Development of Public and Private Support for Homeless People in Japan after the 1990s: Focus on Housing Support Akiko Nakajima, Michiko Bando, Hajime Osaki, Rebecca Tanaka Akiko Nakajima, Professor of Housing, Wayo Women’s University 2-3-1 Konodai, Ichikawa, Chiba Prefecture, Japan 272-8533 Tel (81)47-371-2186, Fax (81)47-371-1336, email: [email protected] Michiko Bando National Institute of Public Health Hajime Osaki Architect Office Takumiya Architects, Ltd. Rebecca Tanaka Wayo Women’s University Introduction In Japan, the term homeless officially means rough sleeper. It includes people, primarily men, who sleep in parks, train stations, under railroad viaducts, on the streets, and beside rivers—in essence, people without a house or shelter to live in. Since the 1990’s when Japan began experiencing recessionary conditions, rough sleepers have been seen not only in big cities but also in medium-sized and small cities. The number of rough sleepers hit 25,000 in 2003, according to a survey that was conducted in all municipalities in Japan. The survey was based on the Homeless Self-reliance Support Law (2002). Throughout this research report, the term rough sleeper will be used to define people without housing who live on the street, whereas people who stay in public shelters, emergency centers, or transitional housing facilities will be defined as the homeless. The recession is not the only cause of increasing rough sleepers, however. Three other factors have contributed to the increase of this type of homelessness in a country that for centuries had virtually none. First, in the background lie the increasingly unstable relations between employers and employees that resulted when Japan switched to neoliberalism policies, like many other developed nations. Second, public policies that provided assistance as a safety net to prevent people from becoming homeless were also reduced. Third, the deterioration of family support and the decline of various human relationships have not only contributed to the increase in the number of rough sleepers and homeless people, but made conditions worse for the existing people without stable housing. Comparing homelessness in Japan to other developed nations, the following four major differences are noted: 1. The absolute number of rough sleepers is large. 2. The rough sleeper population is predominantly comprised of middle-aged and elderly, single men. 3. Women represent only about 3% of the total population of rough sleepers. 4. Generally professionals who deal with the problem of homelessness in Japan accept that the housing policy relating to rough sleepers is barely functioning. It is clear that a comprehensive approach including housing, employment, welfare, medical services, education is necessary as well as a system for considering each individual’s circumstances are necessary in order for people to get off of the street and back into an ordinary life within the community. In particular, the foundation for this comprehensive program should be a national policy commitment to provide stable housing. With the assurance of a place to live, a person has a greater chance of becoming self-supporting and caring for family members, if any, as well as having a chance to develop a typical life and subsequently to participate in society. Objectives The overall aim of this research is to highlight the problems that exist in housing support for rough sleepers and homeless people in Japan and to define the role of housing support in the self-reliance support concept for those without homes. Specific objectives are: 1. to describe housing support for rough sleepers provided by public and private organizations in Japan after the 1990’s and to clarify their achievements, particularly assessing the flophouse areas in Sanya and Kamagasaki, which include studying the management trends in Sanya and clarifying the conditions of residents in the supportive houses that were converted from flophouses in Kamagasaki, and 2. to define the role and issues of housing support in the self-reliance support concept for homeless people, including the possibility of utilizing flophouses for housing rough sleepers, and the direction of local revitalization in flophouse areas. By pointing out the issues in existing housing support policies and facilities, we hope to stimulate improvements. Part I of this report will review the four stages of Japan's homeless problem. Part II will discuss a process for the transition from rough sleeping to self-reliance and stable housing, and Part III will present detailed information about housing support in two major flophouse areas of Japan. Part IV will explain the conclusions and on-going issues that Japan faces in dealing with its new homelessness dilemma. Research Methods This research focused on the flophouse areas in Tokyo and Osaka known respectively as Sanya and Kamagasaki, where a large number of rough sleepers and unstable residents congregate. The study examined the housing support policies and their associated problems as well as 2 examined the local resources, including human resources, facilities, support services, and funding, that could be utilized to create stable housing. During a two-year period, historical information about homelessness, housing policies, the Sanya area, and the Kamagasaki area were collected from reports, publications, and interviews with government officials and people who are concerned with or provide support to homeless people. In Sanya in August and September 2002, 63.8% (51 out of 90) flophouse owners who are members of the Flophouse Union in Tokyo were interviewed and 71.3% (117 out of 165) of flophouses were investigated. In Kamagasaki, questionnaires were administered in March and April 2002 to 516 residents of six supportive houses that had been converted from flophouses into rental apartments with barrier-free floors and common living room, dining, bath, and laundry areas. Additionally, seventy-one of those 516 residents were personally interviewed in April and May of 2002. The results of the data collection, interviews, and questionnaires provided a picture of both public and private housing support for rough sleepers after the 1990’s. One characteristic of this research is that all members of the research team have been to Sanya and Kamagasaki and participated in NPO and NGO activities to support rough sleepers, which gave them first hand experience to supplement their research findings. Part I, Stages of Housing Support for the Homeless in Japan Stage 1, Pre-1990 Before the 1990’s, whenever Japanese depressions became serious, the number of rough sleepers increased in proportion to the number of jobless people. Typically when the economy recovered, however, they were reabsorbed into society. As for public support back then, consultation and counseling relating to living and some other services were given at welfare offices. Additionally, temporary measures that exceeded legislative requirements were taken. It was a general rule that rough sleepers were allowed to enter rehabilitation facilities first. The Daily Life Security Law was applied. Although housing for rough sleepers was available, there were problems. Under this type of policy, age restrictions applied and generally the working age population was excluded, the sum of the housing assistance allowance was low, and the quality of available housing was poor. During this time, support organizations used two approaches to deal with rough sleepers. One approach considered that the homeless condition stemmed from the loss of day-laborer employment, so day-laborer work was created to alleviate the problem. The other approach was philanthropic, humanistic support provided by Christian groups. Some experimental approaches to housing support can be seen in Osaka. Stage 2, 1990-1995 Beginning in 1991, after the collapse of the bubble economy, Japan began experiencing a depression. Under the government’s neoliberalism policies coupled with the structural reforms of industry, more and more rough sleepers were observed in the common spaces of urban cities in Japan. During the high growth economy, people from small towns and agricultural areas had flowed into big cities, worked as day-laborers on engineering projects and in the construction 3 industry, but then lost their jobs and places to live, and turned into rough sleepers during the economic downturn. Besides that, however, more and more people with relatively stable jobs and housing were obliged to live on streets for various reasons, some connected to risky real estate investments that failed to materialize and the greatly reduced demand in the restaurant and entertainment industry. During this period, what is known as the new poverty emerged. As the ratio of elderly people grew and the lack of jobs for day laborers persisted, not only employment and housing but also welfare support needs increased. On the other hand, rough sleepers who were of working age and physical ability were neglected. At this stage the limitations of conventional public support became clear both in terms of quality and in quantity. Volunteer organizations started to look for ways to provide self-reliance support. These organizations searched for ways for the elderly, invalids, and disabled rough sleepers to receive public assistance and they tried to create transitional housing facilities that would fit in with the developing self-reliance concept. Stage 3, 1996-2001 This period is characterized by the self-reliance support policy, the new concept that