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28 June 2002 Vol 43 No 13

AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL

SOUTH AFRICA

NIGERIA

3

Banker versus banker

The Central Bank is trying to impose order on Nigeria’s 100 banks: many make big profits from illicit foreign exchange deals. One

End of an Alliance

Squabbles and scandals are now destroying the only opposition which really mattered

The most serious opposition group, the Democratic Alliance (DA), has been gravely wounded by corruption allegations and political misjudgement. The governing African National Congress is sticking the knife in deeper with a new law allowing elected representatives to defect to other parties without losing their seats. The ANC stresses that such a law operates in most European parliaments but its clear aim is to give it control of all nine provinces and all main provincial and city councils. In the two opposition-controlled provinces, Western Cape and kwaZulu-Natal, enough opposition representatives want to cross the floor to give the ANC majority control. The ANC’s advantage is mainly due to opposition incompetence; the biggest personal loser is the DA’s Tony Leon (45), whose energetic and pragmatic leadership once rattled the government. The national parliament passed the Floor-Crossing Legislation on 20 June but opposition parties argue that it violates voters’ rights and want the courts to stop it. The case, heard by the Cape High Court on 24 June, will probably be referred to the Constitutional Court and the bill will most likely go through. Pressure is mounting for a wider review of electoral law: a cross-party lobby wants to move away from proportional representation to a mixture of candidates’ lists and single-member constituencies.

solution would be exchange rate, although that could put several banks out of business.

  • a
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FRANCOPHONE WEST AFRICA

4

The voters’ friend

After a decade of ‘democratising’ some Francophone countries are starting to see real change brought about through the ballot box. Others are still struggling to convince their veteran rulers of the benefits of retirement and, while France urges reform, President Chirac’s networks are not necessarily helping.

Crossing the floor

In the Western Cape, New National Party (NNP) leader Marthinus van Schalkwyk and his group have defected from the DA coalition (AC Vol 42 No 22) and the ANC will gain control of the provincial government if and when the Floor-Crossing Legislation is finally passed. If it applies nationwide, four potential defectors in the kwaZulu-Natal legislature would give the ANC 41 of the province’s 80 seats. ANC supporters speak of replacing the Inkatha Freedom Party Premier, Lionel Mtshali, with their own S’bu Ndebele. Inkatha naturally claims that the Floor-Crossing bill applies only in Western Cape. More darkly, Inkatha leader Mangosuthu Buthelezi warns that the ANC risks re-igniting the struggle that killed thousands of people in kwaZulu-Natal in the early 1990s and nearly scuppered the 1994 elections. The legislation coincides with a crisis in the DA over its links to Jürgen Harksen, a businessman wanted in Germany on multi-million dollar fraud charges. In March, Harksen claimed that he had paid the DA Mayor of Cape Town, Gerald Morkel, 785,000 rand (US$78,000) for political protection and influence. Harksen also implicated Leon Markowitz, a former Western Cape Finance Commissioner and DA fundraiser.

ERITREA

6

Disarmed but not demobbed

Donors have lost patience with bad governance, harsh treatment of political prisoners and clampdowns on the press. Development aid has all but dried up and President Issayas has asked conscripts to stay on an extra two years to work for the government.

Morkel and Markowitz denied Harksen’s claims but admit to an ‘inappropriate relationship’ with him. A government commission in Cape Town is inspecting documents seized from Harksen, including receipts of Morkel’s legal accounts, letters promising donations to the DA and telephone records. They appear to bear out Harksen’s claim that he contributed to Morkel’s rent, bankrolled his litigation and made a sizeable party political donation. Harksen also alleges that Morkel was linked to Vito Palazzolo, a convicted money launderer and alleged Mafia boss (AC Vol 40 No 3).

MOZAMBIQUE

7

Seconds out

Frelimo has picked veteran Armando Guebuza as its presidential candidate in 2004, despite opposition from President Chissano. ‘Guebas’ will hope to keep the lid on scandals and to appease donors by limiting corruption.

Morkel was investigated by a crack police intelligence unit, the Scorpions. To preserve their secrets, Morkel and other DA officials bought expensive anti-bugging equipment and met in the basement of the city council in what they called ‘the bubble’, an area meant to be secure from electronic surveillance. They sat on aluminium beach chairs, which they thought would block electronic signals. The chairs turned out to be useless: the Scorpions produced clear recordings and transcripts. The DA denies the allegations and Morkel insists that each document has an innocent explanation. The DA has promised a forensic audit of its accounts but, politically, the sleaze may stick and will anyway disrupt its claim to offer an alternative to ANC sleaze. Morkel is still Cape Town Mayor, though suspended from official duties.

POINTERS

8

Founded in July 2000, the DA brought together the Democratic Party (mainly white, economically conservative) and the NNP (successor to the former apartheid National Party and the official opposition in 1994-99). The alliance had no chance of unseating the ANC but provided the serious parliamentary opposition missing since Inkatha locked itself into a coalition with the ANC.

Ghana, Zimbabwe, World Bank/DRC & Senegal

The ANC’s chief blunder was opposing the dispensing of anti-retroviral and other anti-HIV/AIDS

  • 28 June 2002
  • Africa Confidential

which governed the province.
Vol 43 No 13
Old-style DP liberals at first opposed the July 2000 DP-NNP merger

butveteranliberalColinEglinandvoiceofconscienceHelenSuzman

endorsed it. Leon became leader, with NNP boss Van Schalkwyk as deputy. The Alliance managed to get Cape Town’s very capable ANC

Mayor,NomaindiaMfeketo,replacedbyNNPpopulistPeterMarais.

The NNP became a ‘coloured’ (mixed race) party with its main support base in the Western Cape. Its coloured politicians gained confidence. Marais and Morkel, both keen entrepreneurs and popular in working-class neighbourhoods, demanded rank and power. The old NP had run patron-client politics for its former white Afrikaner constituency; Marais and Morkel skillfully ran similar operations for their own community. This was very different from the closed decision-making of Leon, Selfe and Coetzee. NNP leaders, especially Van Schalkwyk and Marais, disliked that style and the influence of the young Coetzee.

What’s left of the opposition

● The Pan-Africanist Congress: Since the African National Congress won power, the PAC has lacked a role or clear political identity. Its five members of parliament and one representative in the Northern Province assembly have proved uninspiring. In exile, the ANC proved more adept at playing both its Western hosts and communist donors; in the early 1990s, the PAC’s insistence on armed struggle alienated many. Its dour leader, Reverend Stanley Mogoba, holds on at the expense of the more energetic Patricia de Lille, a former trades unionist. Secretary General Thami Plaatjie focuses on poor people’s grievances, especially on land for housing, but that doesn’t translate into sustained support. ● Azanian People’s Organisation: Proclaiming ‘black consciousness’, Azapo was never a mass organisation but enjoyed some sympathy among black intellectuals. It boycotted the constitutional negotiations and the first democratic elections. In the June 1999 poll its mere 100,000 votes won it one seat, for its national Chairperson Mosebudi Mangeni. The ANC has slowly siphoned off its brightest leaders: Itumeleng Mosala (deputy Education Minister), Mojunki Gumbi (Legal Advisor to President Thabo Mbeki). It recently opened membership to whites and is no threat to the ANC.

Inkatha and friends

DP MPs began to criticise Leon’s leadership style and DA politics. DP strategists met potential allies behind NNP leaders’ backs. Selfe

talkedtoMarioAmbrosini, oneofButhelezi’scontroversialadvisors,

seeking Inkatha support to get on to parliament’s key Security and Intelligence Committee, so far blocked by the ANC. In return, the DA offered to drop its objections to Inkatha’s support for unelected traditional leaders in local municipalities. Ambrosini, an Italian, is a private consultant to Buthelezi in his capacity as Home Affairs Minister. Ambrosini is wary of the ANC, with which Inkatha is allied at national level, giving the IFP two seats in the national cabinet and a share of power in kwaZulu-Natal. The DA was riding high; Leon, not Van Schalkwyk, reaped the resulting popularity. The party embarrassed President Thabo Mbeki by leaking his private correspondence with Leon (penned by DP researchers) on the government’s flawed HIV/AIDS policy. Western Cape was the only provincial government dispensing anti-retrovirals to HIV-positive pregnant women; Cape Town and Western Cape were showing above-average economic growth rates, education results and health statistics. The Alliance, though, was starting to crack. The DA leadership was frustrated by Marais. He made anti-gay remarks in a city with a vocal gay community and told Christians to choose between the Bible and the country’s constitution. Alleged irregularities marred a referendum last May to rename two

Cape Town streets after Mandela andFrederik Willem de Klerk. DA

leaders suspended Marais, but he won reinstatement after a court battle. TheDAlookedfoolish;NNPpoliticians,ledbyVanSchalkwyk, began talking secretly to the ANC (Marais met National Chairman

Mosiuoa ‘Terror’ Lekota). Finally, the Alliance broke.

The ANC was planning its Floor-Crossing bill to win control of Cape Town and the Western Cape. Morkel and several councillors decided to stay with the DP in the now-weakened Alliance. Morkel was rewarded by promotion to Mayor of Cape Town. Marais became provincial Premier, with a new NP-ANC provincial cabinet. With Morkel and the DA fundraisers embroiled in the Harksen scandal, Tony Leon’s party is foundering. His combative style (which can sound patronising, even racist) plays badly with the black electors that the DA desperately needs. Its leading black MP, Joe Seramane, joined the Alliance in reaction to the ANC’s treatment of his brother’s death in an ANC guerrilla camp while in exile; he would fare no better than Leon.

● United Democratic Front: Formed by disgruntled politicians from the

ANC under Bantu Holomisa and the New National Party under Roelf

Meyer, it has failed in its quest to form a national party that breaks with race. Meyer retired from politics soon after the UDF was formed in 1999. Holomisa’s wing now looks no more than a Xhosa-speaking faction from the rural Eastern Cape, the worst governed ANC province. Another Xhosa, ex-President Nelson Mandela, unsuccessfully wooed Holomisa but he has flirted with the PAC. ● Inkatha Freedom Party: The Zulu former ‘cultural movement’ lost much significance when it allied with the ANC nationally and in its native kwaZulu-Natal. Eight years ago, the IFP was a real force, not least as one side of the political violence in Johannesburg and kwaZulu. Now itispreoccupiedbyissuesoftraditionalleadershipandtheZulumonarchy. The ageing Mangosuthu Buthelezi, who came to fame as leading warrior in the film ‘Zulu’, personifies Inkatha and has no apparent successor.

drugs by the public health service. Its reputation was further weakened by its handling of a $6 billion arms deal (and its manipulation of a parliamentary inquiry into it) and its ambiguous stance on land seizures and the disputed elections in Zimbabwe. Continuing high unemployment and poverty have fuelled disputes with its allies in the trades unions and left-wing bodies. The DP was formed in 1989, just before Nelson Mandela’s release from Robben Island, as a repository of liberal values, funded by big business. For the next five years it floundered, as the ANC and NP led the constitutional negotiations, then the first free elections. The DP polled a dismal one per cent in April 1994 and the dynamic Leon replaced Zac de Beer, a former Anglo American Corporation director, as leader. Leon energetically changed the party’s image; its seven members of parliamentsoonestablishedtheDPasavigorousandprobingopposition. At the 1999 elections, with the campaign slogan ‘Fight Back’, the DP won over ten per cent of the national vote and 38 parliamentary seats. However, it was too small for comfort and on the eve of the 1999 polls Leon, with DP national Chairman James Selfe and political strategist Ryan Coetzee (in his late 20s and with little political experience), decided to woo NP supporters. To be taken seriously, the DP needed a base, and control of a provincial government. In Cape Town, the ANC achieved its slim majority through agreements with the NNP,
The party’s rising leaders are white, most notably the young MP Nick Clelland. With its integrity in question and its appeal to black voters limited, the DA now faces a tough future.

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  • Africa Confidential
  • Vol 43 No 13

The rest of the economy is in trouble: manufacturers are operating at about 35 per cent of capacity and unemployment is growing fast. The government’s economic management – money supply almost doubled last year, the fiscal deficit is over 7 per cent of gross domestic product and interest rates are well over 20 per cent – offers the banks easy profits from trading in almost risk-free government paper, with wide spreads on short-term loans. Customers pay stiff (some say extortionate) fees. The biggest profits, especially for smaller banks, come from illegal currency dealing. The official exchange rate is now 119 naira per US dollar, the parallel market rate N137 per dollar. As that gap increased over the past three years, so did the temptation of ‘round-tripping’: buying forex at the official rate and selling at the higher parallel rate. Round-tripping involves raising cheap ‘official’ dollars from the CBN with the help of false import documents, then selling the fraudulent dollars on the parallel market at premiums of 17-plus per cent. Bankers reckon that half of all foreign currency transactions take place on the parallel market, either in cash through bureaux de change and currency dealers or in offshore bank transfers. By providing dollars without valid import licences, the banks foster corruption in the ports and civil service. CBN officials say they want banks to stop dealing in the informal and unregulated economy but that, unfortunately, means most of the economy. Obasanjo’s government berates Western governments for not handing back state funds stolen by former military leader General Sani Abacha and laundered through Western banks such as Citicorp (AC Vol 43 No 9). Yet it has tolerated local money launderers, most of whose offences are prompted by government restrictions.

NIGERIA

Banker versus banker

Central Bank Governor Sanusi wants to tame his former banking colleagues

Nigeria’s banks are dynamic, indigenous and very profitable. Their attitude to financial regulation is another story. Some of the country’s biggest financial egos are now at war with the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), which is trying to bring them to heel without a major banking crisis (AC Vol 43 No 5). A confidential study by the International Monetary Fund this year estimated that about half of Nigeria’s 100 banks were insolvent or close to it and should be shut. The top 40 or so should survive but CBN Governor Joseph Sanusi has taken on his former colleagues; he was formerly Managing Director of First Bank of Nigeria. Relations have soured fast. Bankers lambasted the CBN for closing Savannah Bank in February without following legal procedures. In April, the CBN suspended 16 others from the foreign exchange market after an investigation established that most of their profits were made by flouting currency regulations. A further 55 banks are said to be under investigation for exchange infringements. Top bankers broke with protocol at a meeting a few weeks ago and loudly booed Sanusi when he harangued them. He wants to stop illegal currencytrading, whichhebelievesfeedsunregulated, undocumented, untaxed ‘informal’ trade, encouraging smuggling and the bribing of customs officers. President Olusegun Obasanjo backs his ‘crusade to cleanse the banking system’. They have chosen a popular target. Nigerians tend to dislike bankers, seeing them as profiteers at the expense of the economy and the value of the naira. Some foreign bankers, though, enviously admire their resourceful and innovative Nigerian counterparts.
Benchmark interest rates in the interbank market are some 27 per cent; inflation is close to 20 per cent. Since the army left power in 1999, the naira has depreciated by more than 40 per cent. This cripples productive investment but is good news for banks. Balance sheets have doubled every three years, in line with money supply growth. The government wants the banks to make longer-term, lower-interest loans. ‘The economic climate makes this impossible to all but a handful,’ says one senior Lagos banker.

Some winners and losers

Union Bank, First Bank and United Bank for Africa control over a third of the sector. Mid-level banks range from stars to the technically insolvent. Small banks often survive and even thrive by foreign currency deals and high-risk loans to importers. All spend fortunes on the abilities and connections of their chief executives. former petroleum advisor Yahaya Dikko and corporate Wunderkind, won control in the mid-1990s by coordinating blocks of shares allocated to Nigeria’s states during a government sell-off – and clashing with General

Sani Abacha’s regime. His father, Professor Tiamiyu Bello-Osagie, was

gynaecologist to several Nigerian first ladies. UBA’s new MD isArnold Ekpe. ● FSB International: quiet executive Mohammed Hayatudeen orchestrated a management takeover when the government sold residual shares in 2000. He is an Arab Choa from the north and may have political ambitions. ● IBTC: Atedo Peterside, suave Managing Director and weekend polo player, backs liberalisation and abolition of currency controls, and is tipped as a future finance minister. Alongside FCMB, his bank has won lucrative privatisation consultancies.

●

First City Monument Bank: created in 1983 by Otunba Subomi
Balogun, a politically active, influential Yoruba banker who pioneered the new generation of banks. Last year the Central Bank of Nigeria tried to force his resignation over foreign exchange deals but he won a court battle. Proud and flamboyant, he is expected to hand over to second son, Ladi Balogun. ● Diamond Bank: Pascal Dozie, Chairman, has wide financial interests; he is Igbo and does much of his business in the south-east. Diamond was one of the first to introduce automated banking; penalised in April (with 15 others) for breaking forex rules, it was ordered to refund over US$3 million. ● First Bank of Nigeria: the biggest bank, previously owned 60 per cent by Standard Chartered and nationalised in the 1970s under Samuel Asabia. FBN’s share price fell this year after it forfeited $96 mn., lent to consortium IILL to acquire a majority stake in state telephone company Nitel. The loan, worth two-thirds of the bank’s shareholder funds, broke CBN rules and Managing Director Bernard Longe was sacked, after reportedly clashing with Oba Otudeko, a leading shareholder. FBN may replenish its coffers thisyearbysellingitsmulti-million-dollarstakeinEconetmobiletelephones. ● United Bank for Africa: Chairman Hakeem Bello-Osagie, assistant to
● Zenith International Bank: has become fourth most profitable bank under Jim Ovia and is now cleaned up after previous forex controversies. ● Hallmark Bank: Chief Executive Marc Wabara is close to Health Minister Alphonsus Nwosu. Eyebrows rose when European Union funds worth 20 mn. euros ($19 mn.) for a polio eradication campaign landed in in a high interest account at Hallmark.

●

Equatorial Trust Bank: Chairman Mike Adenuga is confidant and business partner to former dictator Gen. Ibrahim Babangida. ● Standard Chartered: one of a handful of foreign banks, now back in Nigeria alongside Citibank. Both did well when CBN punished local banks for breaking forex rules.

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InsidersclaimonlyafewbanksincludingIBTC,StandardChartered, Citibank,StanbicandGuarantyTrust,haveobservedforeignexchange regulations strictly over the past ten years. Other banks claim the CBN fails to distinguish between round-tripping and the more common deals in ‘free funds’, trading at smaller margins with dollars drawn from outside the official accounts. They also argue that the CBN crackdown has made matters worse, by damaging public confidence and driving the illicit forex business further offshore, where it is often carried on by Nigerian expatriates. Some banks, hurt by the resulting loss of earnings, have gone in for high-risk lending at high rates of interest. Agusto, a Lagos-based credit rating agency, reports banks writing off 18 per cent of their net interest income to cover loan defaults in 2000. This proportion has risen every year since 1996 and is approaching 1994 levels, when financial turmoil forced 31 distressed banks to close. developing accountable pluralist institutions since the 1990 FrancoAfrican summit at La Baule, France, when French President François Mitterrand famously told his mainly autocratic audience that democracy could be their ‘friend’. Yet after more than a decade of multi-party elections, the real question is: whose friend has democracy proved to be in Francophone Africa? Have elections simply been transformed into a mechanism for legitimising old dictators and ensuring their continued access to foreign aid under today’s tougher conditionality? Or have elections emerged as a credible mechanism for expressing the popular will and allowing people to change their rulers? Recent developments in Congo-Brazzaville do not engender optimism. Patently distorted presidential and parliamentary elections, following an equally questionable constitutional referendum, have elicited practically no comment from African leaders whose aid pitch to the G-8 summit in Canada on 26-27 June was supposed to be based largely on improved standards of governance.

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    CALD Executive Mission to South Africa Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats – Democratic Alliance Forging South-South Cooperation Among Political Parties 29 September - 5 October 2018 Saturday, 29 September 2018 Travel from Asia to Johannesburg (OR Tambo International Airport) Sunday, 30 September 2018 Variable Arrival and check-in at hotel Protea Hotel Marriott Johannesburg Wanderers Cnr. Corlett Drive & Rudd Road, Illovo 2196 South Africa T: +27 11 770 5500 F: +27 11 770 5555 E: [email protected] W: protea.marriott.com 13h30 Travel to Apartheid Museum 14h00 – 17h00 Apartheid Museum Visit 18h00 – 19h15 Welcome, introductions and programme overview With William Clayton and Kati Georgousaki With DA International Office Coordinator & FNF Programme Officer 19h15 – 21h00 Opening dinner Solly Msimanga, DA Gauteng Premier Candidate and With Executive Mayor of Tshwane 1 Monday, 1 October 2018 08h00 – 09h00 Breakfast and check-out of hotel 09h00 – 09h45 Travel to DA Campaign Headquarters Nkululeko House, Bruma, Johannesburg 09h45 – 10h15 Welcome and Introductions Nkululeko House, Bruma, Johannesburg 10h15 – 10h45 Tour of DA Campaign Headquarters Nkululeko House, Bruma, Johannesburg 10h45 – 11h30 The By-Elections Office With Gary van Wyk, DA Executive Director: By Elections and Political Activity Nkululeko House, Bruma, Johannesburg 11h30 – 12h00 Finger Food Snacks 12h00 – 12h45 Travel to Constitution Hill 12h45 – 15h00 Constitution Hill Visit 15h00 – 16h00 Travel to the Airport 16h00 – 17h00 Check-in 18h00 – 20h00 Flight to Cape
  • Career Patterns of Local Politicians

    Career Patterns of Local Politicians

    LOCAL GOVERNMENT BULLETIN 10 “WHO WANTS TO BE PRESIDENT WHEN YOU CAN BE MAYOR?” Career patterns of local THE CASE OF politicians METROPOLITAN MAYORS Local government is emerging as a strong third sphere mayors and their profiles, albeit very limited in timespan and scope, reveals some interesting career patterns. of government. Within local government, metropolitan cities are coming out as powerful institutions. The movement of political representatives: Some examples Meanwhile, the discussion on the role of provincial It is important to note that, prior to the 2000 local governments is raging. government elections, local government generally did not wield significant power. Positions in local government were therefore unattractive for politicians with an already established Instead of looking at constitutional or managerial aspects of career in provincial or national politics. local and provincial governments, this article looks at the impact of the emergence of local government on the career From national or provincial to local patterns of politicians. How have political parties reacted to Johannesburg this new sphere of government in terms of their politicians’ The current mayor of Johannesburg, Cllr Amos Masondo, is career management? What does this say about the role, an example of a provincial politician who moved to local function and importance of the three levels of government in government. Before his entry into local government he was a South Africa? An overview of the history of metropolitan member of the Gauteng Provincial Legislature. Amos Masondo, Executive Mayor of Johannesburg Helen Zille, Executive Mayor of Cape Town 11 LOCAL GOVERNMENT BULLETIN Cape Town Cape Town has seen a flurry of shifts and mayoral changes key points in the last six years.
  • Organised Crime on the Cape Flats 35

    Organised Crime on the Cape Flats 35

    Andre Standing i Organised crime A study from the Cape Flats BY ANDRE STANDING This publication was made possible through the generous funding of the Open Sociey Foundation i ii Contents www.issafrica.org @ 2006, Institute for Security Studies All rights reserved Copyright in the volume as a whole is vested in the Institute for Security Studies, and no part may be reproduced in whole or part without the express permission, in writing, of both the author and the publishers. The opinions expressed in this book do not necessarily reflect those of the Institute, its Trustees, members of the ISS Council, or donors. Authors contribute to ISS publications in their personal capacity. ISBN: 1-920114-09-2 First published by the Institute for Security Studies PO Box 1787, Brooklyn Square 0075 Pretoria, South Africa Cover photo: Benny Gool/Oryx Media Productions/africanpictures.net Cover: Page Arts cc Printers: Tandym Print Andre Standing iii Acknowledgements This book was commissioned by the Institute for Security Studies through a grant provided by the Open Society Foundation. I have been fortunate to work from the Cape Town office of the ISS for the past few years. The director of the ISS in Cape Town, Peter Gastrow, has been exceptionally supportive and, dare I say it, patient in waiting for the final publication. Friends and colleagues at the ISS who have helped provide a warm and stimulating work environment include Nobuntu Mtwa, Pilisa Gaushe, Charles Goredema, Annette Hubschle, Trucia Reddy, Andile Sokomani, Mpho Mashaba, Nozuko Maphazi and Hennie van Vuuren. In writing this book I have been extremely fortunate to have help and guidance from John Lea, who I owe much to over the years.
  • ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UPSALAIENSIS Skrifter Utgivna Av Statsvetenskapliga Föreningen I Uppsala, 168

    ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UPSALAIENSIS Skrifter Utgivna Av Statsvetenskapliga Föreningen I Uppsala, 168

    ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UPSALAIENSIS Skrifter utgivna av Statsvetenskapliga föreningen i Uppsala, 168 Neighbourhood Politics in Transition Residents’ Associations and Local Government in Post-Apartheid Cape Town Sara Monaco Dissertation presented at Uppsala University to be publicly examined in Brusewitzsalen, Department of Government, Gamla Torget 6, Uppsala, Friday, March 7, 2008 at 13:15 for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. The examination will be conducted in English. Abstract Monaco, S. 2008. Neighbourhood Politics in Transition. Residents’ Associations and Local Government in Post-Apartheid Cape Town. Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis. Skrifter utgivna av Statsvetenskapliga föreningen i Uppsala 168. 223 pp. Uppsala. ISBN 978-91-554-7084-5. This study focuses on the changing practices of South African residents’ associations and their relationship with political parties and local government from 1990 to 2006, with the aim to examine how associations in Cape Town respond when they are confronted with a new democratic institutional and political context. Two empirical questions guide the analysis: How do residents’ associations perceive that the changing political context has affected them in their attempts to influence agenda-setting and decision-making? And how can we understand the process in which they decide to act, or not act, in response to important changes in their political environment? Drawing on social movement theory, most importantly the notions of political opportunity structures and framing processes, an analysis is made of the most significant changes in Cape Town’s post-apartheid institutional and political context. The empirical findings – based on questionnaires, interviews and an in-depth study of the township of Imizamo Yethu in Hout Bay – show that associations in socio-economically distinct areas have different perceptions of their prospects of affecting agenda-setting and decision-making.
  • Iceland Vs North Macedonia LIVE on 5Th September 2021

    Iceland Vs North Macedonia LIVE on 5Th September 2021

    WATCH>! (LIVE)-Iceland vs North Macedonia LIVE ON 5th September 2021 Watch Now=> https://usexpress24.blogspot.com/2021/06/uefa.html Watch Now=> https://usexpress24.blogspot.com/2021/06/uefa.html The Teranga Lions host the Sparrowhawks in their first World Cup qualifier Senegal host Togo in their first World Cup qualifier as the Teranga Lions look to start their campaign with a win, and you can watch the match on Fifa's live stream by clicking here. The West African heavyweights head into the qualifying series as one of Africa’s strongest sides, having reached the final of the 2019 Africa Cup of Nations. They’re also aiming to qualify for back-to-back World Cups for the first time. Editors' Picks 2022 World Cup Qualifiers: I pick Harambee Stars squad and no one can influence me to do otherwise – Mulee Pressure not panic: Stakes rise for USMNT ahead of Canada clash Ochan: Ugandan goalkeeper announces AFC Leopards exit Sargent or Pefok - who should start for USMNT against Canada? In 2002, they became only the second African country to reach the quarter-finals—and the first since Cameroon in 1990—when they defeated Sweden in the Round of 16. That marvellous generation, containing the likes of El Hadji Diouf, Salif Diao, Tony Sylva and the late Papa Bouba Diop, defeated reigning world champions France in the tournament opener, a result which remains one of the World Cup’s most shocking moments. However, Senegal were subsequently made to wait for their second World Cup appearance, as they failed to qualify for either the 2006 or 2010 events.
  • Parliament of the Province of the Western Cape

    Parliament of the Province of the Western Cape

    Thursday, 22 February 2018] 1 No 1 - 2018] FIFTH SESSION, FIFTH PARLIAMENT MINUTES OF PROCEEDINGS OF THE PARLIAMENT OF THE PROVINCE OF THE WESTERN CAPE ========================== THURSDAY, 22 FEBRUARY 2018 1. The House met at 14:15. 2. The Speaker took the Chair and requested Ms Siphokazi Molteno to render the National Anthem. 3. The Speaker read the prayer. 4. [14:17] The Speaker requested Members to remain standing and observe a moment of silence at the passing on of the former Premier of the Western Cape, Mr Gerald Morkel. 5. [14:18] The Premier delivered her State of the Province Address as follows: The PREMIER: Thank you very much, Madam Speaker. The PREMIER: Fellow citizens of the Western Cape; hon Speaker; honourable members of the Provincial Cabinet; honourable Leader of the Opposition; members of the Diplomatic Corps; honourable leaders of political parties, members of the National Assembly and National Council of Provinces; honourable members of the Provincial Legislature; Director General of the Western Cape; heads of Provincial Departments; leaders of Local Government; religious leaders; community leaders; colleagues and friends. Madam Speaker, this is my 11th State of the Province address, launching the Provincial Legislature’s annual calendar. [Interjection.] Mr Q R DYANTYI: Would the Premier be so kind to allow us just a little moment of silence for the fallen policemen this morning. Would you be so kind in your time to just allow us to do that? The SPEAKER: Hon member Dyantyi. 2 The PREMIER: Madam Speaker, obviously that request must be directed to you, but I just want to say that I have no problem.
  • A Comparative Analysis of the Suitability of South Africa's Current

    A Comparative Analysis of the Suitability of South Africa's Current

    Fit to Govern? A Comparative Analysis of the Suitability of South Africa’s Current Proportional Representation Electoral System versus the Majority System. Thembelani Mazibuko 2145-8129-5 Dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Social Sciences in Political Science at the School of Social Sciences. University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg Campus November 2017 i Declaration I, Thembelani Sabelo Mahluli Mazibuko, declare that this dissertation – Fit to Govern? A Comparative Analysis of the Suitability of South Africa’s Current Proportional Representation Electoral System Verses the Majority System – is my own work and that all sources that I have used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references. Signature: ……………………………………… Date: ……………………………………… ii Abstract The debate around the type of electoral system that South Africa should use has been ongoing for some time. The debate started during the Congress for a Democratic South Africa negotiations. While the negotiations resulted in South Africa settling on the list proportional representation system, the debate around which electoral system South Africa should use continues. This particular research evaluates two particular types of electoral systems. The first type is the first-pass-the-post majority system, where politicians are elected directly by voters, and the second type is the current list proportional representation system, in which voters vote for a political party which then deploys the politicians into elected office. More particularly, the research asks which of the two electoral systems is better equipped for the purposes of running South Africa’s elections given the normative goals of advancing accountability, ensuring a diverse and representative set of elected representatives and mitigating against the influence of private money on the political system.
  • Ils La Veulent Tous... Mais Un Seul La Gagnera

    Ils La Veulent Tous... Mais Un Seul La Gagnera

    L’ACTUALITÉ AU QUOTIDIEN NUMÉRO SPÉCIAL Coupe du Monde Brésil 2014 www.lesdepechesdebrazzaville.fr NUMÉRO SPÉCIAL - JUIN-JUILLET 2014 DITORIAL COUPE DU MONDE BRÉSIL 2014 Le foot comme on l’adore ! Ils la veulent tous... Trente-deux nations, pour faire sportif, trente-deux équipes de football, avec des artistes de renom et ceux qui chausseront pour la première fois les bottines du sport- roi à ce niveau de la compétition, ont ren- mais un seul la gagnera dez-vous au Brésil, du 12 juin au 13 juillet, à l’occasion de la Coupe du Monde. Un mois de folies, quand on sait qu’aux quatre coins de la planète Terre, le monde entier aura les yeux rivés sur le pays de la samba pour se régaler. Ce numéro spécial des Dépêches de Brazzaville dédié à l’événement va être pour la suite un fidèle associé. Au fil des jours, cris de joie, cris de dépit et de colère accompagneront les pronos- tics les plus invraisemblables, les conjec- tures les plus chauvines, les jurons les plus inattendus au nom de ces retrou- vailles dont pour l’essentiel le but est le même depuis 1930, année de la première Coupe du Monde : désigner parmi les concurrents celui qui emportera, pour les quatre années à venir, le célèbre bloc d’or de 18 carats, pesant au total, avec ses accessoires, 6,175 kg. À ce grand rendez-vous, auquel l’Afrique est présente, cette fois, à travers le Cameroun, le Nigeria, la Côte d’Ivoire, le Ghana et l’Algérie, les nations les plus titrées de l’événement sont, pourrait-on dire, à leur place.