Development of Public and Private Support for Homeless People in Japan After the 1990S: Focus on Housing Support

Development of Public and Private Support for Homeless People in Japan after the 1990s: Focus on Housing Support

Akiko Nakajima, Michiko Bando, Hajime Osaki, Rebecca Tanaka

Akiko Nakajima, Professor of Housing, Wayo Women’s University 2-3-1 Konodai, Ichikawa, Chiba Prefecture, Japan 272-8533 Tel (81)47-371-2186, Fax (81)47-371-1336, email: [email protected] Michiko Bando National Institute of Public Health Hajime Osaki Architect Office Takumiya Architects, Ltd. Rebecca Tanaka Wayo Women’s University

Introduction In Japan, the term homeless officially means rough sleeper. It includes people, primarily men, who sleep in parks, train stations, under railroad viaducts, on the streets, and beside rivers—in essence, people without a house or shelter to live in. Since the 1990’s when Japan began experiencing recessionary conditions, rough sleepers have been seen not only in big cities but also in medium-sized and small cities. The number of rough sleepers hit 25,000 in 2003, according to a survey that was conducted in all municipalities in Japan. The survey was based on the Homeless Self-reliance Support Law (2002).

Throughout this research report, the term rough sleeper will be used to define people without housing who live on the street, whereas people who stay in public shelters, emergency centers, or transitional housing facilities will be defined as the homeless.

The recession is not the only cause of increasing rough sleepers, however. Three other factors have contributed to the increase of this type of homelessness in a country that for centuries had virtually none. First, in the background lie the increasingly unstable relations between employers and employees that resulted when Japan switched to neoliberalism policies, like many other developed nations. Second, public policies that provided assistance as a safety net to prevent people from becoming homeless were also reduced. Third, the deterioration of family support and the decline of various human relationships have not only contributed to the increase in the number of rough sleepers and homeless people, but made conditions worse for the existing people without stable housing.

Comparing homelessness in Japan to other developed nations, the following four major differences are noted: 1. The absolute number of rough sleepers is large. 2. The rough sleeper population is predominantly comprised of middle-aged and elderly, single men. 3. Women represent only about 3% of the total population of rough sleepers. 4. Generally professionals who deal with the problem of homelessness in Japan accept that the housing policy relating to rough sleepers is barely functioning.

It is clear that a comprehensive approach including housing, employment, welfare, medical services, education is necessary as well as a system for considering each individual’s circumstances are necessary in order for people to get off of the street and back into an ordinary life within the community. In particular, the foundation for this comprehensive program should be a national policy commitment to provide stable housing. With the assurance of a place to live, a person has a greater chance of becoming self-supporting and caring for family members, if any, as well as having a chance to develop a typical life and subsequently to participate in society.

Objectives The overall aim of this research is to highlight the problems that exist in housing support for rough sleepers and homeless people in Japan and to define the role of housing support in the self-reliance support concept for those without homes. Specific objectives are:

1. to describe housing support for rough sleepers provided by public and private organizations in Japan after the 1990’s and to clarify their achievements, particularly assessing the flophouse areas in Sanya and Kamagasaki, which include studying the management trends in Sanya and clarifying the conditions of residents in the supportive houses that were converted from flophouses in Kamagasaki, and 2. to define the role and issues of housing support in the self-reliance support concept for homeless people, including the possibility of utilizing flophouses for housing rough sleepers, and the direction of local revitalization in flophouse areas.

By pointing out the issues in existing housing support policies and facilities, we hope to stimulate improvements.

Part I of this report will review the four stages of Japan's homeless problem. Part II will discuss a process for the transition from rough sleeping to self-reliance and stable housing, and Part III will present detailed information about housing support in two major flophouse areas of Japan. Part IV will explain the conclusions and on-going issues that Japan faces in dealing with its new homelessness dilemma.

Research Methods This research focused on the flophouse areas in Tokyo and Osaka known respectively as Sanya and Kamagasaki, where a large number of rough sleepers and unstable residents congregate. The study examined the housing support policies and their associated problems as well as

examined the local resources, including human resources, facilities, support services, and funding, that could be utilized to create stable housing.

During a two-year period, historical information about homelessness, housing policies, the Sanya area, and the Kamagasaki area were collected from reports, publications, and interviews with government officials and people who are concerned with or provide support to homeless people. In Sanya in August and September 2002, 63.8% (51 out of 90) flophouse owners who are members of the Flophouse Union in Tokyo were interviewed and 71.3% (117 out of 165) of flophouses were investigated.

In Kamagasaki, questionnaires were administered in March and April 2002 to 516 residents of six supportive houses that had been converted from flophouses into rental apartments with barrier-free floors and common living room, dining, bath, and laundry areas. Additionally, seventy-one of those 516 residents were personally interviewed in April and May of 2002. The results of the data collection, interviews, and questionnaires provided a picture of both public and private housing support for rough sleepers after the 1990’s.

One characteristic of this research is that all members of the research team have been to Sanya and Kamagasaki and participated in NPO and NGO activities to support rough sleepers, which gave them first hand experience to supplement their research findings.

Part I, Stages of Housing Support for the Homeless in Japan Stage 1, Pre-1990 Before the 1990’s, whenever Japanese depressions became serious, the number of rough sleepers increased in proportion to the number of jobless people. Typically when the economy recovered, however, they were reabsorbed into society. As for public support back then, consultation and counseling relating to living and some other services were given at welfare offices. Additionally, temporary measures that exceeded legislative requirements were taken. It was a general rule that rough sleepers were allowed to enter rehabilitation facilities first. The Daily Life Security Law was applied.

Although housing for rough sleepers was available, there were problems. Under this type of policy, age restrictions applied and generally the working age population was excluded, the sum of the housing assistance allowance was low, and the quality of available housing was poor. During this time, support organizations used two approaches to deal with rough sleepers. One approach considered that the homeless condition stemmed from the loss of day-laborer employment, so day-laborer work was created to alleviate the problem. The other approach was philanthropic, humanistic support provided by Christian groups. Some experimental approaches to housing support can be seen in Osaka.

Stage 2, 1990-1995 Beginning in 1991, after the collapse of the bubble economy, Japan began experiencing a depression. Under the government’s neoliberalism policies coupled with the structural reforms of industry, more and more rough sleepers were observed in the common spaces of urban cities in Japan. During the high growth economy, people from small towns and agricultural areas had flowed into big cities, worked as day-laborers on engineering projects and in the construction

industry, but then lost their jobs and places to live, and turned into rough sleepers during the economic downturn. Besides that, however, more and more people with relatively stable jobs and housing were obliged to live on streets for various reasons, some connected to risky real estate investments that failed to materialize and the greatly reduced demand in the restaurant and entertainment industry. During this period, what is known as the new poverty emerged. As the ratio of elderly people grew and the lack of jobs for day laborers persisted, not only employment and housing but also welfare support needs increased. On the other hand, rough sleepers who were of working age and physical ability were neglected.

At this stage the limitations of conventional public support became clear both in terms of quality and in quantity. Volunteer organizations started to look for ways to provide self-reliance support. These organizations searched for ways for the elderly, invalids, and disabled rough sleepers to receive public assistance and they tried to create transitional housing facilities that would fit in with the developing self-reliance concept.

Stage 3, 1996-2001 This period is characterized by the self-reliance support policy, the new concept that national government and municipalities advocated and implemented to deal with homelessness. The concept of self-reliance support targeted people of working age. The private sector created a number of non-profit organizations (NPOs) based on the Specific Areas of Non Profit Activities Act that developed various transitional support systems, but some of these NPOs provided few services.

In 1998, the Osaka municipal government organized the Rough Sleepers Problem Examination Liaison Committee to discuss homelessness.

In 1999, the national government held the Homeless Problem Liaison Conference where related ministries and agencies met to consider the growing problem. Representatives of this conference concluded that the foundation for Japan’s policy should be support for the homeless who are willing to strive for an independent life. They also considered suitable protection for people who were less able to help themselves, such as the elderly and invalids.

In Sanya during 1999 and 2000, the Tokyo Metropolitan Government (TMG) developed plans for a self-reliance center in that area. In 2001, they published a white paper, The Homeless in Tokyo based upon the survey conducted in the spring of 2000. This white paper outlined the self-reliance support system for rehabilitation.

As for the private sector, organizations started to provide transitional housing facilities and services in 1998 after the Non-profit Organization Law was implemented. Various NPOs cooperated to develop support services for rough sleepers. On-going meetings of these NPO groups resulted in implementation of the Social Welfare Services Law (1999) that provided assistance to elderly people.

Some old buildings were remodeled using citizens’ donations and later loans from financial institutions. In Tokyo, residents of shelters and flophouses are allowed to receive public assistance funds. These NPO and private sector residences are operated and managed using mainly the resident’s monthly public assistance funds plus donations.

One example of this type of lodging is Hinode-kan (Sunrise House) run by the NPO Furusato-no-Kai. This shelter for former homeless women is a transitional accommodation and was remodeled in 2000 from a former traditional hotel. It houses about 18 women. The women are required to pay most of their public assistance money and in some cases their pensions in order to live in Hinode-kan

In 2001, Asahi-kan (Morning Sun House), a shelter for homeless elderly people in need of care was opened. It is staffed by helpers who themselves were previously rough sleepers. This shelter is also operated by Furusato-no-Kai. At Asahi-kan, some nursing and personal care is also provided by helpers who live together with the residents and who receive use funding from the Long Term Care Insurance for the Elderly.

In Kamagasaki, various private volunteer organizations created NPOs during this period. A group of flophouse owners presented a plan for a facility with 2,000 rooms utilizing vacant rooms of these flophouses as accommodations for rough sleepers, but the City of Osaka did not approve the plan. Four flophouses in 2000, and two more in 2001 were converted into supportive houses, and started to receive residents, most of whom were receiving public assistance.

Although some progress was made in organizing needed housing during this time period, a great need still remained. In the next stage, the quality of housing space where people can return to an ordinary life and the support services required to facilitate that return will be considered.

Stage 4, After 2002 As a result of the efforts of those concerned with Japan's homelessness problem, the Homeless Self-reliance Support Law (2002) was enacted. Although this legislation expires after ten years and includes some controversial issues, such as displacing rough sleepers from public spaces, the responsibilities of the national government and municipalities were stipulated. As a result of this law being enacted, surveys and interviews of the homeless population were conducted in every municipality, which revealed the real conditions of the homeless and that the problem was spreading nationwide. Presently municipalities have started to work on the problems that were identified in these surveys and interviews. Simultaneously, support for rough sleepers by volunteer groups or NPO groups is expanding nationwide. It has also become more apparent that the number and locations of support organizations are not sufficient to handle the large number of rough sleepers.

In Tokyo a new policy of leasing private apartments and subletting them to people without housing is being considered as well as rent subsidies. Additionally, a process for helping the homeless and rough sleepers to become independent and return to stable housing again must be addressed.

Part II, From Rough Sleeping to Self-reliance and Stable Housing After World War II and before the Homeless Self-reliance Assistance Law of 2002, the following processes from rough sleeping to stable housing generally occurred, depending on gender:

Men: rough sleeping > local welfare office > a. temporary protection facility or b. welfare accommodation provided by the Public Assistance Law > a. private apartment or b. public housing or c. home for the elderly1

Women: rough sleeping > local welfare office or neighborhood assistance group2 > Women’s Advice Center > women's protection support institution >permanent housing

However, TMG, Yokohama City, Kawasaki City and others have accepted that the public assistance recipients are able to live in flophouses and the second category lodging3 by the Social Welfare Industry Law. Therefore, various types of facilities began to be used more and more as substitutes for welfare institutions and transitional accommodations before stable housing could be arranged. The process to acquiring stable housing under this social support system had many problems in all of its phases. Actually getting homeless people transitioned into self-reliance and stable housing was very difficult to do because of the social welfare budget limitations and controls, the shortage of welfare institutions, the shortage of public housing, as well as the shortage of caseworkers and the inexperience of private sector support organizations.

After 2000, a diversity of self-reliance assistance plans for rough sleepers were implemented, such as the Homeless Law being enforced, housing support from the private sector using homeless people's public assistance money, and various plans from real estate agents. Furthermore, the system of creating self-reliance is not standardized; there are differences from municipality to municipality. The next few paragraphs will summarize the main differences of Japan’s two largest municipalities, Tokyo and Osaka.

Tokyo allows a welfare recipient to use public assistance money to stay in both flophouses and the second category lodgings. However, since many of the welfare recipients are elderly, advanced age, illness, increasing care, and inability to live independently are creating the need for permanent stays in some type of housing facility. The lodging facilities developed by NPOs after the NPO Law was enacted supplied more than three thousand rooms. As a result, after the year 2000, throughout Tokyo's twenty-three wards the number of rough sleepers slightly declined. Generally, however, the standards of much of this housing are low and, although, shelter itself is provided, many of these facilities are not offering support services to help residents return to independent living.

1 For working age people, transition to a private apartment or public housing depended on whether the person received public assistance or had a job. For the elderly, living in a private apartment, public housing or home for the elderly depended on receiving public assistance money. 2 During this time period, various kinds of assistance groups existed in neighborhoods. There were a range of cooperative arrangements with local government offices and volunteer groups. Additionally, the transition to support institutions or permanent housing depended on whether the woman received public assistance or had a job. 3 Second Category lodging is defined in the Social Welfare Service Law. The First Category mainly run by public bodies the Second Category mainly run by private bodies. 6

There are five features of the recent Tokyo self-reliance support system: (1) categories of rough sleepers, (2) a three-step process of assigning housing, (3) making a matrix of categories of rough sleepers and the three-step process, (4) preparation of a step-by-step habitation plan, and (5) cooperation and collaboration within private sector organizations, such as NPOs

Concerning feature (1), candidates are assigned to one of three categories, namely, those who are capable of working and being self-reliant, those who need care of some type, and those who fall in between who can work some but need some welfare assistance. After being assigned a category, welfare officers decide which of the three steps in the process are appropriate for each person. The first step of the process is called temporary and urgent protection and assessment. Candidates who qualify for the first step are housed in temporary shelters and their needs are assessed. The second step is development of a self-reliance support program. Candidates who are capable of working or capable of half work/half welfare are mainly designated second step. They receive counseling and training for various daily life problems and job instruction for work that is performed in the Self-reliance Support Center. The third step provides daily living counseling and job training plus residence in a group home. The second and third steps are primarily work support measures aimed at creating independence so that the person is able to move into and pay for a private sector apartment. People who fit into the welfare category rather than the able-to-work or be rehabilitated-for-work categories are assigned to apartments, institutions, or hospitals depending on their individual needs.

Beginning in fiscal year 2004, the Local Life Shift Support System will be implemented. This measure combines leasing private sector apartments (2,000 units) and providing rent subsidies without requiring that the client pass through one of the three institutional stages mentioned above. These subsidized apartments are intermediate steps to obtaining long-term, stable housing. The TMG plans to select some private organizations to develop and administer this program that will provide short-term housing, assistance finding work, and assisted living. It is too early to tell if the problem areas of the former self-reliance support system will be corrected or not. Of particular importance is whether any individuals will still be omitted from the system, be assigned to inappropriate cycles, or still have to stay for an unacceptably long time in transitional housing is not known.

Compared to Tokyo, the Osaka City Government does not allow people living in flophouses and second category lodgings to receive public assistance. Therefore, housing support has been provided by the private sector. The usual way for rough sleepers to obtain accommodation has been the following. Rough sleepers work and stay in flophouses until they save enough money to rent an apartment. In case a rough sleeper becomes ill or is injured, the fire department and the police department provide urgent protection by taking the person to a hospital. Although such a person is allowed to apply for welfare at a welfare office after leaving the hospital and even when he or she enters a welfare institution, there have been and still are some cases where the person returns to rough sleeping.

To have consultation and to apply for public assistance, rough sleepers go to a local welfare office or the Osaka Municipal Rehabilitation Advice Center (This is a typical advice center based on the bylaws of Osaka City.) When a welfare office or help desk determines that protection is necessary, they can recommend a person for admission to a care center or a welfare institution. It usually takes from six months to a year to be admitted to one of these

facilities. There also some cases where residents obtain jobs, become independent, and rent an apartment. When working is impossible because of advanced age or some other obstacles, if the person has been qualified for receiving public assistance, they may apply for it even though they live in an apartment.

In the conventional housing system in Japan, renting an apartment requires a considerable amount of cash. If a person does not have enough money for the deposit (usually the equivalent of one or two months' rent), key money (another one or two months' rent), etc., and/or the person does not have a guarantor to co-sign for moving into the apartment, it is impossible to rent an apartment directly from being in rough sleeper status. The person is required to first be admitted to a welfare institution or hospital. Many rough sleepers for various reasons dislike managed group life in welfare facilities, and chose not to pursue housing using this system. Therefore, they remain rough sleepers.

Various types of facilities for homeless people were built by the national government or Osaka City in and after 2000. One type of institution is a temporary construction such as a shelter installed in a large park. The purpose of these shelters is two-fold. One purpose is to provide night shelter for rough sleepers and another is to make rough sleepers move out of the park in response to citizen demands to use the park comfortably.

Other types of shelters include limited-time institutions. Currently three 3-year time limit facilities are in use. Self-reliance support centers are facilities where a rough sleeper may stay for a three to six-month period if the person cooperates with the Public Employment Security Office and demonstrates the desire to return to independence by working. There are presently three Self-reliance Support Centers that house a total of 280 residents. In order to enter one of these facilities, a person must have both the desire and capability to work, which is determined by outreach officers who patrol Osaka and talk with people who are found living in public spaces. In Osaka's Airin area in Nishinari Ward, which is the center of Kamagasaki area, there are also Winter Emergency Shelters where individuals can stay for about ten days at a time. At the end of 2002, there were approximately 2,100 rough sleepers on the registration records of these shelters. Additionally, there are two shelters designated as Extraordinarily Urgent One-night Shelters. The combined capacity of these two shelters is 1,000 people per night.

As for the private sector in Osaka, various groups in the private sector assist rough sleepers and homeless people to meet the conditions required to rent an apartment. For example, they lend the deposit and key money or become guarantors as well as assist in locating apartments that have low rent and do not require a guarantor. In some cases, private groups convert flophouses into apartments or construct new apartments that do not require deposits and guarantors. They also assist rough sleepers and homeless people in applying for welfare, managing their money, obtaining meals and health care, and so on while they are in the process of rebuilding their lives.

The conversion activity of flophouses into apartments mentioned in the previous paragraph has been increasing quickly. In the Airin area, there were about two hundred flophouses. About fifty of these have been converted to apartments. Of this fifty, ten are called supportive houses that can accommodate 1,000 a total of residents. Now in this neighborhood about 5,000 formerly homeless people are receiving welfare and living in these apartments.

Although it is a positive result that so many previously homeless people are now housed, neither the government nor the private sector have started any programs to prevent people from becoming homeless.

Part 3. Housing Support in the Sanya and Kamagasaki Day-laborer Areas4 Day-laborer Areas, Rough Sleepers and the Homeless To understand homelessness in present-day Japan, it is necessary to understand the day-laborer areas known as yose-ba-. These areas are where hiring for day labor for the construction and port industries takes place. The problems of poverty, labor, and housing have existed in day-laborer areas since they originated in the Edo Era (1590-1868). During the periods following World War II and the Japanese rapid economic growth era in the 1960s, the two largest day-laborer areas discussed in this report, Sanya and Kamigasaki, came into existence. Workers from all over Japan, particularly from declining agricultural areas, came to the city seeking work. To house these thousands of laborers, cheap hotels, referred to in this report as flophouses, were constructed. Many of Japan’s rough sleepers today were previously day laborers who had become homeless when the demand for daily-hire workers contracted as a result of the economic downturn and decline in construction in the 1990’s. Returning to their hometowns was generally not an option for most of the day laborers because there was no work in the outlying areas either. Additionally, some had originally migrated to the cities for various personal reasons.

As the economy continued to decline, the number of jobless people increased, which translated into a large increase in the number of rough sleepers concentrated in these two relatively small areas. Because of the increasing joblessness and numbers of rough sleepers, welfare and medical organizations that aid day laborers and rough sleepers as well as volunteers, NPOs, etc., began to set up facilities in Sanya and Kamagasaki. The many flophouses that had previously provided housing for day laborers continued to be used for accommodation when the local residents could afford to stay in them.

When the jobless had no money, many of them resorted to staying along the Sumida River that is adjacent to Sanya. Today, the riverbank is spotted with hundreds of blue plastic sheets forming makeshift tents. Other rough sleepers are seen napping on the curbsides during the day and a great many sleep at night in the shelter of a covered shopping arcade in the center of Sanya area. Since the large-scale shelters were installed in the parks and public spaces of Kamagasaki, the blue tents and rough sleepers congregate near them.

Changes for Flophouses and Day-laborer Areas Flophouses in the day-laborer areas are approaching a major turning point. Because of the decline of the numbers of day laborers and service industry workers who had been the primary flophouse users, flophouse occupancy and revenue correspondingly declined throwing the management of these facilities into a critical state from the mid-1990’s on. Because of the differences in municipal and local administrative policies and procedures, the direction of

4 Housing Support for Homeless Persons’ Research Group (A. Nakajima, H.Osaki, M. Bando), Housing Support for Homeless People in Flophouse Quarters, Sanya and Kamagasaki – Issues of Housing Support with Self-reliance Support. HOUSING RESEARCH FOUNDATION, 2004 (Japanese).

flophouses in Sanya and Kamagasaki are quite different. Because Osaka City does not allow public assistance funds to be used for living in flophouses, ten flophouse owners in Kamagasaki independently converted flophouses into supportive houses with a barrier-free design and 24 hour management and began to house mostly welfare recipients. The other flophouse owners, however, converted to apartment houses with no services because they thought lodging only suited their interests better.

In Sanya, on the other hand, since the TMG allows people to use public assistance money to stay in flophouses, there was no motivation for flophouse owners to improve or convert their properties and management crises have resulted. Most non-wooden medium-rise buildings do not have elevators that would be required to convert the structures into supportive houses. Funding for installation of elevators is also a difficult to obtain.

The Sanya flophouses are classified into three types according to management improvement trends. Type A is conversion to no-frills business hotels that charge low daily rates. Owners use the Internet to target users other than day laborers such as office workers, tourists, students, foreigners, and women. It will be interesting to see if this new strategy is effective. Type B basically leaves the building in its existing condition and accepts more welfare recipients than previously, which helps to stabilize the business. Type B will also accept elder care insurance residents. Type C basically considers that the flophouse is outdated and will be demolished and rebuilt for some other type of use, such as condominium residence.

The trends in both Sanya and Kamagasaki show that flophouses that accept welfare recipients in varying forms can achieve stable management. However, because the population in the day-laborer areas is aging and requiring care, nursing services are also being introduced. It should also be taken into consideration that in order to stay in operation, rough sleepers could occupy the flophouses, which could improve their quality of life and perhaps help them to establish a goal for their lives. Although the number of caseworkers in the day-laborer areas is too few, services under the auspices of NPOs could provide this new support.

Evaluation of Housing Support Combined with Self-reliance Services at Supportive Houses in Kamagasaki It was an epoch-making decision when owners of six flophouses in Kamagasaki converted their shabby hotels into supportive houses that offered accommodation with living assistance services to rough sleepers. When rough sleepers move into shelters that provide only a roof, but still keep them isolated from the neighborhood, their rhythm of life tends to break down and they lapse into a lonely, self-abandoned existence. However, only a few return to rough sleeping when they have been able to live in supportive houses. Although food, clothing, and shelter are considered the basic necessities of life, supportive houses where personnel reside 24 hours a day and provide consultation services in addition to basic necessities, improvements in mental stability and emotional health have been observed. The most important thing is for residents to not return to a rough sleeping lifestyle.

The scale of assistance that is offered does not correspond to the size of the supportive house. A supportive house with one hundred rooms is not necessarily able to provide better service than the smaller lodgings operated by NPOs. To establish a stable and independent life called acquisition of life technology it is important to consider the amount of time each person lived

as a rough sleeper and the necessary type of welfare that is required in order for each individual to have self-respect and a definite goal in life. This is possible with good supportive house management and networking with other support organizations. It is also necessary to obtain public funds to be able to provide services for residents and to build and improve facilities and equipment.

The Possibilities and Limitations of Using Flophouses to Accommodate Rough Sleepers In examining the possibilities of how flophouses could be utilized to accommodate rough sleepers within the national and TMG self-reliance support system, we considered the following:

Phase 1, Temporary Protection Center: Phase 1 utilization would be for urgent housing needs. These facilities would be operated by the public sector. Even for Phase 1 housing, however, an independent assessment of the flophouse must be made to determine the human and construction conditions. The facility may be approved for short-term, emergency stays even if there is no space for work training.

Phase 2, Self-reliance Support Center: The public sector would also offer work support in this phase, but cooperation with private sector NPOs and others is needed.

Phase 3, Group Home: Small-scale, non-fireproof buildings could be used as places for community life that aim at providing life guidance and work training. However, cooperation with an NPO for assisted living and work support, etc., is also needed in this stage.

Phase 4, Permanent Housing: The flophouse itself is not adequate to be permanent housing because the housing standard is very low. If flophouse owners in Sanya decide to change to an apartment house or a supportive house similar to those in Kamagasaki, a very small number of flophouse owners will be able to invest again. We have to consider what kind of logic will be effective to get public funding.

In any of the four phases above, it is possible that a flophouse may be used for accommodation, but there are also limitations. If the owner has limited funds, but can cooperate with an NPO, a volunteer organization, etc., especially concerning performance of services, it is possible to utilize the facility as a self-reliance support system. Utilizing a flophouse takes advantage of area resources and prepares an alternative self-reliance method without using an institution. The management technique that utilizes such local resources also requires comparatively little initial investment, and since management can operate effectively by receiving welfare allowances, it is becoming a new kind of welfare business. However, monitoring the quality of the living space and the quality of service to residents is required.

Flophouse Owners and Area Regeneration It should come as no surprise that when employment for day laborers declined and many individuals became rough sleepers, the area where they have lived and worked in turn experiences a general decline. The key to turning this downward spiral around was observed in Kamagasaki where a supportive house manager established a community association and began taking corrective action at a local level in cooperation with NPOs and volunteer organizations.

An example of the reverse situation occurred in Sanya, where local management such as community associations, the flophouse association, a local business owner’s group, NPOs, volunteer organizations, and neighborhood administration conducted their activities with mutual distrust. In recent years, loose cooperation has begun to occur. Although the voices that call for large-scale development are small, they have no cohesive ideas. By taking advantage of the opportunity to greet rough sleepers in the local shopping district as local residents and by strengthening social welfare services, a new image is gradually being created. With this change of attitude, most people in the area feel optimistic that it is possible for them to lead a fortunate life. Solving the problem of rough sleepers is key, and now that residents in the area are in agreement, realization of the goal for the area to regain its image as an efficient place to live and work is coming nearer.

The Role of the National and Local Governments and Private Organizations in Housing Support for Rough Sleepers It is clear from investigations of housing support for rough sleepers in Sanya and Kamagasaki areas that construction at the local level by means of public and private cooperation is required. Although public support of the cost of the land acquisition, building construction, improvements and equipment upgrading is required, it may cost less than the present public institution accommodation system.

NPO and private sector volunteer organizations have achieved proven results by offering lodging management and many services. However, there are financial difficulties in building the accommodations and furnishing them. Public support is required to cover a portion of the costs of the social capital investment and right-to-life security. It is appropriate that NPOs are responsible for implementing services corresponding to the needs of individuals who are in the process of shifting from a rough sleeping lifestyle to a life with stable housing. Private sector organizations can offer local, comprehensive service with flexibility at a low cost whereas local and national governments have rigid structures and procedures that lead to higher costs.

Part 4. Conclusions and Issues to be Resolved In this report we have reviewed various kinds of support designed to deal with Japan’s homeless problems, especially the trend to provide various kinds of on-site services such as daily life counseling, health care, meals and locating employment. Despite the variety of these local supports, the overall system for providing affordable housing or group homes and for guaranteeing housing stability is not yet well organized.

The management of flophouse as existing resources in these day-laborer areas differs in each municipality according to each system, which leads to mixed results. In Kamagasaki where flophouses have been converted into supportive housing, stabilized former rough sleepers have been observed because they can live in supportive houses that also provide care services. On the other hand, three different trends of flophouses are seen in Sanya, conversion to no-frills cheap business hotels for a new clientele other than day laborers, conversion to supportive houses with services, and use as lodging only facilities with no services. Owners who missed the chance of improving management by accepting residents who are recipients of public assistance suffer from unstable management.

The financial base of acquiring housing to support the self-reliance of rough sleepers is mainly public assistance (housing relief). Therefore, only recipients of public assistance qualify for this type of housing and those who are homeless but capable of working are excluded. Securing housing as well as employment are required for working age individuals, and securing housing through public assistance is necessary for both male and female elderly, invalids, and physically disabled people.

The issues related to providing housing for all people in need include (1) developing a system for providing transitional housing as well as permanent housing; (2) providing funding for this construction, renovation, operation and management; (3) providing services for the elderly and those who need other types of physical or mental care; and (4) developing programs to prevent individuals from becoming or returning to rough sleeper status.

First, providing the necessary amount of transitional housing facilities and permanent housing utilizing existing resources requires that substantially more funding be made available for capital investment in both the public and private sectors. Financial assistance for improving the quality of existing housing and for creating common spaces is also required. Additionally, improvement in the administration of the public assistance system and expansion of public assistance to include housing relief for qualified recipients is needed.

In order to prevent homelessness among low-income people and to prevent former rough sleepers from returning to that condition, a larger supply of permanent, affordable, adequate quality housing is required. Although various capital investment plans have been tried in the private sector, experiences in Japan show that without public support, it is impossible to provide enough affordable housing for the number of people in serious need of housing. But after the collapse of the bubble economy, in spite of the fact that the number of the people needing housing continues to increase, the government has applied neoliberalism policies in accordance with the structural reforms of housing policy. Consequently, the public housing supply has decreased and its usage is extremely limited.

Among the rough sleeper population are individuals who need special nursing care, who are mentally challenged, have mental deficiencies, and so on and who are not capable of living in society without a support system. These individuals are obliged to stay in transitional housing facilities for long periods of time. Development of small-scale group homes that approximate real homes as much as possible are needed. Furthermore, it is vital to create local supportive networks in order to prevent former rough sleepers who had returned to normal life as local citizens to get back into street life, and in order to maintain the stable housing they have moved into. Creating places to stay in their local areas and organizing human networks to provide various types of support, such as visiting nurse, home care support centers, various volunteers, etc. are, in a broad sense, creating neighborhoods with safety nets. Especially in the flophouse areas with increasing numbers of rough sleepers and unstable residents, the responsibility for trying to rehabilitate them rests with respective local organizations. It is the key to local revitalization.

Presently there are no housing policies that apply to people who are living in non-residential buildings such as factories, warehouses, and the like nor for unstable residents who fall between rough sleeper and stable resident status. Of particular concern are live-in workers in

service industries and day laborers in the construction industry, for whom losing their job means losing their housing. Another group who merit concern is homeless women. Although the number of homeless women in Japan is still small, it is gradually increasing. Securing housing for people in these situations will be part of our research agenda for the future.

In conclusion, there will be no solution to the problem of rough sleepers in Japan without enactment and maintenance of a properly funded comprehensive national law that includes a right to housing clause and which is administered at the municipal level.

Bibliography

Nakajima, A., H.Osaki, M. Bando. (2004) Housing Support for Homeless Persons’ Research Group. Housing Support for Homeless People in Flophouse Quarters, Sanya and Kamagasaki – Issues of Housing Support with Self-reliance Support. Tokyo: HOUSING RESEARCH FOUNDATION, (Japanese).

Homeless Self-reliance Support Law Survey (2002). Tokyo Metropolitan Government. www.mhlw.go.jp/houdou/2003/03/.

The Homeless in Tokyo (2002). White Paper. Tokyo Metropolitan Government.