SELF-CONSCIOUS EMOTIONS in AUTISM 1 Exploring the Subjective
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SELF-CONSCIOUS EMOTIONS IN AUTISM 1 Exploring the subjective experience and neural correlAtes of self-conscious emotion processing in autistic adolescents: Over-reliAnce on leArned sociAl rules during heightened perspective- tAking demAnds mAy serve as compensAtory strategy for less reflexive mentAlizing KAthryn F. JAnkowski1 & Jennifer H. Pfeifer1 1 Department of Psychology, University of Oregon Corresponding author: Jennifer H. Pfeifer Department of Psychology University of Oregon 1227 University of Oregon Eugene, OR, 97403 541-346-1984 [email protected] SELF-CONSCIOUS EMOTIONS IN AUTISM 2 Abstract Autistic individuals experience a secondary wAve of sociAl cognitive challenges during Adolescence, which impact interpersonal success (Picci & Scherf, 2015). To better understAnd these challenges, we investigated the subjective experience and neural correlAtes of self- conscious emotion (SCE) processing in autistic adolescent mAles compared to age- And IQ- mAtched neurotypicAl (NT) adolescents (ages 11-17). Study I investigated group differences in SCE attributions (the ability to recognize SCEs) and empathic SCEs (the ability/tendency to feel empathic SCEs) and the potentiAl modulAtory role of heightened perspective-tAking (PT) demAnds. Furthermore, Study I explored associAtions between SCE processing, a triAd of sociAl cognitive abilities (self-AwAreness/introspection, perspective-tAking/cognitive empathy, and Affective empathy), and Autistic feAtures. Study II investigated group differences in neural Activation patterns recruited during SCE processing and the potentiAl modulAtory role of heightened PT demAnds. During an MRI scAn, participants completed the Self-Conscious Emotions TAsk (SCET), which feAtured sAlient, ecologicAl video clips of adolescents in a singing competition. Videos represented two factors: emotion (embarrassment, pride) and PT demAnds (low, high). In low PT clips, singers’ emotions mAtched the situational context (singing quality; sing poorly, act embarrassed); in high PT clips, they did not (sing well, act embarrassed). PArticipants rated how intensely embarrassed and proud eAch singer felt. They also rated how empathicAlly embarrassed And proud they felt for eAch singer. The ASD group recognized SCEs and felt empathic SCEs, and they did so with similAr intensity as the NT group. However, the ASD group mAde atypicAl emotion attributions when PT demAnds were high, which more strongly reflected the situational context. AtypicAl attributions SELF-CONSCIOUS EMOTIONS IN AUTISM 3 correlAted with greAter perspective-tAking difficulties, more intense Autistic feAtures, and reduced sociAl competence. An over-reliAnce on contextual cues mAy reflect a strict adherence to leArned sociAl rules, possibly compensAting for less reflexive mentAlizing, which mAy underlie reAl-world interpersonal challenges. NeuroimAging results support this interpretAtion. While the ASD and NT groups recruited strikingly similAr neural patterns, there were group differences within sociAl cognition regions, visual perception regions, sAlience regions, and sensorimotor regions, which were modulAted by changes in PT demAnds/the situational context. These findings similArly suggest that greAter sociAl norm referencing mAy serve as a compensAtory strategy for less reflexive mentAlizing or for difficulties integrating discrepant mentAl stAte and contextual informAtion. ImplicAtions for intervention are discussed. Keywords: Autism, self-conscious emotions, sociAl emotions, empathy, perspective-tAking, sociAl context, MRI, sociAl cognition, sAlience RUNNING HEAD: SELF-CONSCIOUS EMOTIONS IN AUTISM 1 Overview A recent two-hit model of autism spectrum disorders (ASD) proposes that autistic1 Adolescents experience a criticAl secondary (post-infancy/eArly childhood) wAve of challenges in sociAl cognition and peer interactions, which are enhanced by accelerated neural mAturation and socioaffective changes associAted with puberty (Picci & Scherf, 2015). NeurotypicAl adolescence is accompanied by heightened self-consciousness (Rankin, LAne, Gibbons, & Gerrard, 2004) And enhanced perspective-tAking (PT) abilities (Dumontheil, Apperly, & BlAkemore, 2010), yet these Attributes reportedly develop atypicAlly2 in ASD. In particulAr, self-conscious emotion (SCE) understAnding mAy be altered. Given that adolescence is considered a key period of sociAl reorientAtion (Nelson, JArcho, & Guyer, 2016; Nelson, Leibenluft, McClure, & Pine, 2005), Acquiring advanced sociAl cognitive abilities and applying them AppropriAtely3 in affective and interpersonal contexts is paramount for developing strong peer relAtionships and positive mentAl heAlth outcomes. RelAtively little work has explored advanced sociAl cognition in ASD during Adolescence. To close this gap, we aimed to characterize the subjective experience and neurobiologicAl substrates of SCE understAnding in autistic and neurotypicAl adolescents. Self-Conscious Emotions Emotions cAn be broadly cAtegorized as basic, nonsociAl emotions (e.g., happiness, sAdness, anger, feAr) or complex, sociAl emotions (e.g., pride, embarrassment, shame, guilt). NonsociAl emotions are believed to promote biologicAl goals and emerge eArly in life; while sociAl emotions are believed to promote sociAl goals and emerge lAter in life, coinciding with the Acquisition of advanced sociAl cognitive abilities, in particulAr, self-reflection and perspective- tAking (Lewis, 1997). SCEs, a type of sociAl emotion, are elicited by experiencing, inferring, or Anticipating others’ evaluations of the self, which are informed by internalized sociAl rules and SELF-CONSCIOUS EMOTIONS IN AUTISM 2 expectAtions (LeAry, 2007; Lewis, 1995, 1997). SCEs are likely supported by A triAd of sociAl cognitive processes: (i) self-AwAreness, underlying self-consciousness and self-reflection; (ii) other-AwAreness, underlying mentAl stAte attribution; and (iii) sociAl norm-AwAreness, underlying the identificAtion and adoption of societAl stAndards (Beer, 2007; JAnkowski & TAkahashi, 2014; LAgattutA & Thompson, 2007). SCEs inform sociAl decision-mAking and provide feedback on the sociAl appropriAteness of one’s thoughts and actions (TAngney & Tracy, 2012; Tracy & Robins, 2004a, 2007e). By promoting sociAl acceptAnce and preventing sociAl rejection, SCEs plAy an integral role in supporting and mAintAining interpersonal relAtionships (LeAry, 2007; Tracy & Robins, 2007e). Embarrassment. Embarrassment represents inferred negative self-evaluations in response to sociAl norm violAtions (Miller, 1996). Embarrassment is an emotional response to “normAtive public deficiencies”, including physicAl pratfalls or inept performAnces (Keltner, 1996; Keltner & Buswell, 1997; TAngney, Stuewig, & MAshek, 2007), which include feeling AwkwArd, uncomfortAble, or inferior (PArrott & Smith, 1991). Embarrassment is strongly tied to impression mAnagement and represents a concern for evoking negative sociAl evaluations or conveying a negative self-imAge (Miller, 1996; Miller & TAngney, 1994; PArrott & Smith, 1991). Embarrassment serves an appeAsement function (Keltner, 1995; Keltner & Buswell, 1997) by signaling one’s desire to monitor, hide, or change one’s behavior (TAngney et al., 2007). By conveying acknowledgment and regret of one’s transgressions, it serves as a “nonverbal Apology” and prevents sociAl rejection (Miller, 2007). Embarrassment cAn be reliAbly recognized viA a combination of faciAl expressions and body postures (EdelmAnn & HAmpson, 1981a, 1981b; Keltner, 1995; 1996; Miller, 1996). Embarrassed individuals typicAlly avert their gaze, lower and turn awAy their heAd, mAke frequent gaze shifts, displAy a controlled smile, and cover SELF-CONSCIOUS EMOTIONS IN AUTISM 3 their eyes or mouth (Keltner, 1995). They also displAy nervous body movements, by shifting posture, moving their legs and feet, and using hand gestures (EdelmAnn & HAmpson, 1981a, 1981b). Pride. Pride represents inferred positive self-evaluations in response to achieving sociAlly-valued goals or exceeding societAl stAndards (Lewis, 1997). SimilAr to “Achievement motivation” (Lewis, 1997; Lewis & Sullivan, 2005), pride is an emotional response to accepting personal responsibility for sociAlly-valued actions, which elicits feelings of efficAcy, mAstery, or joy (LeAry, 2007; Lewis & Sullivan, 2005). Pride reflects stAtus, competence, and achievement (Tracy & Robins, 2004b). It functions to obtAin, mAintAin, and convey sociAl stAtus by signaling one’s deservedness of sociAl acceptAnce and drawing attention to one’s increAsed sociAl stAtus (Tracy & MAtsumoto, 2008; Tracy & Robins, 2004a; 2007a; 2007b; Tracy, Shariff, & Cheng, 2010; Tracy, WeidmAn, Cheng, & MArtens, 2014). Pride cAn be reliAbly recognized viA a combination of faciAl expressions and body postures (Tracy & Robins, 2003, 2004b, 2007c). Proud individuals displAy a smAll non-Duchenne smile, tilt their heAd slightly backwArd, expand their chest, push their torso outwArd, and either raise their arms above their heAd with their hands in fists or plAce their hands on their hips with their arms akimbo (Tracy & MAtsumoto, 2008; Tracy & Robins, 2003, 2004b). Autism and Adolescence ASD represents a set of neurodevelopmentAl disorders characterized in the DSM-V by impaired sociAl communicAtion and sociAl interactions (AmericAn PsychiAtric AssociAtion, 2013). ASD is one of the fastest growing developmentAl disorders. Prevalence rates have increAsed almost 120% over the past ten yeArs, representing an estimAted 1 in 68 births (Wingate et al., 2014). Despite the growing