Preface Introduction
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Notes Preface 1. Strong, “Popular Celebration,” 88. 2. Abrams, Historical Sociology, p. 192. Introduction 1. Raine, Depositions From the Courts of Durham, p. 160. 2. SP 15/15, no. 29(i). 3. Norton, “A Warning Against the Dangerous Practises of Papists,” sig. A5v; Strype, Annals, I, ii, p. 323; SP 15/17, nos. 72 and 73. 4. DUL DDR/EJ.CCD/1/2, f. 195;DDCL Raine MS. 124, ff. 180–82d. Most of the relevant Durham material is included in Raine, Depositions From the Courts of Durham. 5. CPR Elizabeth I, vol. VI, no. 1230. 6. Corporation of London Record Office, Repertories of the Court of Aldermen, vol. 16, fol. 520d. 7. Reid, “Rebellion of the Earls,” 171–203; MacCaffrey, Elizabethan Regime, p. 337; Wood, Riot, Rebellion and Popular Politics, pp. 72–3. Diarmaid MacCulloch and Anthony Fletcher differ somewhat in allowing that bastard feudal tenant loyalty had to be reinforced by “religious propaganda” to gather forces, but offer an explanation that remains focused on the lords and politics: The earls rebelled because denied the place in central affairs they thought rightfully theirs, and the significance of their failed efforts lie primarily in proving “that northern feudalism and particularism could no longer rival Tudor centralization”: Tudor Rebellions, pp. 102–16. 8. James, “Concept of Order,” 83. See also Meikle, “Godly Rogue,” 139. Meikle notes that Lord Hunsdon’s oft-quoted statement that the north “knew no prince but a Percy” should not be taken as accurate but rather as a “desperate plea for more military aid at the height of the rebellion.” 9. Taylor, “Crown and the North of England.” More accessible summaries of Taylor’s findings can be found in Wall, Power and Protest, pp. 174–7, and Haigh, English Reformations, p. 260. 10. Elton, “Politics and the Pilgrimage,” in After the Reformation, ed. B. Malament (London, 1979) and Reform and Reformation, pp. 260–70. 11. Davies “Popular Religion,” pp. 90–1. See also Davies, “Pilgrimage of Grace Reconsidered,” 39–64. 12. Hoyle, Pilgrimage of Grace. 13. The literature on popular politics is now vast, but see for instance: Wood, Riot, Rebellion and Popular Politics; Braddick and Walter, Negotiating Power; and Shagan, Popular Politics. 14. Bernard, King’s Reformation, pp. 293–404. 186 Notes 187 15. Davies, “Popular Religion,” 59. 16. Loades, Conspiracies; Thorp, “Religion and the Wyatt Rebellion,” 363–80; Robison, “Wyatt’s Rebellion in Surrey,” 769–90. 17. Pittock, Jacobitism, pp. 114–15. 18. Sharp, Memorials; reprinted with a new foreword by Robert Wood as The Rising in the North: The 1569 Rebellion. Sharp’s book is an impressive feat of collection, including not just the papers of Sir George Bowes but also those found in other collections that pertained to the story. Although I have gone to the original documents in most cases, Sharp’s book remains an invaluable aid. 19. Sharp, Memorials, pp. 61–3; BL Caligula B.IX, ii, f. 425. 20. SP 15/15, no. 30. See also SP 15/15, no. 41. 21. See, for example, Davies, “Popular Religion,” pp. 58–91; Collinson, Protestant England, pp. 127–55; Walter, Understanding Popular Violence. 22. Fletcher and MacCulloch, Tudor Rebellions, pp. 6–7. 1 An Impending Crisis? 1. Cressy, Agnes Bowker’s Cat, pp. 21–2. 2. Bullein, A Dialogue Against the Fever Pestilence, p. 107. 3. Anonymous, Monstrous Child. 4. Bodleian Library MS Eng Hist e. 198: William Woodwall, The Acts of Queen Elizabeth Allegorized, fols. 8–19d. 5. Woodwall, Allegorized, fol. 7. 6. Anonymous, Meruaylous Straunge. See also Brammall, “Monstrous Meta- morphosis,” pp. 3–21. 7. Strype, Annals, vol. 1, pt. 2, p. 346. 8. C 66/1073, m. 31 (CPR Elizabeth I, vol. V, no. 1818). 9. “Enclosure Riots at Chinley,” pp. 61–8; Tawney, Agrarian Problem, pp. 327–9. 10. Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 404. 11. For the laws against the use of prophecy in protest, see 33 Henry VIII c. 14; 3 & 4 Edward VI c. 15; 5 Elizabeth I, cc. 15, 16; 23 Elizabeth I c. 2. See also Kesselring, “Deference and Dissent,” pp. 1–16 and van Patten, “Magic, Prophecy, and the Law of Treason,” pp. 1–32. 12. E 164/37, fol. 19d. 13. SP 15/14, no. 87; BL Cotton MS Titus F. III, fols. 112–14, 123. 14. SP 12/194, no. 75 (f. 159). 15. Slack, “Vagrants,” 360. For the searches of 1569–72, see Beier, “Vagrancy,” pp. 3–29. 16. Tawney and Power, Tudor Economic Documents, I, p. 325. 17. SP 15/14, no. 79; Corporation of London Record Office, Journal of the Court of Common Council, JORS 19, fols. 171d–174d. 18. SP 15/11/45; see also Wark, Recusancy in Cheshire,p.2 19. Kemp, John Fisher, pp. 3–4, 113–15, quoted in Beier, “Vagrancy,” p. 16. 20. BIHR HC.CP 1570/5. 21. See Shagan, Popular Politics and Whiting, Blind Devotion. 22. Pollard, Tudor Treatises, vol. 125, pp. 110, 125, 142. 188 Notes 23. Taylor, Very Old Man, sig. D3r. 24. Peters, Patterns of Piety; J. Maltby, Prayer Book; Walsham, Providence; for a particularly strong case for adaptation, although in a different context, see Todd, Culture of Protestantism. 25. Jones, The English Reformation and “Living the Reformation,” 273–88. 26. Jones, Birth of the Elizabethan Age, pp. 17–47. 27. See, for instance, Baskerville, “Religious Disturbance,” 340–48. 28. Fisher, “Coercion and Religious Conformity,” 305–24. 29. Foster, Churchwardens’ Accounts Cambridge, p. 164. 30. Drew, Lambeth Churchwardens Accounts, vol. 1, pp. 100–101. 31. Haugaard, English Reformation, p. 141; Aston, England’s Iconoclasts, vol. 1, esp. p. 304; Litzenberger, Reformation and the Laity. 32. SP 12/18, no. 21. 33. SP 12/46, no. 33. 34. Haigh, Reformation and Resistance, pp. 210–23. 35. Green, “Mr. William Whittingham deane of Durham.” 36. Marcombe, “Rude and Heady,” 117–51; Marcombe, “Dean and Chapter,” 182. 37. SP 12/20, no. 25 38. Fowler, The Rites of Durham, pp. 23, 95; Marcombe, “Rude and Heady,” 134. 39. DDCL Raine MS. 124, f. 52b. 40. Works of Pilkington, p.129; quoted in Marcombe, “Rude and Heady,” 134. 41. Bateson, “Original Letters,” 64; SP 15/12, no. 108. 42. Bateson, “Original Letters,” 67. 43. Marcombe, “Dean and Chapter,” 187–9. 44. BIHR HC.A.B. 3 fols. 169–75d, 104–5. 45. Cheshire and Chester Record Office, EDA 12/2, fols. 122–122d. 46. BIHR HC.A.B. 3, fols. 189–90; HC.A.B. 4, fol. 24b; V. 1567–68 CB1, fols. 102d, 105–105d, 148d. 47. BIHR V. 1567–68, CB1, fols. 42–4, 203; CB2, fols. 36, 83. 48. See in particular Alford, Succession and also Thorp, “William Cecil,” 289–304 and Thorp, “Catholic Conspiracy,” 431–48. Alford and Thorp modify the older view of Cecil as a politique, most cogently presented in the works of Conyers Read. 49. Alford, Succession, pp. 27–8. 50. BL Cotton Caligula C.I, fol. 76. 51. Memo of 1568: BL Cotton Caligula C.1. fols. 76 ff; from summer of 1569: SP 12/51, fols. 9r-13v; Haynes, pp. 579–88. See also Alford’s discussion of these memos and their significance; Succession, pp. 182–4. 52. Wormald, Mary, Queen of Scots; Wormald, “Politics and Government of Scot- land,” 153. 53. Guy, Queen of Scots; Warnicke, Mary Queen of Scots. There is dispute even about how to spell Mary’s family name. She herself used “Stuart,” in defer- ence perhaps to the French, but Scottish historians tend to prefer the original “Stewart” spelling. 54. Guy, Queen of Scots, pp. 164, 184. 55. Guy, Queen of Scots, pp. 187–99. 56. Guy, Queen of Scots, pp. 266–8. Notes 189 57. KB 8/40; Jones, “Defining Superstitions,” 187–203. 58. BL Cotton Caligula C.1, fols. 139–140. 59. BL Cotton Caligula C.1, fols. 76d, 98, and see Alford, Succession, pp. 166ff. 60. See Donaldson, First Trial, pp. 132–3. 61. Alford, Succession, p. 175; Guy, Queen of Scots, p. 418. 62. Quoted in Guy, Queen of Scots, p. 423. 63. CSP Spanish, II, no. 38 (p. 53). 64. Wernham, Foreign Policy, p. 34. Philip’s “Iron Duke” often goes by “Alva” in English writing, but here I have followed the example of Geoffrey Parker and William Maltby in opting for the alternate spelling. 65. CSP Spanish, II, no. 20 (p. 29). 66. Maltby, Alba, p. 183. 67. Parker, Grand Strategy, pp. 155–9; Read, “Pay-Ships,” 443–64. But see also Ramsay, who argues that English intent in removing the money from the ships was still unclear and possibly benign before de Spes overreacted and took the crisis to the next level: Queen’s Merchants, pp. 90–111. 68. Quoted in Alford, Succession, p. 187. 69. MacCaffrey, Elizabethan Regime, p. 282; Calder, Revolutionary Empire, pp. 69–70. 70. Quoted in MacCaffrey, Elizabethan Regime, p. 282. 71. Quoted in Parker, Grand Strategy, p. 157 from Don Francis de Alava y Beamonte, Correspondencia inedita, pp. 301–2, 317. 72. Parker, Grand Strategy, p. 159. 73. Parker, Grand Strategy, p. 158; Relations politiques des Pays-Bas et d’Angleterre, V, pp. 479, 508, 510, 539, 603; CSP Rome, I, nos. 632, 638, 684. In February 1570, Philip did send a man (“Kempe”) to assist the rebels and set aside money for their use, but by then of course, such aid was too late for the English rebellion. In August, he told the papal nuncio that it was too late to aid the rebels, but he would continue to await a good opportunity. 74. Meyer, Catholic Church,p.56 75. Lemaitre, Saint Pie V, p.