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What Is to Be Done? Eric Burin. Slavery and the Peculiar Solution: A History of the American Colonization Society. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2005. xiv + 223 pp. $59.95, cloth, ISBN 978-0-8130-2841-5. Reviewed by Eugene S. Van Sickle Published on H-SHEAR (September, 2006) During the Early Republic, Americans strug‐ level in the South is the most important contribu‐ gled to address the paradox of slavery and free‐ tion this study makes, as most studies tend to look dom. This dichotomy prompted numerous de‐ at the colonization movement from the national bates and wild schemes designed to address the perspective. Burin delves into the debate regard‐ existence of slavery in a society based on individ‐ ing the true purpose of the ACS, suggesting that ual freedom. Among the reform-minded societies "colonization tended to undermine slavery" (p. 2). that came out of such discussions was the Ameri‐ Thus, his examination returns the ACS and can Colonization Society. This society addressed African colonization to the antislavery interpreta‐ this paradox through the plan of African coloniza‐ tion. Such an assertion is problematic, which tion. Eric Burin's study of the American Coloniza‐ Burin admits. Historians have attempted to ft the tion Society (ACS) is the latest interpretation of the ACS into a particular mold since the 1920s. None‐ African colonization movement and the actions of theless, his study is probably the frst since P.J. that organization at the local level. Part of the Staudenraus's The African Colonization Move‐ Southern Dissent series edited by Stanley Harrold ment (1961) to place the society in the antislavery and Randall M. Miller, its title, as most scholars circle.[1] will note, appears a play on Kenneth Stampp's The The suggestion that colonization was a cru‐ Peculiar Institution (1956). sade against slavery is, arguably, an exaggeration. The study focuses on "colonization's relation‐ The vast majority of colonizationists supported ship with slavery … from two vantage points. the movement in hopes of keeping slavery (and First, it gauges the movement's effect on black the debate over it) from destroying the Union. bondage by providing a panoramic overview of Many accepted the Jeffersonians' proposition that the colonization crusade; second, it scrutinizes slavery was doomed for extinction anyway; colo‐ ACS activities as they played out at the local level" nization would only aid in the eventual outcome. (p. 2). The emphasis on ACS activities at the local This thought process did not change much until H-Net Reviews after Nat Turner's Rebellion, the Virginia Debates torian William Freehling's explanation that the of 1832, and the Nullification Crisis. Most white era under examination provided no evidence that Americans believed that the republic would fall if the scheme would not work. In the context of the there were two free races, especially if one of mass migration then occurring in the Atlantic those races was denied political and social rights. world, ACS supporters had no reason to think that Colonization offered a solution to this dilemma. they could not re-settle African Americans. Burin Burin recognizes this fact: "The enterprise's suggests that the problem with the thesis is that longevity and salience partly stemmed from its Freehling did not consider the realities of colo‐ malleability: the venture certainly meant differ‐ nization at the local level (p. 21). Thus, Burin re‐ ent things to different people" (p. 33). It remains turns to his study's real contribution to the schol‐ difficult to see colonization as a crusade, especial‐ arship on this topic. Colonization was not a sim‐ ly when John Randolph and Henry Clay, both plistic endeavor that effortlessly moved colonists founding members, insisted that the ACS not ad‐ across the Atlantic. Situations at the local level dress the issue of slavery at all.[2] Nonetheless, complicated and slowed emigration, making ACS the membership of prominent slaveholders in the efforts less tenable in reality. For example, Burin ACS, as well as the number of slaves manumitted finds that liberated slaves in urban areas general‐ for colonization, does imply dissent against slav‐ ly opposed emigration to Liberia; thus, the ACS ery in the South. targeted rural areas. Colonizationists encountered Burin further locates the true base of support problems there, however, as slaveholders faced for colonization in the Upper South and Border scorn and sometimes worse from neighbors (p. States. He also demonstrates the influence of revo‐ 36). Moreover, by the early 1830s a rift emerged lutionary ideology in the discussion regarding "between the Upper South men who dominated slavery and colonization. The ideals of the revolu‐ the powerful board of managers, and the north‐ tion were most important to the post-revolution erners who flled many important positions in the generation. For example, Burin turned to Charles organization" (p. 23), which worked against the Fenton Mercer, whom he credits with "laying the ACS. The conflict was primarily over the public groundwork for the establishment of the ACS." image of the ACS and its position on slavery. Burin Mercer was a southern modernizer "who wished also points out that a split occurred in the move‐ to replace the slave-based agrarian economy with ment because of poor fscal management, which a free-labor, commercial-industrial one" (p. 13). further slowed the organization's progress (p. 24). There were, indeed, many men similar to Mercer, Another significant contribution of Burin's and to place the impetus for the ACS's formation study is his examination of manumissions in the on him ignores prominent northern fgures such South. Burin notes that the vast majority of indi‐ as the Reverend Robert S. Finley from New Jersey. vidual manumissions in the early colonization pe‐ These men looked to an industrial society based riod took place in the Upper South (p. 36). Of on free labor; they sought also to preserve the greater interest, however, is his conclusion that Union. Colonization was the means to do both and the number of manumissions also depended on address the question of their time--the fate of slav‐ whether slaveholders lived in urban or rural ar‐ ery and African descendants in America. eas. Manumission was much more difficult, he One quite interesting question that Burin ad‐ contends, in rural areas. Burin then proceeds to dresses is why colonizationists thought that they discuss the factors that influenced slaveholders' could succeed at settling African Americans out‐ decisions. This is an important part of the study, side the United States (pp. 20-21). Burin cites his‐ as no other study (that the reviewer is aware of) has differentiated manumissions specifically for 2 H-Net Reviews colonization in such a way. That a greater number all the colonization societies for adult males in occurred in the Upper South is not surprising. their colonies, especially those known to be indus‐ Northern, free neighboring states had larger im‐ trious and obedient. Adult males would not drain migrant populations, which Burin mentions, social resources; adult males would develop the specifically the Germans who moved into the colonies more quickly, allowing increasing num‐ western regions of Maryland and later West Vir‐ bers to be sent; fnally, adult males were most ginia. These people had little to tie them to the in‐ likely to make the colonies prosperous, which stitution of slavery. In addition, a considerable would lure free African Americans whose posi‐ factor was the industrialization of growing urban tion in the United States, economically and social‐ centers such as Baltimore. The emergence of the ly, was tenuous. The numbers of African Ameri‐ market economy, the transition to mixed agricul‐ cans transported, and little else, measured success ture, and the loss of political influence in the for most white Americans supportive of coloniza‐ Chesapeake region weakened slavery's hold there. tion. Adult males were the most needed group in Maryland had the largest (proportionally adjust‐ the colonies for these objectives to be met. Burin ed) free black population in the country. Further, either ignores this fact or views the social control soil depletion and the migration of planters' sons that manumission programs gave to slaveholders to western territories contributed to the declining as more important. numbers of slaves in the state and, of course, Another of Burin's contentions that scholars higher numbers of manumissions (pp. 37-40). will certainly debate is that "ACS liberations were Burin further differentiates ACS manumis‐ not instances of complaisant slaves dutifully sions by examining programs employed by some working toward freedom, as white colonization‐ larger slaveholders. He emphasizes that programs ists originally expected. Rather, they were the such as those promoted by John McDonogh, a product of tenacious negotiations that fundamen‐ Louisiana slave owner, actually aided in control‐ tally recast slaveholders' manumission plans" (p. ling slave populations. The promise of literacy in 58). In short, Burin suggests that slaves weighed preparation for emigration and freedom in Africa, offers of manumission on condition of emigration Burin argues, gave slaveholders an added element carefully to exploit the offers to their best advan‐ of control over their slaves. The potential pitfall of tage (p. 59). In assessing these offers, Burin's study using slaveholding emancipators like McDonogh explores the types of information slaves consid‐ as a model, however, is that they were atypical. ered, as well as the sources of that information. Burin relied on other historical collections; none‐ Scrutiny was necessary as colonizationists manip‐ theless, he seems to place more emphasis on Mc‐ ulated accounts from the colony to best serve Donogh than on other slave owners. McDonogh's their purposes (pp. 70-73). That such activities oc‐ plan was to provide education and training that curred is not surprising.
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