Is Lenin Still In? the 100 Years After the October Revolution
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{PDF} War and Remembrance
WAR AND REMEMBRANCE PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Herman Wouk | 1056 pages | 19 May 2007 | Little, Brown & Company | 9780316954990 | English | New York, United States War and Remembrance PDF Book Wouk lived for another 68 years after his son's death. Once one false note sneaks in, you're gone. I also really liked his telling of the American involvement in the war. G Wayne Hill. Item specifics Condition: Very Good : A book that does not look new and has been read but is in excellent condition. Mar 03, Matthew Klobucher rated it it was amazing. Albert Furito Stunts. There you go. Retrieved 16 June Deeply old fashioned in its mix of high ambition and soap drama elements but always riveting. Armin Von Roon 12 episodes, Somehow, I can make the time to understand the statistics but the human History is important to me. Mouse over to Zoom - Click to enlarge. John Healey. Well, it covers the fortunes of the Henry family from the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor to their the Japanese, not the Henry family subsequent surrender following the dropping of the nuclear bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August, Ruth Kennedy Assistant. Reading both novels back to back, I started out reading von Roon's "excerpts," but ended up skimming them at the end, only reading Victor's notes. Mr Wouk's brilliant, epic tale of the Henry family found in both The Winds of War and War and Remembrance is so compelling that they have both remained on that list for 30 years. This reader deeply felt the brutality, the slaughter, and the great suffering of the Russian army and civilians. -
William Jennings Bryan and His Opposition to American Imperialism in the Commoner
The Uncommon Commoner: William Jennings Bryan and his Opposition to American Imperialism in The Commoner by Dante Joseph Basista Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the History Program YOUNGSTOWN STATE UNIVERSITY August, 2019 The Uncommon Commoner: William Jennings Bryan and his Opposition to American Imperialism in The Commoner Dante Joseph Basista I hereby release this thesis to the public. I understand that this thesis will be made available from the OhioLINK ETD Center and the Maag Library Circulation Desk for public access. I also authorize the University or other individuals to make copies of this thesis as needed for scholarly research. Signature: Dante Basista, Student Date Approvals: Dr. David Simonelli, Thesis Advisor Date Dr. Martha Pallante, Committee Member Date Dr. Donna DeBlasio, Committee Member Date Dr. Salvatore A. Sanders, Dean of Graduate Studies Date ABSTRACT This is a study of the correspondence and published writings of three-time Democratic Presidential nominee William Jennings Bryan in relation to his role in the anti-imperialist movement that opposed the US acquisition of the Philippines, Guam and Puerto Rico following the Spanish-American War. Historians have disagreed over whether Bryan was genuine in his opposition to an American empire in the 1900 presidential election and have overlooked the period following the election in which Bryan’s editorials opposing imperialism were a major part of his weekly newspaper, The Commoner. The argument is made that Bryan was authentic in his opposition to imperialism in the 1900 presidential election, as proven by his attention to the issue in the two years following his election loss. -
Chap 2 PF.Indd
Credit: Shankar I ts chptr… The challenge of nation-building, covered in the last chapter, was This famous sketch accompanied by the challenge of instituting democratic politics. Thus, by Shankar appeared electoral competition among political parties began immediately after on the cover of his collection Don’t Spare Independence. In this chapter, we look at the first decade of electoral Me, Shankar. The politics in order to understand original sketch was • the establishment of a system of free and fair elections; drawn in the context of India’s China policy. But • the domination of the Congress party in the years immediately this cartoon captures after Independence; and the dual role of the Congress during the era • the emergence of opposition parties and their policies. of one-party dominance. 2021–22 chapter 2 era of one-party dominance Challenge of building democracy You now have an idea of the difficult circumstances in which independent India was born. You have read about the serious challenge of nation-building that confronted the country right in the beginning. Faced with such serious challenges, leaders in many other countries of the world decided that their country could not afford to have democracy. They said that national unity was their first priority and that democracy will introduce differences and conflicts. In India,…. Therefore many of the countries that gained freedom from colonialism …hero-worship, plays a part “ experienced non-democratic rule. It took various forms: nominal in its politics unequalled democracy but effective control by one leader, one party rule or direct in magnitude by the part army rule. -
Socialism in Europe and the Russian Revolution India and the Contemporary World Society Ofthefuture
Socialism in Europe and II the Russian Revolution Chapter 1 The Age of Social Change In the previous chapter you read about the powerful ideas of freedom and equality that circulated in Europe after the French Revolution. The French Revolution opened up the possibility of creating a dramatic change in the way in which society was structured. As you have read, before the eighteenth century society was broadly divided into estates and orders and it was the aristocracy and church which controlled economic and social power. Suddenly, after the revolution, it seemed possible to change this. In many parts of the world including Europe and Asia, new ideas about individual rights and who olution controlled social power began to be discussed. In India, Raja v Rammohan Roy and Derozio talked of the significance of the French Revolution, and many others debated the ideas of post-revolutionary Europe. The developments in the colonies, in turn, reshaped these ideas of societal change. ian Re ss Not everyone in Europe, however, wanted a complete transformation of society. Responses varied from those who accepted that some change was necessary but wished for a gradual shift, to those who wanted to restructure society radically. Some were ‘conservatives’, others were ‘liberals’ or ‘radicals’. What did these terms really mean in the context of the time? What separated these strands of politics and what linked them together? We must remember that these terms do not mean the same thing in all contexts or at all times. We will look briefly at some of the important political traditions of the nineteenth century, and see how they influenced change. -
World War Ii in the Philippines
WORLD WAR II IN THE PHILIPPINES The Legacy of Two Nations©2016 Copyright 2016 by C. Gaerlan, Bataan Legacy Historical Society. All Rights Reserved. World War II in the Philippines The Legacy of Two Nations©2016 By Bataan Legacy Historical Society Several hours after the bombing of Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, the Philippines, a colony of the United States from 1898 to 1946, was attacked by the Empire of Japan. During the next four years, thou- sands of Filipino and American soldiers died. The entire Philippine nation was ravaged and its capital Ma- nila, once called the Pearl of the Orient, became the second most devastated city during World War II after Warsaw, Poland. Approximately one million civilians perished. Despite so much sacrifice and devastation, on February 20, 1946, just five months after the war ended, the First Supplemental Surplus Appropriation Rescission Act was passed by U.S. Congress which deemed the service of the Filipino soldiers as inactive, making them ineligible for benefits under the G.I. Bill of Rights. To this day, these rights have not been fully -restored and a majority have died without seeing justice. But on July 14, 2016, this mostly forgotten part of U.S. history was brought back to life when the California State Board of Education approved the inclusion of World War II in the Philippines in the revised history curriculum framework for the state. This seminal part of WWII history is now included in the Grade 11 U.S. history (Chapter 16) curriculum framework. The approval is the culmination of many years of hard work from the Filipino community with the support of different organizations across the country. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
The Democratic Party and the Transformation of American Conservatism, 1847-1860
PRESERVING THE WHITE MAN’S REPUBLIC: THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF AMERICAN CONSERVATISM, 1847-1860 Joshua A. Lynn A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2015 Approved by: Harry L. Watson William L. Barney Laura F. Edwards Joseph T. Glatthaar Michael Lienesch © 2015 Joshua A. Lynn ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Joshua A. Lynn: Preserving the White Man’s Republic: The Democratic Party and the Transformation of American Conservatism, 1847-1860 (Under the direction of Harry L. Watson) In the late 1840s and 1850s, the American Democratic party redefined itself as “conservative.” Yet Democrats’ preexisting dedication to majoritarian democracy, liberal individualism, and white supremacy had not changed. Democrats believed that “fanatical” reformers, who opposed slavery and advanced the rights of African Americans and women, imperiled the white man’s republic they had crafted in the early 1800s. There were no more abstract notions of freedom to boundlessly unfold; there was only the existing liberty of white men to conserve. Democrats therefore recast democracy, previously a progressive means to expand rights, as a way for local majorities to police racial and gender boundaries. In the process, they reinvigorated American conservatism by placing it on a foundation of majoritarian democracy. Empowering white men to democratically govern all other Americans, Democrats contended, would preserve their prerogatives. With the policy of “popular sovereignty,” for instance, Democrats left slavery’s expansion to territorial settlers’ democratic decision-making. -
Marketocracy and the Capture of People and Planet
The Jus Semper Global Alliance In Pursuit of the People and Planet Paradigm Sustainable Human Development July 2021 BRIEFS ON TRUE DEMOCRACY AND CAPITALISM Marketocracy and the Capture of People and Planet The acceleration of Twenty-First Century Monopoly Capital Fascism through the pandemic and the Great Reset Álvaro J. de Regil TJSGA/Assessment/SD (TS010) July 2021/Álvaro J. de Regil 1 Prologue Prologue... 2 ❖ Capitalism’s Journey of Dehumanisation... 6 n innate feature of capitalism has been the endless First Industrial Revolution... 6 A pursuit of an ethos with the least possible intervention Second Industrial Revolution... 10 of the state in its unrelenting quest for the reproduction and Third Industrial Revolution... 16 accumulation of capital, at the expense of all other participants ➡Modern Slave Work Stuctures… 20 in the economic activity prominently including the planet. ➡The Anthropocene… 23 Capitalism always demands to be in the driver's seat of the ❖ The Capture of Democracy… 29 economy. Only when its activities are threatened by ➡Sheer Laissez-Faire Ethos… 33 communities and nations opposing the expropriation of their ➡Capital Equated with Human Beings… 34 natural resources and the imposition of structures that extract ➡Untramelled and Imposed Marketrocratic System... 35 the vast majority of the value of labour—the surplus-value—, ❖ Fourth Industrial Revolution... 39 capitalism demands the intervention of the states; these include ➡Conceptual Structure… 41 their armed forces, to protect the exploits of the owners of the ➡Application… 42 system. This is all the more evident in the global South. Across ➡Impact… 44 centuries of imperialism and colonialism, the practice of ❖ The COVID-19 Pandemic… 59 invasion, conquering, expropriation and exploitation by ➡Management of COVID-19.. -
Revolution, Not Reform
Revolution, Not Reform Revolution, Not Reform by Jordan Levi Published by: The World Socialist Party of the United States P.O. Box 44024, Boston, MA 02144 September, 2019 ISBN 9781097623600 Dedicated to Earth and all of its offspring past, present, and future. May we make it through these trying times with sound reason. “In modern agriculture, as in the urban industries, the increased productiveness and quantity of the labour set in motion are bought at the cost of laying waste and consuming by disease labour-power itself. Moreover, all progress in capitalistic agriculture is a prog- ress in the art, not only of robbing the labourer, but of robbing the soil; all progress in increasing the fertility of the soil for a given time, is a progress towards ruining the lasting sources of that fer- tility. The more a country starts its development on the foundation of modern industry, like the United States, for example, the more rapid is this process of destruction. Capitalist production, there- fore, develops technology, and the combining together of various processes into a social whole, only by sapping the original sources of all wealth-the soil and the labourer” -Karl Marx, Capital, Volume 1, Chapter 15, Section 10 Table of Contents Acknowledgments ...................................................................... 7 Foreword ...................................................................................... 9 Preface ......................................................................................... 11 Introduction: Dystopia ............................................................ -
Republican Moments: the Role of Direct Popular Power in the American Constitutional Order
University of Pennsylvania Law Review FOUNDED 1852 Formerly American Law Register VOL. 139 DECEMBER 1990 No. 2 ARTICLES REPUBLICAN MOMENTS: THE ROLE OF DIRECT POPULAR POWER IN THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONAL ORDER James Gray Popet INTRODUCTION .................................. 289 I. POPULAR VS. ELITIST REPUBLICANISM ON DIRECT POPULAR PARTICIPATION ............................... 295 A. Background: The Republican Revival ............. 296 t Associate Professor of Law, Rutgers University School of Law, Newark, New Jersey. A.B. 1974,J.D. 1983 Harvard University. Earlier versions of this paper were presented to the Boston University Legal History Group and the Rutgers Law Faculty Colloquium. The final product benefitted greatly from critical comments by Akhil Reed Amar, C. Edwin Baker, CathieJo Martin, Eric Neisser, Richard Davies Parker, and John M. Payne. I am especially indebted to Vicki Been, Richard Revesz, and Aviam Soifer, who provided detailed critiques on short notice. James C.N. Paul gave guidance and encouragement throughout. Able research assistance was provided by Lisa Buckley, John Cioffi, Angela DiLeo, Nancy Gage, Sandra Levy, Mary Uva, Rosalind Westlake, and David Zuckerbrot. The S.I. Newhouse Research Fund supplied much-needed financial support. (287) 288 UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA LAW REVIEW [Vol. 139:287 B. Direct PopularParticipation and the Problem of Size .... 297 C. The Elitist Solution .......................... 299 D. Back to Square One .......................... 301 E. A PopularRepublican Dilemma .................... 302 II. REPUBLICAN MOMENTS .......................... 304 A. Ackerman's ConstitutionalMoments ................ 304 B. Public Purpose and Creedal Passion ................ 306 C. Republican Moments ......................... 310 D. PopularRepublican Pathologies? ................... 313 III. REPUBLICAN MOMENTS AS A PARTIAL ANTIDOTE TO INTEREST GROUP POLITICS .............................. 315 A. From Narrow Self-Interest to Public Virtue ........... -
Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution
Class, Race and Corporate Power Volume 9 Issue 1 Article 2 2021 Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution Chris Wright [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Wright, Chris (2021) "Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution," Class, Race and Corporate Power: Vol. 9 : Iss. 1 , Article 2. DOI: 10.25148/CRCP.9.1.009647 Available at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower/vol9/iss1/2 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts, Sciences & Education at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Class, Race and Corporate Power by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution Abstract In the twenty-first century, it is time that Marxists updated the conception of socialist revolution they have inherited from Marx, Engels, and Lenin. Slogans about the “dictatorship of the proletariat” “smashing the capitalist state” and carrying out a social revolution from the commanding heights of a reconstituted state are completely obsolete. In this article I propose a reconceptualization that accomplishes several purposes: first, it explains the logical and empirical problems with Marx’s classical theory of revolution; second, it revises the classical theory to make it, for the first time, logically consistent with the premises of historical materialism; third, it provides a (Marxist) theoretical grounding for activism in the solidarity economy, and thus partially reconciles Marxism with anarchism; fourth, it accounts for the long-term failure of all attempts at socialist revolution so far. -
Shapiro, Resisting Domination Across Borders
Ian Shapiro, Politics Against Domination © Harvard University Press Chapter Six Resisting Domination Across Borders With world government off the table, how should we think about the place of national boundaries in resisting domination? The challenges are legion. Aggressive leaders unleash attacks to seize territory or subjugate populations, as Napoleon and Hitler sought to do in much of Europe, Saddam Hussein tried in Kuwait, and some believe Vladimir Putin hopes to do with nations comprising the former USSR. Secessionist movements push to dismember states. This can be straightforward and benign, as with Czechs and Slovaks, Scottish nationalists, and the Canadian Québécois. But separatists can harbor more unsettling plans. Catholics in Northern Ireland want to leave the United Kingdom, but they also want to reunite with the Irish Republic. Kurds in Iran, Iraq, and Turkey want to carve a Kurdish state out of those countries. Such aspirations inevitably conflict with other visions of national identity embraced by defenders of the status quo. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a paradigm, if chronic, illustration. There are many more peoples than nations, not to mention conflicting understandings of the aspirations of the same peoples. In much of the Middle East today, Sunnis and Shiites battle among themselves and with one another over whose account will prevail, just as Catholics and Protestants frequently did in seventeenth century Europe. The nation state system – any nation state system – is bound to collide with these realities. Sometimes, but only sometimes, people seek national boundary changes democratically. Scottish nationalists tried that unsuccessfully in 2014, but it can succeed. Czechs and Slovaks separated democratically in 1992.