Brasil, Argentina E a Questão Cubana (1959-1964): Quando a Independência Faz a União

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Brasil, Argentina E a Questão Cubana (1959-1964): Quando a Independência Faz a União 9 BRASIL, ARGENTINA E A QUESTÃO CUBANA (1959-1964): QUANDO A INDEPENDÊNCIA FAZ A UNIÃO BRASIL, ARGENTINA AND THE CUBAN QUESTION (1959-1964): WHEN THE INDEPENDENCE CLAIMS THE UNION 1 LEONARDO DA ROCHA BOTEGA Recebido em: 17/06/2009 Aprovado em: 29/03/2011 RESUMO ABSTRACT O momento histórico em que Brasil e Argentina The historical moment in which Brazil and Argenti- vivenciaram, ao mesmo tempo, a experiência das na passed through, at the same time, the experience políticas externas independentes dos governos do of independent external politics of the Argentine presidente argentino Arturo Frondizi (1958-1962) e President Arturo Frondizi (1958-1962), and the dos presidentes brasileiros Jânio Quadros e João Brazilian Presidents, Jânio Quadros and João Goulart Goulart (1961-1964) constitui-se de um momento (1961-1964), has established a decisive time for the único nas relações internacionais entre esses dois international relations between these countries. países. Naquela conjuntura, foram pontos comuns o Through the circumstances of that time, common princípio de autodeterminação dos povos e de não- points were the principle of auto-determination of intervenção, o desenvolvimentismo, a universa- the peoples and non-interference, the national lização das relações comerciais, a crítica à deteriora- developmentism, the international trade relations, ção dos termos de troca, o desejo de industrialização the discussion about the exchange rate growing e a busca da integração latino-americana. Assim, as worse, the hankering for industrialization, and the políticas externas independentes constituíram o prin- being sought after Latin America integration. So, the cipal pilar de aproximação entre Brasil e Argentina, independent external politics stood as the main base e as suas políticas externas independentes tiveram for getting both of these countries nearer. Such unit como teste fundamental a Questão Cubana. Em and its independent external politics of both Brazil contraposição a ela, os governos dos Estados Uni- and Argentina had undergone an ultimate test, the dos, tanto na presidência de Dwight Eisenhower Cuban Question. Acting against to it, the United como, posteriormente, na de John Kennedy, procu- States government, as the president Dwight raram inserir essa política nos marcos do sistema Eisenhower as the president John Kennedy later, interamericano, definindo-a em oposição a ele. A sought how to put it into the Inter-American system partir desta definição, passaram a impor sanções ou boundary lines, defining it as opposed to this. From até mesmo intervir militarmente na ilha caribenha. this definition, they got to impose sanction or even Palavras-chave: Governo Arturo Frondizi; Gover- to militarily intervene on the Caribbean island. no Jânio Quadros; Governo João Goulart. Keywords: Arturo Frondizi Government; Jânio Qua- dros Government; João Goulart Government. 1 Professor do Colégio Agrícola de Frederico Westphalen/ Universidade Federal de Santa Maria. Mestre em Integração Latino-Americana pela UFSM. E-mail: [email protected] SOCIAIS E HUMANAS, SANTA MARIA, v. 23, n. 02, jul/dez 2010, p. 09-18 10 LEONARDO DA ROCHA BOTEGA 1 Introdução tica externa independente dos governos Jânio Quadros e João Goulart, no Brasil, se A produção de uma pesquisa da histó- posicionaram diante da questão cubana. ria das relações internacionais latino-ameri- canas deve partir sempre dos limites e das 2 O Método comparativo e a história das possibilidades históricas dessa integração. A relações internacionais partir do “sentido da história” é que se de- finiu o tema deste trabalho. Enquanto a Para fins de verificação do problema maioria dos trabalhos historiográficos situa- deste artigo, é fundamental observar que dos no campo da história das relações inter- este trabalho situa-se na intersecção da his- nacionais de Brasil e Argentina se prende tória das relações internacionais latino-ame- em análises que visam buscar as raízes da ricanas com a história política. Porém, a his- rivalidade entre os dois países ou optam tória política é entendida aqui diferente de pelos momentos mais tensos desta rivalida- sua acepção tradicional, pautada pelo naci- de, aqui se busca o oposto. onalismo das historiografias positivista e Tem-se como temática as políticas ex- historicista, buscando uma história política ternas independentes adotadas, simultane- que, conforme René Rémond, não se feche amente, pelo governo do presidente Arturo em si mesma nem se distancie da realidade Frondizi, na Argentina, e pelos governos dos da disciplina histórica e de seu constante presidentes Jânio Quadros e João Goulart, movimento.2 Para tanto, é necessário bus- no Brasil, mais especificamente na atuação car os instrumentos conceituais no próprio dessas políticas em relação à questão cuba- processo de renovação da história política, na, entre os anos 1959 e 1964. para evitar, ao máximo possível, os percal- Apesar da convivência temporal entre ços da própria pesquisa histórica. os três governos, há certa disparidade em Conforme Falcon (1997, p. 62), a his- suas datações específicas. O governo tória política nasceu com a concepção de Frondizi, na Argentina, durou de 1958 a história criada pelos gregos. Porém, somen- 1962. Já os governos de Jânio Quadros e João te mais tarde é que acabará “identificada Goulart tiveram duração, respectivamente, como um tipo de história: a história política de 1961 a 1964, sendo que o primeiro du- tradicional”. Esta identificação é iniciada no rou apenas sete meses. Dessa forma, por tra- processo da Revolução Francesa, quando os tar-se de uma pesquisa focada nas políticas historiadores pretendiam colocar-se contra externas independentes adotadas por estes uma história dos reis e da nobreza, constru- governos, optou-se pela delimitação tempo- indo uma história verdadeiramente nacio- ral de 1959 a 1964. Ou seja, da tomada do nal, destinada a formar patriotas.3 poder pelos revolucionários em Cuba até o Porém, é no século XIX, com a defini- abandono da política externa independen- ção da ciência histórica, que se terá o auge te pelo governo brasileiro, com o Golpe Ci- da história política tradicional. Foi no con- vil-Militar de 31 de março de 1964. texto de afirmação da nova ordem burguesa Essa delimitação temporal permite que surgiram as correntes historiográficas que se possa verificar desde a elaboração definidoras da história política tradicional, inicial das políticas externas independen- sobretudo o positivismo de Auguste Comte, tes de Brasil e Argentina até a última ruptu- na França, e o historicismo de Leopold von ra desse posicionamento internacional pe- Ranke, na Alemanha. Para esses historiado- los dois países e o retorno ao distanciamento res, a história seria um meio eficaz de “as- e à rivalidade. Será possível, assim, respon- segurar-se a difusão dos valores e idéias da der, de maneira consistente, o problema que norteia este artigo, que consiste em verifi- car como a política externa independente do governo Frondizi, na Argentina, e a polí- 2 Ver introdução e capítulo 1 de Rémond (2003). 3 Ver Fontana (1998). SOCIAIS E HUMANAS, SANTA MARIA, v. 23, n. 02, jul/dez 2010, p. 09-18 BRASIL, ARGENTINA E A QUESTÃO CUBANA (1959-1964): QUANDO A INDEPENDÊNCIA FAZ A UNIÃO 11 nova sociedade” (FONTANA, 1998, p. que, na busca de uma abordagem nova e 118). Assim, interdisciplinar da história, condenava a his- tória política tradicional, caracterizando-a Prisioneira da visão centralizadora e como elitista, biográfica, idealista e parcial. institucionalizada do poder, a história po- A partir desta sentença, “o jogo político, a lítica tradicional foi definindo progressi- vida parlamentar, os postos políticos são vamente temas, objetos, princípios e mé- postos de lado” e o campo político, abando- todos. Ligada intimamente ao poder essa nado completamente, “se torna supérfluo, história pretendeu ser também memória. anexo, ponto morto no horizonte” (DOSSE, Coube-lhe então, durante séculos, lem- 1992, p. 25). Dessa forma, pode-se enten- brar e ensinar pelos exemplos reais e ilus- tres de que era a única depositária. Esta der que, a partir dos anos 1929-1930, a his- história magistra vitae pôde então servir tória política tradicional inicia o seu declínio, com equanimidade aos políticos, filóso- que culminará, no período de 1945 a 1968- fos, juristas e pedagogos. (FALCON, 1970, com a sua “crise final”. 1997, p. 62). Porém, no período posterior à “crise final da história política tradicional”, iniciou- Essa função foi ainda mais acentuada se a progressiva constituição da “nova his- a partir da ascensão do nacionalismo, quan- tória política”. Este fenômeno esteve liga- do a rivalidade entre as potências passava do a dois fatores. Primeiramente, o fato de também pela competição no plano da orga- a quarta geração dos Annales ter ido “bus- nização de arquivos, fazendo com que a con- car fora da historiografia os modelos e a sus- solidação da história, como disciplina, fosse tentação teórica para repensar as relações associada ao nacionalismo nas suas mais va- Estado-sociedade impostos pelo seu inte- riadas manifestações. Na Alemanha, esse resse em renovar o estudo político” processo foi concomitante à Unificação: (FALCON, 1997, p. 75). Isso os levou ao encontro com o weberianismo, com o estru- Ao movimento político militar que culmi- turalismo e à descoberta dos estudos de nou com a unificação alemã (1871) Michel Foucault, permitindo a abertura para corresponde, com anterioridade, um mo- novas e variadas concepções a respeito de vimento intelectual intensificado
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