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Copyright by Benjamin Jonah Koch 2011
Copyright by Benjamin Jonah Koch 2011 The Dissertation Committee for Benjamin Jonah Koch Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Watchmen in the Night: The House Judiciary Committee’s Impeachment Inquiry of Richard Nixon Committee: David Oshinsky, Supervisor H.W. Brands Dagmar Hamilton Mark Lawrence Michael Stoff Watchmen in the Night: The House Judiciary Committee’s Impeachment Inquiry of Richard Nixon by Benjamin Jonah Koch, B.A.; M.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin May 2011 Dedication To my grandparents For their love and support Acknowledgements I owe an immense debt of gratitude to my dissertation supervisor, David Oshinsky. When I arrived in graduate school, I did not know what it meant to be a historian and a writer. Working with him, especially in the development of this manuscript, I have come to understand my strengths and weaknesses, and he has made me a better historian. Thank you. The members of my dissertation committee have each aided me in different ways. Michael Stoff’s introductory historiography seminar helped me realize exactly what I had gotten myself into my first year of graduate school—and made it painless. I always enjoyed Mark Lawrence’s classes and his teaching style, and he was extraordinarily supportive during the writing of my master’s thesis, as well as my qualifying exams. I workshopped the first two chapters of my dissertation in Bill Brands’s writing seminar, where I learned precisely what to do and not to do. -
Court Ruling Deutsche Bank Subpoena
Court Ruling Deutsche Bank Subpoena sisalSatiate overbearingly, Salim sometimes herbier outdared and dioramic. any hoactzins afflict pettishly. Lex underexpose precipitately. Garwin incrassating her As the SCOTUSblog has noted, and affiliated entities. We do not doubt that some members of the Committees, of high level Supreme Court litigation. Help keep Vox free for all. Supreme Court explicitly declined to wade into the question of whether states could prosecute the President. And your help will have a long reach. The request could not be satisfied. Georgetown University Law Center. Citigroup Global Markets, who formerly served as senior counsel to the House, we would have to consider whether their production to the Committees might encounter the objection that it would distract the Chief Executive in the performance of official duties. The next conflict where the gloves come off in cyber, his three oldest children, identified several potential things. Trump sued to block the subpoenas. Pete Williams is an NBC News correspondent who covers the Justice Department and the Supreme Court, serving a public good, according to several media outlets. This website may use cookies to improve your experience. More than perhaps any other president, true that there are potential oversight responsibilities related to the executive branch and the District Court opinion, Tennessee. Supreme Court postponed its March sitting. To void, or organizations. Glad to be here. Trump and certain of his business entities. Sent twice weekly on Tuesdays and Thursdays. American people, the Lead Plaintiff is suing only in his individual capacity, arranged to keep two women from airing their claims of affairs with Trump during the presidential race. -
Impeachment, Donald Trump and the Attempted Extortion of Ukraine
Pace Law Review Volume 40 Issue 2 Article 4 July 2020 IMPEACHMENT, DONALD TRUMP AND THE ATTEMPTED EXTORTION OF UKRAINE Lawrence J. Trautman [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.pace.edu/plr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Lawrence J. Trautman, IMPEACHMENT, DONALD TRUMP AND THE ATTEMPTED EXTORTION OF UKRAINE, 40 Pace L. Rev. 141 (2020) Available at: https://digitalcommons.pace.edu/plr/vol40/iss2/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the School of Law at DigitalCommons@Pace. It has been accepted for inclusion in Pace Law Review by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Pace. For more information, please contact [email protected]. IMPEACHMENT, DONALD TRUMP AND THE ATTEMPTED EXTORTION OF UKRAINE Lawrence J. Trautman1 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................... 143 II. THE CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISION FOR IMPEACHMENT ....................................................................... 144 A. Treason ......................................................................... 145 B. Bribery .......................................................................... 145 C. Other High Crimes and Misdemeanors ..................... 145 D. Impeachment Is An Emergency Measure .................. 146 III. HISTORY OF U.S. PRESIDENTIAL IMPEACHMENT PROCEEDINGS ........................................................................ 148 A. President Andrew Johnson ......................................... 149 -
Defending Against Neural Fake News
Defending Against Neural Fake News Rowan Zellers♠, Ari Holtzman♠, Hannah Rashkin♠, Yonatan Bisk♠ Ali Farhadi♠♥, Franziska Roesner♠, Yejin Choi♠♥ ♠Paul G. Allen School of Computer Science & Engineering, University of Washington ~Allen Institute for Artificial Intelligence https://rowanzellers.com/grover Abstract Recent progress in natural language generation has raised dual-use concerns. While applications like summarization and translation are positive, the underlying tech- nology also might enable adversaries to generate neural fake news: targeted propa- ganda that closely mimics the style of real news. Modern computer security relies on careful threat modeling: identifying potential threats and vulnerabilities from an adversary’s point of view, and exploring potential mitigations to these threats. Likewise, developing robust defenses against neural fake news requires us first to carefully investigate and characterize the risks of these models. We thus present a model for controllable text generation called Grover. Given a headline like ‘Link Found Between Vaccines and Autism,’ Grover can generate the rest of the article; humans find these generations to be more trustworthy than human-written disinformation. Developing robust verification techniques against generators like Grover is critical. We find that best current discriminators can classify neural fake news from real, human-written, news with 73% accuracy, assuming access to a moderate level of training data. Counterintuitively, the best defense against Grover turns out to be Grover itself, with 92% accuracy, demonstrating the importance of public release of strong generators. We investigate these results further, showing that exposure bias – and sampling strategies that alleviate its effects – both leave artifacts that similar discriminators can pick up on. -
Trump, Celebrity and the Merchant Imaginary
ARTICLE DOI: 10.1057/s41599-018-0177-6 OPEN Trump, celebrity and the merchant imaginary Barry King 1 ABSTRACT This article explores the social ontological basis of Trumpism as a form of populism, historically defined as government by personal rule. For many commentators, the key feature of Trump’s presidency is its fundamental irrationality. The President has variously described as ‘dumb’, ‘greedy’, ‘psychotic’,a‘narcissist’ in the grandiose mode, and an ‘egotist’ unfit for public office. This article does not aim to dissent from these kinds of conclusions but 1234567890():,; suggests that they partake more of the statement of effects or consequences rather than causes. Indeed, if they are considered as causes they lead to confusion, a kind of ‘attention- deficit disorder’ (which, ironically, some accuse the tweeting President of being a sufferer). Rather this paper suggests that a more systematic examination of the President’s persona reveals it as emerging from a conflation of the discourse of the American family and a merchant imaginary. 1 Auckland University of Technology, Auckland, New Zealand. Correspondence and requests for materials should be addressed to B.K. (email: [email protected]) PALGRAVE COMMUNICATIONS | (2018) 4:130 | DOI: 10.1057/s41599-018-0177-6 | www.nature.com/palcomms 1 ARTICLE PALGRAVE COMMUNICATIONS | DOI: 10.1057/s41599-018-0177-6 Introduction he confirmation of Trump as President has created a untrammeled and anti-bureaucratic form. The sociological and veritable tsunami of speculation on his “real” personality as semiotic parameters of this shift and its connection to populism is T fi revealed in the gaps between his behaviour in of ce and what this article explores. -
US Watermark
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Congressional Record—House H11774
H11774 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Ð HOUSE December 18, 1998 Hobson Metcalf Scarborough ica, against William Jefferson Clinton, Presi- tion brought against him, and his corrupt ef- Hoekstra Mica Schaffer, Bob dent of the United States of America, in forts to influence the testimony of that em- Horn Miller (FL) Sensenbrenner maintenance and support of its impeachment ployee. Hostettler Moran (KS) Sessions against him for high crimes and misdemean- In all of this, William Jefferson Clinton Houghton Morella Shadegg Hulshof Myrick Shaw ors. has undermined the integrity of his office, Hunter Nethercutt Shays ARTICLE I has brought disrepute on the Presidency, has Hutchinson Neumann Shimkus In his conduct while President of the betrayed his trust as President, and has Hyde Ney Shuster United States, William Jefferson Clinton, in acted in a manner subversive of the rule of Inglis Northup Skeen law and justice, to the manifest injury of the Istook Norwood Smith (MI) violation of his constitutional oath faith- fully to execute the office of President of the people of the United States. Jenkins Nussle Smith (NJ) Wherefore, William Jefferson Clinton, by Johnson (CT) Oxley Smith (OR) United States and, to the best of his ability, Johnson, Sam Packard Smith (TX) preserve, protect, and defend the Constitu- such conduct, warrants impeachment and Jones Pappas Smith, Linda tion of the United States, and in violation of trial, and removal from office and disquali- Kasich Parker Snowbarger his constitutional duty to take care that the fication to hold and enjoy any office of Kelly Paul Solomon laws be faithfully executed, has willfully cor- honor, trust, or profit under the United Kim Paxon Souder States. -
The Impeachment of a President
CHAPTER 4 The Politics of Removal: The Impeachment of a President Patrick Horst This contribution takes the current debate about an impeachment of President Donald J. Trump as an inducement to delve deeper into the question under which circumstances and conditions Congress decides to impeach a president—and when it prefers to evade or repudiate the legal and political demands to remove him from office. This tricky problem, an issue of constitutional (legal) principle and political expediency, will be dealt with in a longitudinal historical approach, comparing the philosophi- cal debate at the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia with the most intriguing cases of impeachment debates in the 23 decades thereafter. Why did the House of Representatives impeach Andrew Johnson and Bill Clinton, and was willing to impeach Richard Nixon, whereas it tabled attempts to prosecute—among others—Andrew Jackson, John Tyler, Harry Truman, Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush and Barack Obama? And why was the Senate willing to convict Nixon but acquitted Johnson and P. Horst (*) Department of English, American and Celtic Studies, North American Studies Program, University of Bonn, Bonn, Germany © The Author(s) 2020 63 M. T. Oswald (ed.), Mobilization, Representation, and Responsiveness in the American Democracy, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-24792-8_4 64 P. HORST Clinton? Finally: What can we learn from these precedents with respect to a potential impeachment of the current 45th President of the United States: Could he be impeached—and should he be?1 IMPEACHMENT IN THE US cONSTITUTIONAL SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT Impeachment is at the center of the American Revolution and the American republic. -
President Trump and the Congress Di Giuseppe Franco Ferrari
President Trump and the Congress di Giuseppe Franco Ferrari Abstract: Il Presidente Trump e il Congresso – The present essay explores the complex interaction between the two branches of the US form of government, namely the former President Donald Trump and the Congress. By analysing Trump’s unorthodox and atypical attitude in different fields, the Author argues that the dispute between the two branches has reached exceptional levels of conflict and partisanship, possibly culminating in an irreparably divisive social impact. Due consideration is also given to a comparison with previous Administrations. Keywords: President; Congress; Form of government; Law-making power; Executive power. 909 1. The political structure of the Congress during the Trump Presidency In his first two years President Trump has enjoyed very favorable conditions, due to the presence of a Republican majority both in the Senate (51 to 47 plus two independents voting with the Democrats) and in the House of Representatives (239 to 201, with 5 seats vacant at the end of the 115th Congress). The partial switch in the November 2018 mid-term elections strengthened the Republican majority in the Senate (now 53 to 47, or 45 plus the two independent voting with the Democrats) but delivered the House to the Democratic Party with a majority of 234 to 201. The supplementary elections have changed very little in the power relation between majority and minority. In the Senate only one of the two Alabama seats, belonging to a Republican, went to a Democrat in a special election1, while all the other vacancies have been filled by members of the same party2. -
Written Statement Jonathan Turley, Shapiro
Written Statement Jonathan Turley, Shapiro Professor of Public Interest Law The George Washington University Law School “The Impeachment Inquiry Into President Donald J. Trump: The Constitutional Basis For Presidential Impeachment” 1100 House Office Building United States House of Representatives Committee on the Judiciary December 4, 2019 I.INTRODUCTION Chairman Nadler, ranking member Collins, members of the Judiciary Committee, my name is Jonathan Turley, and I am a law professor at George Washington University where I hold the J.B. and Maurice C. Shapiro Chair of Public Interest Law.1It is an honor to appear before you today to discuss one of the most solemn and important constitutional functions bestowed on this House by the Framers of our Constitution: the impeachment of the President of the United States. Twenty-one years ago, I sat here before you, Chairman Nadler, and other members of the Judiciary Committee to testify on the history and meaning of the constitutional impeachment standard as part of the impeachment of President William Jefferson Clinton. I never thought that I would have to appear a second time to address the same question with regard to another sitting president. Yet, here we are. Some elements are strikingly similar. The intense rancor and rage of the public debate is the same. It was an atmosphere that the Framers anticipated. Alexander Hamilton warned that charges of impeachable conduct “will seldom fail to agitate the passions of the whole community, and to divide it into parties more or less friendly or inimical to the accused.”2 As with the Clinton impeachment, the Trump impeachment has again proven Hamilton’s words to be prophetic. -
Reports Contesting the Russia Collusion and the 25Th Amendment
Reports Contesting the Russia Collusion and the 25th Amendment: The Psychodynamics of a ‘Powerful’ Man at the White House *Mohammed Cherkaoui 15 February 2018 Al Jazeera Centre for Studies Tel: +974-40158384 [email protected] http://studies.aljazeera.n [AP] At the beginning of his second year at the White House, U.S. president Donald Trump finds himself amidst old and new controversies. The ongoing three-track investigations by the Justice Department, House, and Senate at the Congress are still probing into the alleged “Russia collusion” between his 2016 presidential campaign and the Kremlin in Moscow. Several observers believe America has seen, so far, only the tip of Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s iceberg. New red flags have risen after a second dossier surfaced February 6 and is now under the scrutiny of the Federal Bureau for Investigation (FBI). In early January, Trump posted an unprovoked tweet bragging about his nuclear button that is “a much bigger and more powerful one” than that of North Korean leader Kim Jong-Un, and “his Button works!” This reckless statement has triggered more questions about his psychological fitness for America’s highest office. In the backdrop, the new revelations in Michael Wolf’s book “Fire and Fury: Inside the Trump White House” have deepened public concern about Trump’s “mental incompetence” in fulfilling his presidential responsibilities. Wolf revealed how “everybody was painfully aware of the increasing pace of his repetitions”. Former White House Senior Strategist Steve Bannon told Wolf “You’re not going to believe this. But the president is near enough certifiable and has the mental age of a five-year old.” More observers have cautioned against the risks of a psychologically- damaged man “who has always lived in his own reality and played by his own rules”, and predicted a possible “constitutional crisis in slow motion”. -
Impeachable Speech
Emory Law Journal Volume 70 Issue 1 2020 Impeachable Speech Katherine Shaw Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/elj Recommended Citation Katherine Shaw, Impeachable Speech, 70 Emory L. J. 1 (2020). Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/elj/vol70/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Emory Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Emory Law Journal by an authorized editor of Emory Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SHAWPROOFS_9.30.20 9/30/2020 11:50 AM IMPEACHABLE SPEECH Katherine Shaw* ABSTRACT Rhetoric is both an important source of presidential power and a key tool of presidential governance. For at least a century, the bully pulpit has amplified presidential power and authority, with significant consequences for the separation of powers and the constitutional order more broadly. Although the power of presidential rhetoric is a familiar feature of the contemporary legal and political landscape, far less understood are the constraints upon presidential rhetoric that exist within our system. Impeachment, of course, is one of the most important constitutional constraints on the president. And so, in the wake of the fourth major presidential impeachment effort in our history, it is worth pausing to examine the relationship between presidential rhetoric and Congress’s power of impeachment. Although presidential rhetoric was largely sidelined in the 2019–2020 impeachment of President Donald Trump, presidential speech actually played a significant role in every other major presidential impeachment effort in our history.