Policies and Politics of the European Union

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Policies and Politics of the European Union Policies and Politics of the European Union Edited by Jaros³aw Jañczak Faculty of Political Science and Journalism Adam Mickiewicz University Poznañ 2010 Review: Jerzy Babiak, Ph.D., AMU Professor Cover designed by: Adam Czerneñko Front page photo by: Przemys³aw Osiewicz © Copyright by Faculty of Political Science and Journalism Press, Adam Mickiewicz University, 89 Umultowska Street, 61-614 Poznañ, Poland, Tel.: 61 829 65 08 ISBN 978-83-60677-99-5 Sk³ad komputerowy – „MRS” 60-408 Poznañ, ul. P. Zo³otowa 23, tel. 61 843 09 39 Druk i oprawa – Zak³ad Graficzny UAM – 61-712 Poznañ, ul. H. Wieniawskiego 1 Table of Contents Introduction ..................... 5 Maciej Walkowski: The Monetary Integration Process in Europe. An Analysis of Potential Threats and Opportunities Connected with the Introduction of the Euro in Poland ........ 7 Ekaterina Islentyeva: EU Commission’s Cooperation with the non-EU Countries in the Field of the Competition Policy ...... 21 Robert Kmieciak: Local Government in the Process of Implementation of the European Union’s Regional Policy in Poland ..... 35 Lika Mkrtchyan: Armenia and Turkey: Historic Rivals or Modern Neighbors? Turkey’s Way to Europe (Turkey’s European Integration from Armenia’s Perspective) . 43 Przemys³aw Osiewicz: The European Union and its Attitude Towards Turkey’s EU Membership Bid After 2005: Between Policy and Politics .............. 53 Agnieszka Wójcicka: Sweden and Poland. Nordicization versus Europeanization Processes ............... 63 Knut Erik Solem: Democracy, Integration Theory and Community-building in Small States: The Case of Norway . 85 Jaros³aw Jañczak: De-Europeanization and Counter-Europeanization as Reversed Europeanization. In Search of Categorization . 99 Piotr Tosiek: Comitology Implementation of EU Policies – Democratic Intergovernmentalism? ........... 111 Personal Notes .................... 127 Introduction The European Union is an area of rapid development related both to internal re- forms as well as external challenges. Sectoral policies spill over into new thematic areas and are the subjects of new regulations as well as growing institutionalization. On the other hand the politics of the EU are changing due to deepening integration and territorial enlargements as well as new external factors. Consequently the EU is in the process of permanent change, visible both in policies and politics. The purpose of this volume is to analyze different examples and interrelations between EU policies and EU politics in various fields of study. This publication con- tinues the research in the field of European integration conducted by the Faculty of Political Science and Journalism at the Adam Mickiewicz University together with partner universities and scholars from different European academic centers. It con- tains texts from nine authors representing five academic institutions from Armenia, Luxemburg, Norway and Poland. The first group of contributions in the book presents three case studies. It is opened by Maciej Walkowski who investigates the introduction threats and oppor- tunities of the Euro currency in Poland. Ekaterina Islentyeva presents the EU Com- petition Policy with a focus on the Commission’s cooperation with the non-EU states. Robert Kmieciak analyzes how Polish local governments implement the EU’s Regional Policy. The next two texts examine the problem of Turkey and European integration. Lika Mkrtchyan looks at it from the Armenian perspective. Przemys³aw Osiewicz on the other hand discusses the phenomenon as both policy and politics. Two further contributions suggest the Nordic Region as a source of inspiration for integration processes. Agnieszka Wójcicka compares Nordicization with Europeanization. Knut Erik Solem discusses the example of Norway in integration theory and community building in small states. The last two contributions employ a wider perspective. Jaros³aw Jañczak tries to categorize reversed Europeanisation in the form of de-Europeanization and coun- ter-Europeanization. Finally Piotr Tosiek presents comitology implementation of EU Policies. The authors believe that the complete volume will serve as an important and re- freshing contribution to contemporary European studies and due to its multina- tional and multidisciplinary character, will stimulate the European debate. Maciej Walkowski The Monetary Integration Process in Europe. An Analysis of Potential Threats and Opportunities Connected with the Introduction of the Euro in Poland The European Union’s Economic and Monetary Union, the common currency ex- change and monetary policy, celebrated its tenth anniversary in January 2008. In 1999, 11 EU Member States, the euro started to be used in non-cash transactions. According to the European Commission, the new Euro area involving 16 Mem- ber States since 1 January 2009, met expectations, bringing an unprecedented pe- riod of price stabilisation and low interest rates which still remain at a low level. The United Kingdom and Denmark used the opt-out clauses negotiated in their accession treaties. Sweden, as a result of the negative outcome of her referendum, did not enter the ERM2 mechanism, and the next referendum was called for 2013 at the latest. In the UK, chiefly identity reasons connected with national identity and strong bonds with the pound caused unwillingness of society and political parties to enter the Eurozone. The present global financial crisis, and also the recession in many Eu- ropean countries are the reasons that Denmark, Sweden and Iceland are consider- ing joining common currency zone. The new Member States (from the EU enlargements in 2004 and 2007) are obliged to enter EMU. Only the strongly sceptical Czech Republic is not going to do so soon. Therefore, the question is, why such a wide potential interest in participa- tion in the European monetary integration project? What are the development op- portunities that are seen by European states? In December 1997, at the European Council summit in Luxembourg, the heads of European governments and states of the EU-15 decided to start the third stage of building Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) on 1 January 1998. The stage meant introduction – initially only in non-cash transactions – of a common European cur- rency: the euro, and was definitely one of the most profound and important events in the history of modern Europe and the world. Since that time, the euro – which can be issued solely by the independent Euro- pean Central Bank (ECB) – gradually began replacing national currencies, firstly of the 11 states forming the so called Eurozone. The transition to the European single currency was completed at the beginning of 2002 leading to the start of a real mone- tary union in Europe. At that time the euro as the only self-reliant, rightful and offi- 8 Maciej Walkowski cial tender of European Union was for the first time put into circulation in physical form. It was from an economic, and to some extent from a political point of view, the peak of the integration processes so far in Europe; the euro was to accelerate the in- tegration of EU states, giving their economies many potential and real benefits1. Both on the macro and microeconomic levels, there are predictable and real ben- efits from creation of the Economic and Monetary Union, which was based on the theory of an Optimal Currency Area, developed by R. Mundell, R.J. McKinnon and P.B. Kennen. These are: · From economic point of view, the euro has to limits permanently the risk of ex- change rate fluctuations in mutual trade, which eliminates transaction costs in currency exchange for companies and consumers (savings of approx. 2% of the EU’s GDP). As a result, there is lowering of economic activity costs, including costs of safeguarding against exchange rate risk (assessed savings of 13-18 billion euro annually). Therefore, the euro eliminates uncertainty of companies which is connected with assessment of their profitability on so called Euromarket. · The euro eliminates indirect transaction costs connected with the national curren- cies exchange (commission costs – usually 2%) and gives an opportunity of wider than before participation in the large EU capital market. Currency union assumes unlimited freedom of capital turnover which in the absence of currency specula- tion element will not, ex definitione, cause disadvantageous exchange rate confu- sion. · From an enterprise point of view, establishing one currency euro area enables the elimination of so called competitive currency depreciation, which artificially en- hance price competitiveness in certain countries. As a result of this practice in the past, were demands in Europe to bring back protectionist trade barriers, lifted long before, in order to restrain imports from other Community countries. The possible expansion of protectionist trends could endanger the idea of free trade in the whole EU. · In the euro area it is impossible to manipulate exchange rate in order to improve competitiveness of its own country artificially. The ECB, which is meant to be in- dependent of any political pressure, is accountable for monetary and exchange rate policy. · The euro area means much easier comparison of prices and salaries which en- courages using market arbitration, increasing as a consequence efficiency of Eu- ropean production. The single currency common currency is to even out the level of prices of many goods sold within the area (aiming at their lowering) which is beneficial for consumers. By 1990 the prices differed, depending on the category of
Recommended publications
  • From Points of View of Monetary Integration Maturity) 1
    THE EURO AND CENTRAL EUROPE (FROM POINTS OF VIEW OF MONETARY INTEGRATION MATURITY) 1 TIBOR PALANKAI1 1Emeritus Professor of Corvinus University of Budapest E-mail:[email protected] The paper discusses the frameworks and development of the introduction of the Euro in Central Europe, with a focus on pre-entry countries (Czechia, Hungary, Poland, Romania and Croatia). The main elements of monetary integration maturity are the state of real-integration (possibilities of large saving in transaction costs), meeting the criteria of functioning market economy and the single market; macro-economic stability and meeting the Maastricht criteria; and shortcomings of absorption (integration) capacities of the EU. Controversial questions are also discussed, such as requirements concerning inflation, the budget deficit or exchange rate stability. The paper argues that the countries under scrutiny show diverging courses of action and policies, public support is also unclear, and the interests of TNCs and political elites contradict each other. Cultural, legal, security or emotional factors will pay a key role in eventual adoption, and prospects also depend on the solution of the current debt and migration crises. Keywords: Euro and Central Europe, monetary maturity, diverging interests, attitudes, policies, and prospects. JEL-codes: F2, F3 1. FRAMEWORK OF MONETARY INTEGRATION FOR THE CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPEAN NEW MEMBERS The full EU membership of CEE countries assumes their full EMU participation. This corresponds to the Copenhagen accession criteria, namely they should have the “ability to take on the obligations of membership, including adherence to the aims of political, economic and monetary union”. They have no possibility of opting out, like the United Kingdom and Denmark.
    [Show full text]
  • Appendix: List of Interviews
    Appendix: List of Interviews The unification of Germany 1) APELT Andreas, Berlin, 23 October 2007. 2) BERGMANN-POHL Sabine, Berlin, 13 December 2007. 3) BIEDENKOPF Kurt, Berlin, 5 December 2007. 4) BIRTHLER Marianne, Berlin, 18 December 2007. 5) CHROBOG Jürgen, Berlin, 13 November 2007. 6) EGGERT Heinz, Dresden, 14 December 2007. 7) EPPELMANN Rainer, Berlin, 21 November 2007. 8) GAUCK Joachim, Berlin, 20 December 2007. 9) GLÄSSNER Gert-Joachim, Berlin, 7 November 2007. 10) HELBIG Monika, Berlin, 5 November 2007. 11) HOFMANN Gunter, Berlin, 30 July 2007. 12) KERWIEN Antonie, Berlin, 31 October 2007. 13) KLINGST Martin, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 7 December 2006. 14) KLOSE Hans-Ulrich, Berlin, 31 October 2007. 15) KRAA Detlev, Berlin, 31 October 2007. 16) KRALINSKI Thomas, Potsdam, 16 October 2007. 17) LENGSFELD Vera, Berlin, 3 December 2007. 18) LIPPERT Barbara, Berlin, 25 July 2007. 19) MAIZIÈRE Lothar de, Berlin, 4 December 2007. 20) MAIZIÈRE Thomas de, Berlin, 20 November 2007. 21) MECKEL Markus, Berlin, 29 November 2007. 22) MERTES Michael, Boston, Massachusetts, 17 November 2006. 23) MEYER Hans Joachim, Berlin, 13 December 2007. 24) MISSELWITZ Hans, Berlin, 6 November 2007. 25) MODROW Hans, Berlin, 28 November 2007. 26) MÜLLER Hans-Peter, Berlin, 13 November 2007. 27) NOOKE Günther, Berlin, 27 November 2007. 28) PAU Petra, Berlin, 13 December 2007. 29) PLATZECK Matthias, Potsdam, 12 December 2007. 30) SABATHIL Gerhard, Berlin, 31 October 2007. 31) SARAZZIN Thilo, Berlin, 30 November 2007. 32) SCHABOWSKI Günther, Berlin, 3 December 2007. 33) SCHÄUBLE Wolfgang, Berlin, 19 December 2007. 34) SCHRÖDER Richard, Berlin, 4 December 2007. 35) SEGERT Dieter, Vienna, 18 June 2008.
    [Show full text]
  • The EU's Normative Power
    The EU’s Normative Power – Its Greatest Strength or its Greatest Weakness? By Tornike Metreveli The Starting Point The growing influence of the European Union (EU) on the international political arena and at the same time its “particular kind” of characteristics as an international player appears to be a widely debated issue among various scholars of social sciences over the last decades. During this period a wide range of theories and concepts have attributed various epithets to the EU and tried to explain its power in different, sometimes controversial ways. Consequently the descriptions of the EU in international relations vary from it being a “Kantian paradise” (Kagan, 2004), a “vanishing mediator” (Manners, 2006:.174) to “an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” (Eyskens, 1991). For some scholars the concept of the EU goes beyond the bold epithets and is analyzed from the critical-social theoretical perspective, where the latter was hypothesized as an actor that spread its own norms beyond its borders and whose power lies in its system of values and forms of relations with the outer world (Manners, 2002). Having said this, the article tries to focus on this theoretical approach while addressing this “unique political animal” (Piris, 2010: 337). Thus, the concept pioneered by Ian Manners, particularly the idea of Europe’s “normative power” (NPE hereafter), is the central point of departure of this paper; and the critical analysis of its greatest strengths and weaknesses is the article’s main objective. Divided in three parts, the paper firstly focuses on the conceptual analysis of the NPE, and its definitions.
    [Show full text]
  • The Recognition of Diplomas and the Free Movement of Professionals in the European Union: Fifty Years of Experiences
    The Recognition of Diplomas and the Free Movement of Professionals in the European Union: Fifty Years of Experiences HILDEGARD SCHNEIDER SJOERD CLAESSENS MAASTRICHT UNIVERSITY 1. INTRODUCTION This year we celebrate in Europe the 50th anniversary of the entering into force of the Treaty of Rome establishing the European Economic Community. After half a century of European integration it is an appropriate moment to look back on the achievements realized in this period. This paper wants to address specifically the issues of professional mobility, qualification recognition and the developments towards a European Space of Education. Special attention will be given to the increasing international mobility of the legal profession and the consequences of this development for the legal education on academic as well as professional level in the Member States of the European Union. One of the main goals of the E(E)C Treaty from its very beginning has been the creation a common market for all economic activities. This includes the free movement of professionals. National rules which had the effect of preventing persons from providing cross border professional services or establishing themselves in another Member State had to be progressively abolished. Barriers to mobility, such as the requirement of a national diploma or language requirements, can as much constitute obstacles to the completion of the internal market as e.g. the use of different safety standards for technical goods. As there is no common educational system in Europe and the routes to professional and trade activities vary significantly between the Member States these differences can cause serious barriers to the free movement of persons.
    [Show full text]
  • Hist Lab Esitelmä Ljubljana 10
    Sari Saresto, Helsinki City Museum A presentation in Ljubljana, AN hist lab, 10th March 2006 Pohjola Insurance Building (1899-1901) International concepts are conveyed as a synthesis of national motifs and genuine materials In search of national identity: Finland was annexed by the Russian Empire in 1809. Russia wished to sever Finland’s close ties with former mother country Sweden and thus designated Helsinki as the capital of the Grand Duchy. Under Swedish rule, Turku had been the seat of government and higher education. Helsinki was geographically closer to Russia than the west coast city of Turku, (which almost seemed to gravitate towards Sweden), and thus also more easily supervised from St Petersburg. The Grand Duchy was allowed to retain its laws dating back to the time of Swedish rule. The language of government was Swedish, which was only spoken by 5% of the nation’s population. In Helsinki, however, nearly the entire population was Swedish-speaking. Nor was Swedish the language only of the upper echelons of society; it was spoken even by menial labourers. It wasn’t until the 1860s and the 1870s that the proportion of Finnish-speakers began to rapidly climb in Helsinki. The exhortation of “Swedes we are no longer, Russians we can never become, so let us be Finns” was first heard back in the 1820s. Finnish was the language of the people and its status was only highlighted by the Kalevala, the national epic compiled by Elias Lönnrot and published for the first time in 1835. This epic poem told, in Finnish, the tale of the world from its creation, speaking of an ancient, mystical past replete with legendary heroes, tribal wars, witches and magical devices.
    [Show full text]
  • Guidelines Approximation with Eu
    Funded by Implemented by a Consortium led by the European Union GFA Consulting Group GUIDELINES FOR UKRAINIAN GOVERNMENTAL ADMINISTRATION ON APPROXIMATION WITH EU LAW Алан Делькамп, експерт Як підвищити ефективність парламентських комітетів? Приклади передового міжнародного досвіду Вступ Комітети є найважливішими робочими органами у парламенті. Це не означає, що публічні засідання є менш важливими, але їхня функція відрізняється: публічно GUIDELINESобговорювати рішення та приймати остаточні рішення у церемоніальний спосіб. Це не означає, що парламентські комітети не відіграють політичну роль, але їхня робота відбувається на попередньому етапі, за винятком деяких конкретних обставин (законодавчі ініціативи комітету, якщо це конституційно можливо, або деякі особливі аспекти, такі як парламентські запити чи контрольні повноваження). FOR UKRAINIAN GOVERNMENTALНасправді, історично створення комітетів стало прагматичною відповіддю на очевидну потребу: зібрати депутатів парламенту в менші групи для забезпечення більш ефективної роботи. Вони також дають парламенту більше часу для підготовки своїх відповідей на урядові ініціативи. Створення комітетів є загальною тенденцією в парламентах, незалежно від того, яка може бути політична система (їх можна знайти в президентських, парламентських чи ADMINISTRATION будь-яких інших системах) і завжди є прагматичним ON (способи їхнього заснування були різні внаслідок різного історичного досвіду). Вони з'явилися в найрозвинутіших демократіях на початку 19-го століття (а часом і раніше1) і були закріплені сторіччя по тому в різних формах і на різних рівнях ієрархії норм (у регламенті чи навіть у конституції). Тим не менш, «мати» парламентської демократії, Англія, завжди мала застереження щодо розвитку повноважень комітетів. Вважалося, що підготовчі роботи APPROXIMATION1 Наприклад, можна знайти спеціальні комітети в англійському парламенті з кінця XVI століття, а також у французьких Генеральних штатах (але на відміну від англійського парламенту вони не були постійною установою у Франції).
    [Show full text]
  • Anton Nystrom Was Born at Gothenburg on February 15, 1842
    BEFORE I AND AFTER 1914 D 5\1 CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Cornell University Library D 511.N99 1916 Before, durina and after 1914 3 1924 027 808 991 % Cornell University ?/ Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924027808991 BEFORE, DURING, AND AFTER 1914 BEFORE, DURING, AND AFTER 1914 BY ANTON NY8TR0M TRANSLATED BY H. G. DE WALTERSTORFF WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY EDMUND GOSSE, C.B. LL.D. NEW YORK CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 1916 I\ix|.ci:,--Svn^ ^x^1•^^^, V^r'isteiy&^-l Printed in Great Britain tf^, ^.^.IX INTRODUCTION Much has been said about the dehcacy of Sweden's political disposition, and the outpourings of such Swedish activists as the egregious Sven Hedin have had enough, and more than enough, notice given them by English journalists. The pro-German opinions of this small class of Swedish militarists and meddlers are not those of the vast majority of the inhabitants of eastern Scandinavia. Too little has been said in any of the Allied countries of the existence of a consistent and powerful literature in which some of the foremost intellects of Sweden protest against the crimes of Germany. If we desire to know the real views of the best minds in Sweden, we ought to make acquaintance, not with the violent propaganda of a noisy court clique, but with the volumes of Professor Ernst Wigforss and of Herr C. N. Carleson, the remarkable Black Week of Herr Anton Karlgren, the essays of Professor N.
    [Show full text]
  • Edinburgh Research Explorer
    Edinburgh Research Explorer Wars of Position Citation for published version: Puzey, G 2011, 'Wars of Position: Language Policy, Counter-Hegemonies and Cultural Cleavages in Italy and Norway', Ph.D., University of Edinburgh. <https://www.era.lib.ed.ac.uk/handle/1842/7544> Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Publisher Rights Statement: © Puzey, G. (2011). Wars of Position: Language Policy, Counter-Hegemonies and Cultural Cleavages in Italy and Norway General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 10. Oct. 2021 This thesis has been submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for a postgraduate degree (e.g. PhD, MPhil, DClinPsychol) at the University of Edinburgh. Please note the following terms and conditions of use: • This work is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights, which are retained by the thesis author, unless otherwise stated. • A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge.
    [Show full text]
  • The European Union's Northern
    THE EUROPEAN UNION’S NORTHERN DIMENSION: A CASE OF FOREIGN POLICY “BY THE BACKDOOR”? Nicola Catellani The London School of Economics and Political Science PhD in International Relations 1 UMI Number: U615624 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615624 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 T/-b£ s s f §303 lUWWjf The thesis will examine, broadly speaking, the external relations of the European Union (EU) with its Northern neighbours in the light of the development of a new policy dedicated to this purpose: the Northern Dimension. In the thesis it is argued that the Northern Dimension deviates significantly from previous policies that the EU has developed to deal with its neighbours due to a number of elements: the absence of a dedicated budget line, the involvement of “outsiders” in the implementation phase, e.g. the regional organisations like the Council of the Baltic Sea States and the Barents Euro-Arctic Council, and the horizontal agenda based on tangible issues like environment threats, including nuclear wastes management, fight against organised crime and health issues.
    [Show full text]
  • SLOVAKIA and the EURO: HOW SLOVAKIA HAS OUT- PACED ITS VISEGRÁD NEIGHBORS on the PATH to ECONOMIC and MONETARY UNION Jill Carroll
    FIVE SLOVAKIA AND THE EURO: HOW SLOVAKIA HAS OUT- PACED ITS VISEGRÁD NEIGHBORS ON THE PATH TO ECONOMIC AND MONETARY UNION Jill Carroll Adoption of the European common currency, the euro, is a requirement for the twelve New Member States which joined the European Union in 2004 and 2007. The Maastricht Treaty imposes macroeconomic requirements on New Member States before they can replace their national currencies with the euro. The aim of this paper is to examine the political environment of the Visegrád states and to explain why Slovakia is the only country among the four Central European states to have adopted the euro. This paper argues that the political will to cut welfare spending and a country’s economic size have been the most important factors in determining when a Central European state will adopt the euro. Jill Carroll will receive her Masters in Political Science-Transatlantic Relations from the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill in May 2011. She received a Bachelor’s in Business Administration in 2003 and plans to pursue a career in which she can impact social policies through research and advocacy. Slovakia and the Euro 66 INTRODUCTION The Maastricht Treaty, adopted in 1993, officially established the European Union (EU) and laid the foundations for the creation of the euro as the common currency among its member states. Adoption of the euro is a requirement of EU accession for the twelve countries that joined the union in May 2004 and January 2007. There are no special opt-outs as there were for the UK and Denmark, although as Sweden has demonstrated, there is also no effective deadline to join the eurozone, the region comprised of EU members that use the euro as their national currency.
    [Show full text]
  • Honolulu 2020
    Tuesday PWK22: Tuesday 8:00 AM - 5:00 PM Research Grant Women in Negoaons (By Invitaon Only) PWK06: Tuesday 8:00 AM - 6:00 PM Research Grant Research & Workshop Grants Commiee Understanding Peaceful Change in Internaonal Relaons (By Invitaon Only) Part. Marie-Joelle Zahar (University of Montreal) Part. Karin Aggestam (Lund University) Research & Workshop Grants Commiee Part. Brian Urlacher (University of North Dakota) Part. Cornelia B. Navari (University of Buckingham) Part. Caa Cecilia Conforni (Wellesley College) Part. Anne Clunan (Naval Postgraduate School) Part. Piki Ish-Shalom (The Hebrew University of Jerusalem) Part. Victoria Tin-bor Hui (University of Notre Dame) Part. Laura Montanaro (University of Essex) Part. John Ravenhill (University of Waterloo) Part. Lucy Maycox (University of Oxford) Part. Rajesh Basrur (S. Rajaratnam School of Internaonal Studies, Part. Catriona Standfield (University of Notre Dame) Nanyang Technological University) Coord. Galia Golan (Hebrew University of Jerusalem) Part. Manjeet Pardesi (Victoria University of Wellington) Coord. Miriam J. Anderson (Ryerson University) Part. Torbjorn Knutsen (University of Trondheim) Part. Markus Kornprobst (Vienna School of Internaonal Studies) PIF: Tuesday 8:30 AM - 5:00 PM Commiee Panel Part. Xiaoyu Pu (University of Nevada, Reno) Pay It Forward Workshop (by invitaon only) Part. Lars Skalnes (University of Oregon) Internaonal Studies Associaon Part. Vendulka Kubalkova (University of Miami, USA; Vising Professor, VŠE Prague, Czech Republic) Disc. Katherine Barbieri (University of South Carolina) Part. Thomas Davies (City, University of London) Disc. Marijke Breuning (University of North Texas) Coord. T. V. Paul (McGill University) Disc. Kathryn Marie Fisher (Naonal Defense University) Coord. Deborah W. Larson (University of California, Los Angeles) Disc.
    [Show full text]
  • Slovak Republic's Accession to the European Union
    Nr 12 ROCZNIK INTEGRACJI EUROPEJSKIEJ 2018 Krzysztof Żarna DOI : 10.14746/rie.2018.12.22 Uniwersytet Rzeszowski ORCID: 0000-0002-6965-8682 Slovak Republic’s accession to the European Union Introductory remarks the aim of this article is to present the specificity of the accession process of the Slovak Republic to the European Union in comparison to other countries of Central Europe. the author attempted to find answers to the following three questions: What were the successive stages of slovakian accession to EU; what were the reasons for negotiating with slovakia later than with the other countiries of the same region; what issues were the most difficult during the course of the negotiation proces? the article is based on the assumption that the politics of Vladimir Mečiar, in par- ticular human rights breaches, negatively inluenced the process of slovakia’s accession to the European Union. Another hypothesis is that in comparison to other countries of Central Europe, slovak political parties reached a national consensus concerning ac- cession to the European Union. In order to provide answers to the research questions and verify the hypothesis, the au- thor used a numer of different research methods specific to the political sciences: historical analysis, decision – making analysis, institutional and legal analysis and system analysis. Establishing cooperation the slovak republic is a political descentant of Czehoslovakia, which established diplomatic ties with the European Community (EC) in the late 1980s. This was made possible by signing a common declaration between the European Economic Com- munity (EEC) and the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) in Luxem- burg on the 25th of June 1988.
    [Show full text]