DOCSLIB.ORG

1923: William Z. Foster on the Federated Farmer-Labor Party

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
1923: William Z. Foster on the Federated Farmer-Labor Party Foster: The Federated Farmer-Labor Party [Aug. 1923] 1 The Federated Farmer-Labor Party. by William Z. Foster Published in The Labor Herald [Chicago], v. 2, no. 6 (August 1923), pp. 2-7. Every decade or so there occurs some labor event self at the head of this rank and file revolt in 1919 by so striking and inspiring in character that it stands out forming the Labor Party, which a year later became as a landmark in the history of the working class. Such the Farmer-Labor Party. A wave of hope spread was the great national convention held in Chicago, throughout the labor movement. At last, it was July 3-4-5 [1923], to create a labor party. Marked by a thought, the workers were about to set themselves free tremendous outburst of militancy and en- thusiasm, it was a vi- brant, thrilling, over- whelming demand by the rank and file of ag- ricultural and indus- trial labor for the for- mation of a powerful political party of the toilers. Nobody who attended its sessions will ever forget them. This revolution- ary convention, called under the auspices of the Farmer-Labor Party, gave birth to a new organiza- from the political thralldom fastened upon them by tion, the Federated Farmer-Labor Party. It was the in- the Gompers clique and would organize a party of their evitable culmination of a long train of circumstances. own. But the hope soon died. Through lack of mili- For many years past the workers, betrayed and misled tancy the Farmer-Labor Party failed to crystallize the by the trade union bureaucracy, had been gradually labor party sentiment. It simmered along and frittered awakening to the fact that the old Gompersian politi- away its great opportunity. cal policy of “rewarding” their friends and “punish- ing” their enemies was fatal to their interests. It had The Progressive Conference. disfranchised the working class and had turned the entire governmental machinery, lock, stock, and bar- Then the movement for a labor party took a new rel, over to the exploiting class. More and more the turn. William H. Johnson, President of the Interna- rank and file began to demand the formation of a tional Association of Machinists, came forward as the workers’ political party. Local labor parties sprang up great champion of the idea. During late 1921 and early here and there, east and west. John Fitzpatrick, Presi- 1922 one big international union after another de- dent of the Chicago Federation of Labor, placed him- clared in favor of independent working class political 1 2 Foster: The Federated Farmer-Labor Party [Aug. 1923] action. Again hope revived, and many looked towards its leaders pulled their party out of that sickly body. Johnston as the Moses who would lead the workers Almost immediately everyone who believed sincerely out of the political wilderness. It almost seemed as in the formation of a labor party turned his attention though, under his leadership, even the higher union again to the Farmer-Labor Party. Meanwhile the Work- officials had begun to realize the necessity for a labor ers Party and the Trade Union Educational League had party and were willing to brave the opposition of the been carrying on a militant and widespread campaign old autocrat, Gompers, in order to achieve it. The in the unions for independent working class political movement came to a head in February 1922, when action. Great numbers of local unions, city centrals, the first Conference for Progressive Political Action was state federations of labor, and international unions were held in Chicago. There was present an imposing show won over to the cause. Particularly effective in devel- of proletarian strength, including the sixteen railroad oping this sentiment was the great national labor party organizations, the United Mine Workers of America, referendum sent out by the Trade Union Educational the International Typographical Union, the Amalgam- League to 35,000 local unions. In fact, it was very ated Clothing Workers, several smaller internationals, largely because of the success of this referendum that two dozen State Federations of Labor, scores of cen- the officials of the Farmer-Labor Party moved to crys- tral labor councils, the Non-Partisan League and a great tallize the rapidly spreading movement for a labor party. number of other farmer organizations, the Farmer- They issued their call for a “monster political conven- Labor Party, the Socialist Party, etc., etc. A conserva- tion” to which all “labor, farm, and political groups,” tive figure for those represented would be 2,500,000, both local and national, were invited to send delegates and the whole lot were following the lead of Johnston. “for the purpose of devising means for knitting to- gether the many organizations in this country in such The Johnston Betrayal. a manner as will enable the workers to really function politically.” It was a golden opportunity to form the labor party. Just a little leadership and courage on the part The Farmer-Labor Party Revives. of Johnston and the thing would have been done. But he lacked both. Although he hated Gompers bitterly This was an inspiring gesture. Hope for a labor and had the forces wherewith to overthrow him and party, long deferred, revived again. Apparently the his reactionary political policy, he did not dare to un- Farmer-Labor Party, freeing itself from the lassitude dertake the job. The Chicago conference did nothing that had crippled it from its birth, had finally come to practical. After adopting a sickly parody on the Decla- realize that the labor party issue, like amalgamation, ration of Independence, it adjourned to meet again in was purely a rank and file question and had determined Cleveland in December of the same year. Everybody to make a bold fight for it among the broad masses in with a bit of sand in him was disgusted. But still a ray the unions. Many circumstances had conspired to make of hope lingered. Those who did not know the weak this conclusion seem plausible. Years ago the Farmer- Johnston felt that perhaps he wanted further time to Labor Party had broken with the Gompers clique of build up more troops for the final assault on the Gom- officials, and after the Cleveland conference it parted pers stronghold. Then came the Cleveland fiasco, company with the remainder of the higher officialdom, which ended by Johnston and his lieutenants timidly the Johnston group. This should have convinced it that endorsing the threadbare Gompers policy. Thus that there was nothing to be looked for from the bureau- promising movement blew up. It was the old story of cracy of the trade unions and that the only thing left the fabled general who, with a lot of horses and men, for it was to make a militant appeal to the great rank marched them up the hill and marched them down and file. Its logical role was to lead a vigorous labor again. party struggle in all the organizations and to put across At this critical juncture the Farmer-Labor Party the program of independent working class political again came strongly to the fore. Denouncing the Con- action in spite of the opposition of the entire official ference for Progressive Political Action as a scab outfit, family. It was a splendid opportunity and a solemn Foster: The Federated Farmer-Labor Party [Aug. 1923] 3 responsibility, demanding foresight, initiative, and dar- nant to them, or of practically repeating the Cleve- ing. But events proved that the national leadership of land fiasco by doing nothing to form the proposed the Farmer-Labor Party failed completely to under- federated party. stand the situation or to live up to its requirements. It was under such circumstances that the memo- rable convention came together in the big Carmen’s The Farmer-Labor Party Weakens. Auditorium. The number of delegates has been vari- ously estimated from 600 to 800. They represented at The militant and revolutionary elements in the least 600,000 workers, members of all sorts of agricul- labor movement took seriously the Farmer-Labor tural and industrial organizations. High international Party’s gesture of revolt. They thought that body was officials of the unions were conspicuous by their ab- in earnest and prepared to accept the consequences of sence, most of the labor representation coming from its acts when it boldly denounced the Cleveland Con- local unions and central labor councils. From the be- ference for not forming a labor party and then called ginning it was manifest that the delegation, disillu- together a great rank and file convention to crease such sioned by the Cleveland failure, was determined that a party. So these militants worked vigorously and ef- a real start should be made towards the foundation of fectively to make the convention a success. On the a genuine federated labor party, to which all working other hand, the Farmer-Labor Party leaders, with few class political and industrial groups might affiliate. exceptions, never entered into the spirit of the con- vention. They did practically nothing to build it up. The First Day. Many even sabotaged it outright. Their trouble was that ideologically they belonged in the left wing of the In this situation the cue was for the Farmer-La- Johnston Conference for Progressive Political Action. bor Party leaders, despite the rank and file character of Although the whole higher officialdom of our labor the Convention, to place themselves boldly at the head movement had declared against forming a labor party, of the movement by forming immediately the all-in- the Farmer-Labor Party leaders could not quite give clusive federated party, and by launching a militant up the hope that this officialdom, in some way or other, campaign to win affiliations for it.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • 15/18/22 Liberal Arts and Sciences Political Science Clarence A
    The materials listed in this document are available for research at the University of Record Series Number Illinois Archives. For more information, email [email protected] or search http://www.library.illinois.edu/archives/archon for the record series number. 15/18/22 Liberal Arts and Sciences Political Science Clarence A. Berdahl Papers, 1920-88 Box 1: Addresses, lectures, reports, talks, 1941-46 American Association of University Professors, 1945-58 AAUP, Illinois Chapter, 1949-58 Allerton Conference, 1949 Academic freedom articles, reports, 1950-53 American Political Science Association, 1928-38 Box 2: American Political Science Association, 1938-58 American Political Science Review, 1940-53 American Scandinavian Foundation, 1955-58 American Society of International Law, 1940-58 American Society for Public Administration, 1944-59 Autobiographical, Recollections, and Biographical, 1951, 1958, 1977-79, 1989 Box 3: Beard (Charles A.) reply, 1939-41 Blaisdell, D. C., 1948-56 Book Reviews, 1942-58 Brookings Institution, 1947-55 Chicago broadcast, 1952 College policy Commission to study the organization of peace, 1939-58 Committee on admissions from higher institutions, 1941-44 Committee of the Conference of Teachers of International Law, 1928-41 Committee to Defend America by Aiding the Allies, 1940-42 Committee on School of Journalism, 1938-47 Box 4: Conference of Teachers of International Law, 1946, 1952 Correspondence, general, 1925-58 Council on Foreign Relations, 1946-57 Cosmos Club, 1942-58 Department of Political Science, 1933-39 Box 5: Department of Political Science, 1935-50 DeVoto, Bernard, 1955 Dial Club, 1929-58 Dictionary of American History, 1937-39 Dilliard, Irving, 1941-58 Document and Readings in American Government, 1938-54 Douglas, Sen.
    [Show full text]
  • FO,R a LABORPARTY Recent Revolutionary Changes in American Politics
    FO,R A LABORPARTY Recent Revolutionary Changes in American Politics A STATEMENT BY THE WORKERS PARTY TEN CENTS PUBLISHED BY WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA 799 BROADWAY NEW YORK CITY THE WORKER A MILITANT, NEWSY, SIX-PAGE WORKERS’ WEEKLY PAPER Published in the interest of the workers. Edited by experienced newspaper men. CONTAINS: The Best Editoriah The Best Cartoons The Best News of the CZass- struigle in AZZ Parts of the WorZd. $2.00 A YEAR ’ THE WORKER 799 BROADWAY NEW YORK CITY FOR A LABOR PARTY xecent Revohtionary Changes in American PoZitics A STATEMENT by the WORKERS PARTY OCTOBER 1 gh, 1922 PvaLlsHrB BI WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA 799 BROADWAY NEW YORK CITY FORALABORPARTY Recent Revolutionary Changes in American Politics The Problem The American Labor Movement is at a turning point. In spite of peaceful tendencies of their leaders, in spite of all unconsciousness on the part of the working masses, the Labor Movement is forced into ever larger struggles. These struggles place the work- ers in increasing measure not only in opposition to the capitalists, but also in opposition to that Executive Committee of the Capitalist class which is the Govern- ment. Each great struggle in its turn from the Steel Strike in 1919 to the Coal, Railroad .and Textile Strikes in 1922, dictates to the American workers the same two lessons with ever sharper insistence; The first of these lessons is: If the workers wish to win the struggle against capital which is being more and more concentrated, and against the organizations of the employers which are becoming more and more powerful, they must start the big work of amalgamation of the trade unions.
    [Show full text]
  • UC Santa Cruz Electronic Theses and Dissertations
    UC Santa Cruz UC Santa Cruz Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Unbecoming Silicon Valley: Techno Imaginaries and Materialities in Postsocialist Romania Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0vt9c4bq Author McElroy, Erin Mariel Brownstein Publication Date 2019 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SANTA CRUZ UNBECOMING SILICON VALLEY: TECHNO IMAGINARIES AND MATERIALITIES IN POSTSOCIALIST ROMANIA A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in FEMINIST STUDIES by Erin Mariel Brownstein McElroy June 2019 The Dissertation of Erin McElroy is approved: ________________________________ Professor Neda Atanasoski, Chair ________________________________ Professor Karen Barad ________________________________ Professor Lisa Rofel ________________________________ Professor Megan Moodie ________________________________ Professor Liviu Chelcea ________________________________ Lori Kletzer Vice Provost and Dean of Graduate Studies Copyright © by Erin McElroy 2019 Table of Contents Abstract, iv-v Acknowledgements, vi-xi Introduction: Unbecoming Silicon Valley: Techno Imaginaries and Materialities in Postsocialist Romania, 1-44 Chapter 1: Digital Nomads in Siliconizing Cluj: Material and Allegorical Double Dispossession, 45-90 Chapter 2: Corrupting Techno-normativity in Postsocialist Romania: Queering Code and Computers, 91-127 Chapter 3: The Light Revolution, Blood Gold, and
    [Show full text]
  • Julius Bernstein Papers
    Julius Bernstein Collection Papers, 1916-1977 30 linear feet Accession #896 OCLC # Julius Bernstein was born in New York City June 5, 1919 to Solomon and Rose (Kimmel) Bernstein, immigrants from Russia and the Austro-Hungarian Empire respectively. He moved with his family to Boston in 1929, attending public schools there, including Boston Latin, but and graduated from James Monroe High School in the Bronx, where he moved with his younger brother and mother after her separation from his father. He also attended Boston University for one year, majoring in journalism, and was awarded a Florence Lasker Fellowship in Civil Rights at Brandeis University in 1961. In his teens, Bernstein became active in the Young People's Socialist League and for many years served as State Secretary of the Socialist Party in Massachusetts. He met his future wife, Bess Belle Luff, through the Workmen's Circle, in which his family were active, lifelong members. They married in 1940 and had two sons, Stanley, born in 194 1, and Eugene Debs, in 1943. Drafted in December, 1941, he spent most of World War 11 driving an ambulance at Hoff General Hospital in Santa Barbara, California. Upon his discharge in 1945, he joined and remained active for many years in the Ernie Pyle Chapter of the American Veterans' Committee of Massachusetts. In 1948 Bernstein started working for the Jewish Labor Committee in Boston, the only regular job he ever held, taking over as resident field officer when Rose Parker moved to Detroit to marry Dr. Schmarya Kleinman. The primary focus of the JLC organization in Boston was to serve as the education arm of organized labor in New England on human rights issues, but Bernstein's activity also expanded to persistent lobbying with the Massachusetts and other state legislatures on civil rights and labor matters.
    [Show full text]
  • Finding Aid Prepared by David Kennaly Washington, D.C
    THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS RARE BOOK AND SPECIAL COLLECTIONS DIVISION THE RADICAL PAMPHLET COLLECTION Finding aid prepared by David Kennaly Washington, D.C. - Library of Congress - 1995 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS RARE BOOK ANtI SPECIAL COLLECTIONS DIVISIONS RADICAL PAMPHLET COLLECTIONS The Radical Pamphlet Collection was acquired by the Library of Congress through purchase and exchange between 1977—81. Linear feet of shelf space occupied: 25 Number of items: Approx: 3465 Scope and Contents Note The Radical Pamphlet Collection spans the years 1870-1980 but is especially rich in the 1930-49 period. The collection includes pamphlets, newspapers, periodicals, broadsides, posters, cartoons, sheet music, and prints relating primarily to American communism, socialism, and anarchism. The largest part deals with the operations of the Communist Party, USA (CPUSA), its members, and various “front” organizations. Pamphlets chronicle the early development of the Party; the factional disputes of the 1920s between the Fosterites and the Lovestoneites; the Stalinization of the Party; the Popular Front; the united front against fascism; and the government investigation of the Communist Party in the post-World War Two period. Many of the pamphlets relate to the unsuccessful presidential campaigns of CP leaders Earl Browder and William Z. Foster. Earl Browder, party leader be—tween 1929—46, ran for President in 1936, 1940 and 1944; William Z. Foster, party leader between 1923—29, ran for President in 1928 and 1932. Pamphlets written by Browder and Foster in the l930s exemplify the Party’s desire to recruit the unemployed during the Great Depression by emphasizing social welfare programs and an isolationist foreign policy.
    [Show full text]
  • Bio-Bibliographical Sketch of Martin Abern
    Lubitz' TrotskyanaNet Martin Abern Bio-Bibliographical Sketch Contents: • Basic biographical data • Biographical sketch • Selective bibliography • Notes on archives Basic biographical data Name: Martin Abern Other names (by-names, pseud. etc.): Marty Abern ; Martin Abramowitz ; Henry Allen ; Harry Allen ; Harry Stone Date and place of birth: December 2, 1898, ? (Romania) Date and place of death: April ?, 1949, ?, USA Nationality: Romanian ; USA Occupations, careers, etc.: Party organizer Time of activity in Trotskyist movement: 1928 - ca. 1946 Biographical sketch There are only a few general biographical notes about Martin Abern, listed in the bibliography below. Our short sketch is chiefly based upon Glotzer, Albert: Abern, Martin (1898-1949), in: Biographical dictionary of the Ame­ rican Left, ed. by Bernard K. Johnpoll and Harvey Klehr, New York, NY, [etc.], 1986, pp. 1-2. Martin Abramowitz was born in Bessarabia, the eastern part of Romania, on December 2, 1898 as a son of Jewish parents. In 1902 the family emigrated to the United States, settled in Minneapolis, Min­ nesota, became naturalized and assumed the name Abern. In Minneapolis Martin Abern attended both elementary and high school before enrolling at the University of Minnesota in 1914 where he was tolerated as a campus radical only because he was a star of the university's football team. After the United States had entered World War I, Abern was expelled from Minnesota University because he had refused the draft and was sentenced to a six-month prison term. Having joined the ranks of the IWW (Industrial Workers of the World)1 and of the YPSL (Young People's Socialist League, the youth section of the SP, Socialist Party) already at an early age, Abern together with the entire left wing of the SP and YPSL left the Socialist Party in 1919 and in face of the Bolshevik Russian revolution and of the launching of the Comintern (Communist International) be­ came a founding member of the American communist movement2.
    [Show full text]
  • ((Underground Radicalism"
    000954 / ((UNDERGROUND RADICALISM" An Open Letter to EUGENE V. DEBS and to, A(l Honest Workers Wt'tht'n the Socialist Party By ­ l JOHN PEPPER PRICE TEN CENTS PUBLISHED BY - WORKERS PARTY of AMERICA 799 BROADWAY NEW Y ORK CITY ~UldiUl vl IRiD t... ATLANTiC UNlVtK:->lll LIUl\E 441 - tA r CAPITALISM CHAL ENGED AT COURT The trial- of the Communists at St. Joseph, Michigan,has centered the attention of both capitalists and workers of America upon the Communist movement and its repre­ sentative party, the Workers Party. The testimony of the chief witnesses in the case, Wm. Z. Foster and C. E. Ruthenberg is given verbatim in a splen­ did pamphlet now being prepared. This court ~ steno­ graphic report makes a communist agitational pamphlet of great value. It contains a history of the Communist move­ ment from Marx to the present day. It contains a keen analysis of the movement in this country. It answers the question of revolution by "force and violence." It defends the principle of open propaganda of Communism in the United States. It defends the right of the workers to establish - a Soviet State in the United States. It defends the principle of a Diotatorship of the Worlters to displace the Dictatorship of the Capitalists. Order and seli at workers' meetings. Nominal price. Lot orders at reduced rates. THE WORKERS PARTY 799 BROADWAY NEW YORK CITY E U A CA IS " An Open Letter to EUGENE V . DEBS and to All Honest Workers Within the 'Socialist Party By JOHN PEPPER PRICE TEN CENTS PUBLISHED BY WORKERS PARTY of AMERICA 799 BROADWAY NEW YORK CITY CONTENTS Page CHAPTER I.-The Working Class In Dangler The New Offensive of the Capitalists.
    [Show full text]
  • Mike Conan Collection : the New Communist Movement, 1972-1994
    http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/tf7p30065q No online items Register of the Mike Conan Collection : The New Communist Movement, 1972-1994 Processed by Jora Atienza; machine-readable finding aid created by Xiuzhi Zhou Southern California Library for Social Studies and Research 6120 S. Vermont Avenue Los Angeles, California 90044 Phone: (323) 759-6063 Fax: (323) 759-2252 Email: [email protected] URL: http://www.socallib.org © 1999 Southern California Library for Social Studies and Research. All rights reserved. Register of the Mike Conan MSS 015 1 Collection : The New Communist Movement, 1972-1994 Register of the Mike Conan Collection : The New Communist Movement, 1972-1994 Collection number: MSS 015 Southern California Library for Social Studies and Research Los Angeles, California Contact Information: Southern California Library for Social Studies and Research 6120 S. Vermont Avenue Los Angeles, California 90044 Phone: (323) 759-6063 Fax: (323) 759-2252 Email: [email protected] URL: http://www.socallib.org Processed by: Jora Atienza Encoded by: Xiuzhi Zhou © 1999 Southern California Library for Social Studies and Research. All rights reserved. Descriptive Summary Title: Mike Conan Collection : The New Communist Movement, Date (bulk): 1972-1994 Collection number: MSS 015 Creator: Conan, Mike Extent: 22 boxes Repository: Southern California Library for Social Studies and Research. Los Angeles, California Language: English. Access The collection is available for research only at the Library's facility in Los Angeles. The Library is open from 10 a.m. to 4 p.m., Tuesday through Saturday. Researchers are encouraged to call or email the Library indicating the nature of their research query prior to making a visit.
    [Show full text]
  • Democrats No Answer to Bosses' War, Austerity
    Socialist IUE members m~et . • 6 TH£ Skoglund: example for communist workers . 7 Interview with Cuban·art critic 17 A SOCIALIST NEWSWEEKLY PUBLISHED IN THE INTERESTS OF WORKING PEOPLE VOL. 48/NO. 29 AUGUST 3, 1984 75 CENTS Nicaraguan Democrats no answer to revolution celebrates bosses' war, austerity BY MALIK MIAH fifth year The Democratic Party is attempting to present itself as the "savior" of working people in the elections in November. To BY JOSE G. PEREZ project this image, it nominated former MANAGUA, Nicaragua - Mobilized Vice-pres. Walter Mondale for president around the slogan, "Everything for the war and Geraldine Ferraro for vice-president at front, everything for the fighters," some its recent convention in San Francisco. Fer­ 200,000 or more people rallied here July raro is the first woman to ever run on a 19 to commemorate the fifth anniversary of U.S. capitalist party presidential ticket. the Nicaraguan revolution. The crowd to­ The Democratic ticket will be running tilily filled Managua's new Carlos Fonseca against Pres. Ronald Reagan and Vice­ Plaza, spilling over into the neighboring pres. George Bush, who are expected to be grounds of the Ruben Dario Theater and nominated at the Republican convention in beyond it along the Simon Bolivar August. Boulevard. It was difficult to gauge the The Democratic convention ended on an total attendance. Estimates ran as high as exhilarating note of unity. The delegates 300,000. hailed the party's platform. They cheered The turnout for the celebration exceeded the decision of Jesse Jackson and Sen. by far the predictions of Sandinista offi­ Gary Hart to urge their supporters to cam­ cials, who had aimed to mobilize 150,000 paign wholeheartedly for Mondale and people.
    [Show full text]
  • The Schneiderman Case–Its Political Aspects
    Fordham Law Review Volume 12 Issue 3 Article 1 1943 The Schneiderman Case–Its Political Aspects N. S. Timasheff Fordham University Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation N. S. Timasheff, The Schneiderman Case–Its Political Aspects, 12 Fordham L. Rev. 209 (1943). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol12/iss3/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Law Review by an authorized editor of FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FORDHAM LAW REVIEW VOLUME XII NOVEMBER, 1943 NUMBER 3 THE SCHNEIDERMAN CASE - ITS POLITICAL ASPECTS N. S. TIMASHEFFf I IS IT, or is it not possible, to be a loyal member of the Communist Party and, at the same time, to be attached to the principles of the American Constitution? In United States v. Schneiderman, the Supreme Court decided that it is possible. ,The contention of this paper is that it is not. The Workers Patty of America, the legal superstructure over the underground Communist Party of America, gives a strict 'definitioff of the conditions of membership. According to this definition, only he is a member of the Party who accepts the principles and tactics of the Party, agrees to submit to Party discipline and is willing to engage actively in its work. It is well known that the Party discipline is rigidly enforced to the purpose of securing, among the Party members, com- plete identity of views on short and long range problems.' The program of the Party is merely a restatement of the well known Communist doctrine, first formulated by Marx and Engels in the Com- munist Manifesto (1847) and, later on, expanded and interpreted by the two authors and their disciples among whom Lenin and Stalin have gained prominence.
    [Show full text]
  • 288381679.Pdf
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Loughborough University Institutional Repository This item was submitted to Loughborough University as a PhD thesis by the author and is made available in the Institutional Repository (https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/) under the following Creative Commons Licence conditions. For the full text of this licence, please go to: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.5/ Towards a Libertarian Communism: A Conceptual History of the Intersections between Anarchisms and Marxisms By Saku Pinta Loughborough University Submitted to the Department of Politics, History and International Relations in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) Approximate word count: 102 000 1. CERTIFICATE OF ORIGINALITY This is to certify that I am responsible for the work submitted in this thesis, that the original work is my own except as specified in acknowledgments or in footnotes, and that neither the thesis nor the original work contained therein has been submitted to this or any other institution for a degree. ……………………………………………. ( Signed ) ……………………………………………. ( Date) 2 2. Thesis Access Form Copy No …………...……………………. Location ………………………………………………….……………...… Author …………...………………………………………………………………………………………………..……. Title …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. Status of access OPEN / RESTRICTED / CONFIDENTIAL Moratorium Period :…………………………………years, ending…………../…………20………………………. Conditions of access approved by (CAPITALS):…………………………………………………………………… Supervisor (Signature)………………………………………………...…………………………………... Department of ……………………………………………………………………...………………………………… Author's Declaration : I agree the following conditions: Open access work shall be made available (in the University and externally) and reproduced as necessary at the discretion of the University Librarian or Head of Department. It may also be digitised by the British Library and made freely available on the Internet to registered users of the EThOS service subject to the EThOS supply agreements.
    [Show full text]
  • Abern Bio-Bibliographical Sketch
    Lubitz' TrotskyanaNet Martin Abern Bio-Bibliographical Sketch Contents: Basic biographical data Biographical sketch Selective bibliography Notes on archives Basic biographical data Name: Martin Abern Other names (by-names, pseud. etc.): Marty Abern ; Martin Abramowitz ; Henry Allen ; Harry Allen ; Harry Stone Date and place of birth: December 2, 1898, ? (Russian Empire) Date and place of death: April ?, 1949, ?, USA Nationality: Russian ; USA Occupations, careers, etc.: Party organizer Time of activity in Trotskyist movement: 1928 - ca. 1946 Biographical sketch There are only a few general biographical notes about Martin Abern, listed in the bibliography below. Our short sketch is chiefly based upon Glotzer, Albert: Abern, Martin (1898-1949), in: Biographical dictionary of the Ame- rican Left, ed. by Bernard K. Johnpoll and Harvey Klehr, New York, NY, [etc.], 1986, pp. 1-2. Martin Abramowitz was born in the province of Bessarabia (since 1878 part of the Russian Empire) on December 2, 1898 as a son of Joseph Abramowitz and his wife Aneta Schwartz. In 1902 the family emigrated to the United States, settled in Minneapolis, Minnesota, became naturalized and assumed the name Abern. In Minneapolis Martin Abern attended both elementary and high school before en- rolling at the University of Minnesota in 1914 where he was tolerated as a campus radical only because he was a star of the university's football team. After the United States had entered World War I, Abern was expelled from Minnesota University because he had refused the draft and
    [Show full text]