitment, the journey across borders, working in a foreign country, This policy brief seeks to: and returning to their countries of origin or re-migrating. -
Global and Regional Estimates on Domestic Workers DOMESTIC WORK
DOMESTIC WORK POLICY BRIEF 4 Global and regional estimates on domestic workers Around the world, millions of domestic workers clean and tend to undercount domestic workers, these estimates cook, look after children, take care of elderly people in should be seen as a lower bound for the true extent of need of help, and do other tasks for private households. domestic work. However, while we are likely to miss some Their work has been crucial for greater participation of domestic workers, the fi gures presented in this brief are women in the labour market, often in the absence of a solid minimum estimate that provides a lower bound for work-family reconciliation policies, and enabled elderly the true number of domestic workers. people to stay independent and receive care at home. Yet, domestic workers often lack the social recognition and many of the legal protections enjoyed by other 1. Statistical estimates on the prevalence of workers. In fact, to date no one quite knows how many domestic work domestic workers there are around the world. While In order to arrive at a reliable and verifi able minimum some estimates on the number of domestic workers have estimate for the number of domestic workers worldwide been produced and researchers have made an effort to and by region, three important issues have to be compile national data,1 the ILO and others have relied so addressed. Firstly, clarity in the defi nition of the term far on tentative, informal approximations on the extent of “domestic worker” has to be achieved, and this defi nition domestic work. -
Consolidated Report: 'A Job at Any Cost': Experiences of African
‘A Job at Any Cost’ Experiences of African Women Migrant Domestic Workers in the Middle East ‘A Job at Any Cost’ Experiences of African Women Migrant Domestic Workers in the Middle East AUTHOR Nkirote Laiboni, Global Alliance Against Traffic in Women (GAATW) LEAD RESEARCHERS Ann Dela Apekey, Domestic Services Workers Union (DSWU), Ghana Biubwa Sultan, Conservation, Hotels, Domestic, Social Services and Consultancy Workers Union (CHODAWU), Zanzibar Meaza Ayalew, CVM (Comunità Volontari per il Mondo), Ethiopia Mwanamboka Mlowezi, Conservation, Hotels, Domestic, Social Services and Consultancy Workers Union (CHODAWU), Dar es Salaam, Tanzania Namaganda Assumpta, Uganda Hotels, Food, Tourism, Supermarkets & Allied Workers’ Union (HTS- Union), Uganda Sophia Njiru, Kenya Union of Domestic, Hotels, Educational Institutions, Hospitals and Allied Workers (KUDHEIHA), Kenya ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This research was a joint effort between the Global Alliance Against Traffic in Women (GAATW) and six affiliates of the International Domestic Workers Federation (IDWF) in Ghana, Ethiopia, Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania Mainland, and Zanzibar. We thank these partners for undertaking the field research, whose findings are the basis of this report. The contribution of all individuals and institutions who participated in the research and shared their insights and expert opinions was immense. But most of all, we are grateful to the African women who braved long distances and took from their valuable time to share their lived experience of working as migrant domestic workers in the Middle East with us. This research was made possible with the financial support of the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC). The views expressed here are only the authors’ and they do not necessarily represent the views of SDC. -
Contract Enslavement of Female Migrant Domestic Workers in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates by Romina Halabi
HUMAN RIGHTS & HUMAN WELFARE Contract Enslavement of Female Migrant Domestic Workers in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates By Romina Halabi Slavery was not abolished in Saudi Arabia until 1962, and in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) until 1963. It is unsurprising, then, that contract slavery of domestic servants continues to thrive in much of the Persian Gulf, where local economies prosper on the immigration of foreign workers. Economic incentives on the part of the sending and receiving nations encourage the migration of female workers from their home countries to Saudi Arabia and to the UAE. These incentives, coupled with restrictive contract systems, bind the female domestic worker to her employer and create an environment conducive to exploitation and involuntary servitude. The surge of migrant workers into the Middle East began in the early 1970s, when increased petroleum production brought with it a demand for skilled and unskilled labor. As living standards rose for nationals, opportunities in the service sector for female labor expanded. It is no coincidence that once the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) started raising oil prices, oil- importing states began sending migrant workers to the Gulf. Currently, Saudi Arabia is the largest recipient of migrant domestic labor, with the UAE close behind with over seventy-five percent of its population classified as migrant workers. Today, domestic workers primarily emigrate from Sri Lanka, Indonesia and the Philippines, choosing to leave their families and migrate for a number of economic and social reasons. Contrary to what may be understood traditionally, the women who migrate to the Middle East do so willingly. -
Human Mobility, COVID-19, and Policy Responses: the Rights and Claims-Making of Migrant Domestic Workers
Feminist Economics ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rfec20 Human Mobility, COVID-19, and Policy Responses: The rights and Claims-Making of Migrant Domestic workers Smriti Rao, Sarah Gammage, Julia Arnold & Elizabeth Anderson To cite this article: Smriti Rao, Sarah Gammage, Julia Arnold & Elizabeth Anderson (2021): Human Mobility, COVID-19, and Policy Responses: The rights and Claims-Making of Migrant Domestic workers, Feminist Economics, DOI: 10.1080/13545701.2020.1849763 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/13545701.2020.1849763 Published online: 01 Mar 2021. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 97 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rfec20 Feminist Economics, 2021 https://doi.org/10.1080/13545701.2020.1849763 HUMAN MOBILITY, COVID-19, AND POLICY RESPONSES:THE RIGHTS AND CLAIMS-MAKING OF MIGRANT DOMESTIC WORKERS Smriti Rao, Sarah Gammage, Julia Arnold, and Elizabeth Anderson ABSTRACT This article aims to explore policy responses to the early phase of the COVID-19 crisis, with a particular focus on disparate outcomes for international migrant domestic workers (MDWs). Through an analysis of interviews conducted with health and humanitarian organizations and experts in key migration corridors, it surfaces the central role that MDWs play in social provisioning and in mediating care responsibilities between the state and the family, particularly during lockdown and shelter-in place orders, and calls attention to the essential but excluded nature of migrant labor. The study investigates how states’ responses to COVID-19 intersected with existing institutions of social provisioning and immigration laws, and with claims-making by MDWs to shape the impact of this crisis upon the well-being of these workers.