From Education to Grassroots Learning: Towards a Civil Society Through Community Colleges in Taiwan

Community College Models Rosalind Latiner Raby • Edward J. Valeau Editors

Community College Models

Globalization and Higher Education Reform Editors Rosalind Latiner Raby Edward J. Valeau California State University Senior Partner, Education Leadership Search Northridge, CA President Emeritus, Hartnell Community College USA President Emeritus, California Colleges for International Education Hayward, California USA

ISBN 978-1-4020-9476-7 e-ISBN 978-1-4020-9477-4

Library of Congress Control Number: 2009920579

© 2009 Springer Science + Business Media B.V. No part of this work may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, microfilming, recording or otherwise, without written permission from the Publisher, with the exception of any material supplied specifically for the purpose of being entered and executed on a computer system, for exclusive use by the purchaser of the work.

Printed on acid-free paper springer.com This book is dedicated to our families for their continued strength and conviction to believe in a project of this magnitude. In particular, we want to thank our spouses, Ronald S. Raby and Vera C. Valeau for their patience and support during this long process. They have given so much and we love them dearly.

We also want to dedicate this book to a pioneer in the field of community colleges, David Wilson. His inspiration and vision is seen throughout this book. Foreword

George R. Boggs and Judith Irwin

Although community colleges in the United States are increasingly seen as a model that other countries can emulate to train a more skilled work force, Americans are aware of the need to seek knowledge and expertise from other higher education institution models – community college, technical and further education – around the world. All systems are struggling with the complexities involved to successfully educate students to be globally competent citizens in today’s world economies. Globalization, a challenging theme for many community colleges in America, is now seen as essential to a nation’s competitiveness and its societal standard of living. Readers of this book are exposed to a variety of themes that are relevant both in the United States and abroad. Chapters focus on economic models to help local and national economies develop strong workforce training and preparation, humanitarian models to bring about social mobility, peace transformative models to help institutions expand and keep up with societal needs, and newly created models that respond to the educational and training needs of a constantly changing world. Forward-thinking leaders committed to higher education reform, recognize how commonplace it is to have problems that never seem to be fully resolved. Through studying different models and focusing on the functions and tactics applied by other systems, individual practices can be improved and enhanced. This sharing of information will help broaden partnerships and networks between the United States and higher education institutions in other countries as well as with the private sector and foundations; highlight and expand emerging and innovative approaches to teaching, training, technology transfer, and human development; and develop strategies to establish innovative and lasting higher education relationships for international development in areas that support innovation and economic growth. For many decades, the United States has been the most competitive force in the world and the leader in higher education developments based on its investments in technology and innovation, our capital structure, and democratic institutions. Throughout the past decade, other countries have been following the United States, while at the same time becoming more innovative to solve their own crises. This has led to broader understanding, recognition, and respect of each others’ accomplishments.

vii viii Foreword

This publication does not feature every country with a 2-year system. However, providing an overview of several diverse models, theories, and solutions enables policymakers and educators in several countries to determine what works for them based on their own political and government structure. There is no one universal solution, thus each country is aware of what works for their society and creatively adapts its model based on individual needs and realistic possibilities. As the world becomes flatter, the similarities and connections will parallel each other and like- nesses will outweigh differences. The book editors and chapter writers hope their contributions will inspire educational leaders, practitioners, and innovators around the world to engage and learn from each other – leading to improved and enhanced training and education programs to ensure that all graduates can work and compete in the twenty-first century identified by a “flat world”. This book appears at a time of great significance to the community colleges. Domestically, changing philosophies are supporting dynamic programs and policies that internationalize the college and the local communities in which they are located. Internationally, the process of globalization continues to propel this institution to its present status as a leading postsecondary institutional type. Cross-nationally, organizations, such as the World Federation of Colleges and Polytechnics and the International Association of Community and Further Education Colleges, are recognizing the need for continued dialogue and advocacy. This book sends a clear message to the American and indeed to the international educated community that illuminates the reality of community college models and their role in contemporary society. George R, Boggs is the President and CEO of the American Association of Community Colleges (AACC), an organization which is the Voice of America’s Community Colleges. Judith Irwin is the Director of International Programs and Services of the American Association of Community Colleges (AACC). Preface

Rosalind Latiner Raby and Edward J. Valeau, Coeditors

Increasingly, students worldwide are seeking postsecondary education to acquire new skill sets and credentials. The strain on traditional 4-year universities is being addressed by an explosion of community college models that provide educational opportunities and alternative pathways for students who do not fit the traditional higher educational profile and are often excluded from getting such education. In 1993, Kintzer noted that there were over 180 nonuniversities, many of which were modeled on US community colleges (Kintzer, 1993, p. 4). Today, nearly every country has or is envisioning a community college model. Flexibility of curriculum and a mission to serve local populations define community college models and yet, it is the direct connection to individuality that complicates cross-national comparisons. Even the names given to these institutions vary. To advance communication, the term community college model represents all the key elements, and therefore is used throughout this text. Publications on community college models are few (Raby and Tarrow, 1996; Romano, 2002; Levin, 2001; Elsner, 2008), and as such, a comprehensive examination is timely and relevant. This book presents empirical case studies that are cross- disciplinary and that provide defined strategies for effective and pragmatic policy planning and reform at local, regional, and national levels. Five themes circumvent the book which defines community college models as a purveyor of academic, philosophical, economic, institutional, and community reforms. Academic reforms influence what is taught, how it is taught, and who provides accreditation. Curriculum match local needs as evidenced through adult instruction (Bagley and Rust), short-term programs (Punthumasen and Maki), experiential learning (Chen and Wang), vocational studies (Silva; Postiglione), reverse-transfer (Wilson), entrepreneurial education (DoBell and Ingle), SpLD (Edwards), and social action programs (DeBard and Rice). Changing pedagogy includes student- centered emphasis as seen in Senegal CUR (Gueye and Sene), Russian NPPT (Zamani-Gallaher and Gorlova), Tajikistan Aga Khan Project (Hamon), and China Migrant Centers (Li and Levin). Finally, administrative and governance reforms are detailed in staff and faculty leadership development (Frost; Hoare and Dellow), international student needs (Kusch et al.), national certification (Oliver et al.; Alphonse and Valeau), credentials (Tormala-Nita and Cijntje; Kamyab; Woodham

ix x Preface and Morris), and shared curriculum and accreditation through international partnerships (Hatton and Schroeder). Philosophical reforms link community college models to sociocultural and political reform. The concept of the “College for the People” is defined by Cohen and placed into a comparative focus by Raby, with specific examples in Vietnam (Lam and Vi), Scandinavia (Bagley and Rust), Thailand (Punthumasen and Maki), and Taiwan (Chen and Wang). Some chapters illustrate that even curriculum has a set goal to reduce conflict (Zamani-Gallaher and Gorlova), secure peace (DeBard and Rice), or advance Gross Domestic Happiness (Gandhi). Most importantly, chapters illustrate how philosophical goals are actually being met by equalizing access for specific student groups, such as giving access to those previously denied (Kamyab; Mpondi), lower income (Hoare and Dellow), special education (Edwards), second opportunities (Wilson), migrants (Li and Levin), and minorities (Kusch et al.; Davidovitch and Iram). While the humanistic potential of community college models is seen as a positive value (Alphonse and Valeau), other chapters more critically view the ethics of neocolonialism in which, educational opportunities, while present, are nonetheless limited, especially in regards to a transition to higher levels of education that make possible viable employment options (Wolff; Silva; Gueye and Sene; Wolhuter). Economic reforms remain at the core of the adoption of community college models. While philosophically reform is put in humanitarian terms, more often it echoes desires to facilitate economic and industrial growth. Raby illustrates positive and negative consequences of the economic emphasis while case studies critically examine the context in which education can actually enhance human resource development that then allows a country to compete in the global market in Mexico (Silva), Ireland (DoBell and Ingle), British Caribbean (Wolff), India (Alphonse and Valeau), Curacao (Tormala-Nita and Cijntje), Vietnam (Oliver et al.), Iran (Kamyab), Uzbekistan (Tursunova and Azizova), and Senegal (Gueye and Sene). Some chapters suggest that adoption of a community college model is solely economic-based (Postiglione), and others suggest how profit from exportation of services can help enhance other college programs (Frost; Hatton and Schroeder). Mixed in at all levels is the challenge to examine the need to define standards that are acceptable to both donor and host countries which may not always result in equitable solutions (Wolhuter; Tormala-Nita and Cijntje; Woodham and Morris). Institutional reforms are a key element in many of the chapters as change often results from a purposeful design to expand adult education (Cohen; Lam and Vi; Zamani-Gallaher and Gorlova; Li and Levin), to offer new curricular focus (DoBell and Ingle; Edwards), or to refine the existing system of vocational-technical colleges (Postiglione; Silva; Mpondi; Kamyab; Tormala-Nita and Cijntje; Tursunova and Azizova). Reform can occur at the grassroots level (Chen and Wang), by nongovernment organization (NGO)-sponsored reform (Oliver et al.; Wolff), by international development initiatives (Wolff), and by centralized government policy (Lam and Vi; Gandhi). Institutional success is tied to a flexible and interdisciplinary curriculum (Hamon, Kusch et al.; Silva). Many chapters depict how institutional reform is sometimes met with opposition, as in China (Postiglione; Hatton Preface xi and Schroeder), British Caribbean (Wolff), Curacao (Tormala-Nita and Cijntje), Senegal (Gueye and Sene), India (Alphonse and Valeau), Zimbabwe (Mpondi), and Belize (Hoare and Dellow). Finally, the continued low status is forcing the ultimate transformation, as some community college models are folding into traditional university constructs as in British West Indies (Woodham and Morris), Senegal (Gueye and Sene), South Africa (Wolhuter), Israel (Davidovitch and Iram), Vietnam (Oliver et al.) and Canada (Wilson). Community reforms include the impact made by community college models on their local communities. Cohen links community colleges to serving local communities and these links are exemplified by an emphasis on local communities for lifelong learning (Gandhi; DeBard and Rice; Bagley and Rust; Wilson); directed local engagement (Mpondi; Gueye and Sene; Hamon; Chen and Wang; Punthumasen and Maki; Lam and Vi; Li and Levin); and community change (Wolhuter; Tursunova and Azizova; Davidovitch and Iram; Alphonse and Valeau; Frost). Exemplary of this approach is an examination of an international development partnership that shows how a single college can successfully engage in nonprofit international development work with some degree of success (Hatton and Schroeder). How community college modes empower local participation for local needs permeates most every chapter in this book.

Conclusion

The various chapters in this book seek to capture the imagination of those who are committed to learning about what works in higher education and in particular, the impact community college models are having on the changing nature of world social, political, and economic landscapes. The authors illustrate leadership in the face of change in higher education abroad and it is of particular note that many xii Preface depict how indigenous change can be made to successfully meet local and even global needs. The international and comparative focus provides concrete examples of how educational reform exists on a transfer continuum that range from the full transfer of the “North” model, as in the case of India and Belize, to the semi-complete transfer, as in the case of Taiwan and British West Indies, to the emulation with retention of indigenous character, as in the case of Vietnam and Mexico, and finally, to the rejection of transplantation, as in the case of the Japanese Branch colleges and South Africa. Throughout this book, chapters provide case studies of the implementation and maintenance of the community college model as determined by local initiative and by worldwide support.

References

Elsner, P. A., Boggs, G. & Irwin, J. (Eds.). (2008). A global development of technical college, community college and further education. Washington, DC: American Association of Community Colleges. Kintzer, F. (1993). Higher Education Beyond the United States: A glimpse of short-cycle higher education in other countries. Community/Junior Community College Quarterly. 16(1), 1–8. Levin, J. S. (2001). Globalizing the Community College : Strategies for Change in the Twenty- First Century. New York: Palgrave, 2001 (ED 450 856) Raby, R. L. and Tarrow, N. (Eds.) (1996). Dimensions of the Community College: International, Intercultural, and Multicultural Perspectives. New York: Garland. Romano, R. M. (ed.) (2002). Internationalizing the Community College. Washington D.C.: Community College Press. Contents

Foreword ...... vii Preface ...... ix

Part I Introduction: Community College Formation and Foundation

1 Deﬁ ning the Community College Model ...... 3 Rosalind Latiner Raby

2 Globalization and Community College Model Development ...... 21 Rosalind Latiner Raby

3 Community Colleges in the United States ...... 39 Arthur M. Cohen

Part II Introduction: Community College Models and Their Roles as Humanitarian Institutions

4 From Education to Grassroots Learning: Towards a Civil Society Through Community Colleges in Taiwan ... 51 Amy Shi-min Chen and Wei-ni Wang

5 Community Colleges and the Globalization of Higher Education in Postcolonial Zimbabwe...... 71 Douglas Mpondi

6 Indian Community College System: Democratic Response to Globalization ...... 79 Xavier Alphonse S.J. and Edward Valeau

7 The Development of the Community College Model in Vietnam at the Time of the Country’s Reorganization and International Integration ...... 91 Dang Ba Lam and Nguyen Huy Vi

xiii xiv Contents

8 Modeling Social Justice Through the Community College ...... 117 Robert DeBard and Tamara Rice

9 A Study of Community College Synchronization with the Educational Needs of Local People in Thailand ...... 135 Pattanida Punthumasen and Takayoshi Maki

Part III Introduction: Economic Conditions Globally Shaping the Community College Models

10 Community Colleges in China’s Two Systems ...... 157 Gerard Postiglione

11 Challenges and Opportunities for Postsecondary Education and Training in Barbados, Bahamas, Guyana, Jamaica, and Trinidad & Tobago ...... 173 Laurence Wolff

12 Globalization of Higher Education and Community Colleges in Vietnam ...... 197 Diane E. Oliver, Pham Xuan Thanh, Paul A. Elsner, Nguyen Thi Thanh Phuong, and Do Quoc Trung

13 Technological Universities: A Relevant Educational Model for Mexico? ...... 219 Marisol Silva Laya

14 A Critical Approach to the Community College Model in the Global Order: The College Universitaire Régional de Bambey (Senegal) as a Case Study ...... 235 Barrel Gueye and Ibra Sene

15 The Case for Associate Degrees in Curaçao ...... 253 Rosita Tormala-Nita and Gilbert Cijntje

Part IV Introduction: Responding to Globalization: Reform in Higher Education

16 Community-Based Folk High Schools in Norway, Sweden, and Denmark ...... 279 Sylvia S. Bagley and Val D. Rust

17 Community Colleges Embracing Change: The Anglophone Caribbean Perspective ...... 299 Jeanette Grant-Woodham and Camille Morris Contents xv

18 The Junior College System of Belize ...... 321 Olda Hoare and Donald A. Dellow

19 Higher Education in Uganda: The Role of Community Colleges in Educational Delivery and Reform...... 335 W. James Jacob, Yusuf K. Nsubuga, and Christopher B. Mugimu

20 Community College Model: Desideratum in the South African Higher Education Landscape ...... 359 Charste Coetzee Wolhuter

21 CollegeÐUniversity Dialogue: From Confrontation to Cooperation ...... 373 Nitza Davidovitch and Yaacov Iram

22 “Reverse Transfer” Constraints upon Planning Post secondary Programs in Ontario, Canada ...... 401 David N. Wilson

23 The Community College at the Crossroads ...... 417 Jim Kusch, Eriola Pema, Gulen Onurkan, and Liliya Akhmadeeva

24 UK Case Studies of SpLDs and Widening Participation for Minority Groups ...... 437 Robert Edwards

25 A Multiple Streams Analysis of the Impact of Globalization: Case of a Russian Community College ...... 453 Eboni M. Zamani-Gallaher and Inna Gorlova

26 Pathways to Participation: A Comparative Study of Community College Entrepreneurial Educational Programs in the United States and Ireland ...... 481 Daniel C. DoBell and Sarah A. Ingle

27 Dissecting an International Partnership ...... 501 Michael Hatton and Kent Schroeder

Part VI Introduction: Envisioning New Community College Models Internationally

28 Community Colleges as Learning Centers for Migrant Workers in Manufacturing Areas in China...... 517 Minghua Li and Henry Levin xvi Contents

29 Building a Knowledge-Based Society: The Role of Colleges in Uzbekistan ...... 545 Zulfiya Tursunova and Nodira Azizova

30 Junior Colleges in the Islamic Republic of Iran ...... 561 Shahrzad Kamyab

31 A Liberal Arts Interdisciplinary Curriculum in Tajikistan ...... 569 M. Max Hamon

32 Bhutanese Education Systems: A Look Toward the Future ...... 589 Miloni Gandhi

33 Globalization Theory and Policy Implications for Community College Leaders ...... 603 Robert A. Frost

The Challenge of Change: International Adoption of Community College Models ...... 615 Edward Valeau

Author Index...... 619

Subject Index ...... 627 Contributors

Liliya Akhmadeeva currently is a Ph.D. Research Assistant and a Doctoral Candidate in the Department of Educational Sciences at Eastern Mediterranean University, in North Cyprus. She is also teaching the course “Social Psychology” to undergraduate students. Her research interests include sex education and HIV/ AIDS preventive educational programs, gender issues, and problems of identity. Xavier Alphonse, S.J., Ph.D., is a Jesuit priest who worked in Higher Education in India for the last 28 years. He is the pioneer of the Community College Movement in India from 1995 and was instrumental in establishing 213 Community Colleges in 19 states of India. He is a member of the University Grants Commission (UGC) and a member of the Distance Education Council (DEC), New Delhi. Nodira Azizova is an independent researcher on education sector development, agrarian changes, ecology, water, and health issues in Uzbekistan. She works with the Ministry of Public Education of the Republic of Uzbekistan, Institute of Problem of Higher and Secondary Specialized Education on projects related to development of curriculum and Information and Communication Technologies in education funded by USAID, UNDP, and JICA. Nodira Azizova holds Master’s degree in Journalism from Tashkent State University, Uzbekistan. Sylvia S. Bagley, Ph.D. is the Fritz Burns Endowed Professor in Education at Mount Saint Mary’s College in Los Angeles, where she is Director of the Master’s Program in Instructional Leadership. She is a first-generation Norwegian-American, and was pleased to discover – while conducting research for this chapter – that her great-grandparents met at a folk high school in Norway in the late 1800s. George R. Boggs, Ph.D. in educational administration from The University of Texas at Austin, is the President and Chief Executive Officer of the American Association of Community Colleges (AACC) based in Washington, DC. AACC represents over 1,100 associate degree-granting institutions and more than 11 million students. Dr. Boggs previously served as the superintendent/president of Palomar Community College in California. He also served as a member of the National Research Council Committee on Undergraduate Science Education.

xvii xviii Contributors

Amy Shi-min Chen, Ph.D., is Director of Division of Professional Services for Local Schools at National Taiwan Normal University. She is the Editor of The Journal of Secondary Education. She is currently the coinvestigator of Taiwan in the research of “International Civic and Citizenship Education Study,” conducted by the International Association for Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA), a project that includes 40 countries. Her research domains involve Sociology of Education, Adult Education, and Citizenship. Gilbert Cijntje, Ph.D., is Associate Professor at the University of the Netherlands Antilles. His teaching area is Research Methods, Methodology for undergraduate and graduate students. He is also program director for the program Master in Business Administration in Educational Management, offered in cooperation with the University of Groningen and Rotterdam, the Netherlands, and the University of Wisconsin. Arthur M. Cohen, Ph.D., is emeritus professor of higher education at the University of California, Los Angeles. The information in this chapter has been expatiated in his book, The American Community College, coauthored with Florence B. Brawer (2008). Nitza Davidovitch, Ph.D., is from Bar Ilan University, and Head the Department of Academic Development at Israel’s largest public college, the Academic College of Judea and Samaria. Dr. Davidovitch is active in community services in issues relating to the Holocaust and Jewish identity, cultivating the cultural history of Jewish sects, and moral education. Robert DeBard, Ed.D., Associate Professor, Higher Education and Student Affairs, Bowling Green State University. He is the former Campus Executive Officer of Firelands College, the 2-year regional campus of Bowling Green State University. Donald A. Dellow, Ed.D., is an Associate Professor of Higher Education, University of South Florida, Tampa, Florida. He served in administrative positions in several community colleges, including serving as the president of Broome Community College for 15 years. He has been a long-time advocate for greater internationalization of community colleges. Daniel C. DoBell, Ph.D. candidate, is the Associate Director of the Research Park at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign and EnterpriseWorks technology incubator. His research interests include start-up business formation, entrepreneurship and university-sponsored technology business incubation. Robert Edwards, is a Senior Lecturer at the University of Glamorgan, UK. He has worked in various sides of the IT industry, and lectured in IT, manufacturing production control, and public administration. His publications include articles on student self-assessment. He is now personal and academic tutor to Combined Studies students. He holds a Patoss Practising Certificate, and the AMBDA qualification, for SpLD assessment. He assesses adult students for dyslexia, dyspraxia, and dyscalculia. Contributors xix

Paul A. Elsner, Ed.D., is the Chancellor Emeritus of Maricopa Community Colleges. He also served on the Board of Directors of the American Association of Community Colleges (AACC), and has been elected to the Board of Directors of the American Council on International Intercultural Education. Robert A. Frost, Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor of Higher Education Leadership at Oregon State University. He also heads the Community College Emerging Leaders Institute at OSU and serves as the Director of Education for Community Colleges for International Development (CCID). Miloni Gandhi is a doctoral candidate at the University of California at Los Angeles in Social Sciences and Comparative Education. Her research interests include higher education in the Asia Pacific region and International Exchanges. Inna Gorlova is a doctoral fellow at Eastern Michigan University in the Department of Leadership and Counseling. She was a Ford Foundation Fellow with the Institute for International Education from 2004 to 2006. She has 2 decades of experience in Russian higher education having taught at the Voronezh State University and working for NGO on educational regional and international (former USSR) projects with grants from Eurasia Foundation, Soros Foundation, United State Agency for International Development (USAID), International Research and Exchange Board (IREX). Jeanette Grant-Woodham is the Senior Programme Officer, for the Tertiary-Level Institutions Unit, University of the West Indies, and has led many of the initiatives for collaboration/partnerships between the UWI and other Tertiary-Level Institutions in the Caribbean region and serves as Chairperson of the Council of Community Colleges of Jamaica (CCCJ). Barrel Gueye, Ed.D. in Educational Theory and Practice from SUNY Binghamton, New York, is currently an Assistant Professor of Education at East Stroudsburg University in Pennsylvania. Her research emphasizes women and education, comparison and international education, cultural and women studies, the history of higher education in sub-Saharan Africa and the Senegalese international migrations. M. Max Hamon is an instructor at the University of Prince Edward Island, Canada. He has an M.Phil from Trinity College, Dublin, Ireland, and a M.A. from the Central European University, Budapest. After receiving his degree, he spent 2 years teaching with the Aga Khan Humanities Project in Dushanbe, Tajikistan. He is currently involved with developing a Global Issues course at UPEI as part of a writing requirement for all incoming undergraduate students. Michael Hatton, M.B.A. from York University and a Ph.D. from the University of Toronto, is Vice President Academic at Humber College in Toronto. He is an associate member of the graduate faculty of the University of Toronto and holds similar appointments with Central Michigan University and the University of Guelph. xx Contributors

Olda Hoare, Ph.D. in Community College Leadership at University of South Florida, serves as the Sacred Heart Junior College, San Ignacio, Belize. She is interested in the influence of governmental policies on higher education in developing countries, and in further strengthening the junior colleges in her own country of Belize. Nguyen Huy Vi is the Vice Rector, Phu Yen University (PYU). He also teaches Mathematics and Educational Management and has written several articles on Community Colleges in Vietnam Scientific Reviews since 1993. Sarah A. Ingle teaches entrepreneurship and new enterprise development in Dublin City University Business School, Ireland. She is a chartered engineer with many years experience in industry, and her current research interests include entrepreneurship education and business incubation performance measurement. Sarah received a Fulbright Award in 2006, and spent the spring semester of 2007 in Arizona State University, Phoenix. Yaacov Iram, Ph.D., is Professor of Comparative and International Education at the School of Education and former Dean of the Faculty of Social Sciences of Bar Ilan University, Israel. He is the Chairholder of the Burg Chair in Education for Human Values, Tolerance and Peace, and of the UNESCO Chair on Human Rights, Democracy, Peace, Tolerance, and International Understanding. His research intrest are in comparative and social policy of education affecting higher education and multiculturalism. Judith Irwin is the Director of International Programs and Services of the American Association of Community Colleges. She works with federal agencies and the diplomatic community and manages special projects with the Academy for Educational Development, Institute for International Education, Council for the International Exchange of Scholars, The College Board, and Peace Corps; and serves as liaison to the AACC Commission on Global Education and the Community College for International Development (CCID), an AACC-affiliated council. W. James Jacob, Ph.D. in Education from UCLA, is the Director of the Institute for International Studies in Education at the University of Pittsburgh’s School of Education. His research focuses on HIV/AIDS multisectoral prevention and capacity building; orphaned and vulnerable children programs; and higher education organizational analysis in developing countries with geographic emphases in Africa, East Asia, and the Pacific Islands. Jacob is also Coeditor of Palgrave Macmillan’s International and Development Education Book Series and Sense Publisher’s Pittsburgh Studies in Comparative Education. Shahrzad Kamyab, Ph.D., has been a professor of comparative education and a teacher educator at Chapman University. She has been invited to Iran to teach at the University of Tehran and to conduct workshops for the Iranian educators. Currently, she is an international education consultant. Jim Kusch, Ph.D., is a professor of educational research Eastern Mediterranean University. His research interests include action research and student assessment Contributors xxi and program evaluation. He has carried out research and given papers at numerous scholarly conferences in Asia, Europe, and the Americas. Dang Ba Lam is a Senior Researcher, National Institute for Education Strategy and Curriculum Development. He was the President of the Vietnam National Institute for Education Development (1992–2003), published 24 books and more than 60 articles on higher education and education policy and implemented more than 20 R&D projects on Education. Henry Levin, Ph.D., is the William Heard Kilpatrick Professor of Economics and Education at Teachers College, Columbia University and the David Jacks Professor of Higher Education and Economics, Emeritus, at Stanford University (1968–1999). He is also a Guest Professor at the Institute of Economics of Education at Peking University and was the Wei Lun Visiting Professor at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. He is currently (2008–2009) President of the Comparative and International Education Society (CIES). Minghua Li, Ph.D. in Economics of Education from Stanford, is an associate Professor, School of Public Administration, East China Normal University. He has done some work in market research and economics of education. In the recent 3 years he has focused on migrant workers education issues in China. He is the principal investigator of the Ford Foundation-sponsored action research project to provide solutions to the migrant workers continuing education problems. Takayoshi Maki, Ph.D. in Comparative Education from Hiroshima University, is a postdoctoral fellow at the Graduate School of Social and Cultural Sciences, Kumamoto University, Japan. His research is on teacher education reform in Thailand, where he was an exchange student at Chulalongkorn University for a year and a visiting researcher at the Ministry of Education for 8 months. During these times, he conducted extensive fieldwork at multiple sites, such as Ministry of Education, local educational administration offices, and local schools in northeast Thailand. Camille N. Morris is an Administrative Officer, Tertiary-Level Institutions Unit, University of the West Indies, Mona, Jamaica, since 2005. A graduate of the University of the West Indies, she holds a Master’s in Government (International Relations and International Law). Through the TLIU, Ms. Morris has contributed to research papers and preparation of the manuscript for publication relating to higher/tertiary education. Douglas Mpondi, Ph.D. in Cultural Studies from Ohio University, teaches Africana Studies courses at the University of Michigan-Flint. He has contributed chapters on the politics of educational change in Zimbabwe and Culture and Development in edited texts. His research interests include globalization and education; the intersection of culture and politics in Southern Africa; African political economy and democratic transitions in Africa; education and international development; cultural diversity and popular culture. Christopher B. Mugimu, Ph.D. in Education from Brigham Young University, is a Lecturer and Acting Head of the Department of Curriculum, Teaching, and Media xxii Contributors at Makerere University’s School of Education. Mugimu has directed projects involved in creating exemplary e-curriculum content for teacher trainees to use during their practicum. Yusuf K. Nsubuga is Commissioner for Secondary Education and HIV/AIDS Education Sector Coordinator for the Uganda Ministry of Education and Sports. He holds a Master’s degree in Education (Planning and Management) from Makerere University and had postgraduate training at the University of East Anglia, Norwich (England), in planning for social and economic impact of HIV/AIDS in developing countries. Prior to joining the Uganda AIDS Commission and the National AIDS Control Program in 1994, Nsubuga served as a school administrator for 11 years. Along with some colleagues, Nsubuga established the Uganda Network on Law Ethics and HIV/AIDS and later became coordinator of the African Network on Law Ethics and HIV/AIDS. He sits on several national committees, including the Partnership Forum and the National Coordination Committee of the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria. Diane E. Oliver, Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor, Community College Leadership Program, National-Louis University. Her scholarship over the past several years has focused on higher education and community colleges in Vietnam. Gulen Onurkan is a Senior Instructor at the English Preparatory School of Eastern Mediterranean University in North Cyprus and is a Doctoral Candidate at Educational Sciences in Eastern Mediterranean University. She is interested in classroom research and has a B.A. from Istanbul University and a M.A. from at Bilkent University. Eriola Pema is a Doctoral student in the Department of Educational Sciences at Eastern Mediterranean University, North Cyprus. Her research interests include International Relations, Conflict Resolution, and Peace Education. She is currently working as a Ph.D. Research Assistant in the Department of Educational Sciences at Eastern Mediterranean University. Nguyen Thi Thanh Phuong, Ph.D., is the Country Director, Vietnam Education Foundation Office, Hanoi. She was formerly a Lecturer and Senior Officer in the Office of International Relations and Research Affairs, University of Social Sciences and Humanities-Ho Chi Minh City. Gerard Postiglione, Ph.D., is Professor and Head, Division of Policy, Administration, and Social Science, Faculty of Education, The University of Hong Kong. He is coeditor of the journal Chinese Education and Society, and editor of four book series about China. His books include Asian Higher Education, East Asia at School, Education and Social Change in China, China National Minority Education, Education and Society in Hong Kong, and Hong Kong’s Reunion with China. Pattanida Punthumasen is Chief, International Strategic and Educational Development Group, Office of the Education Council, Thailand, and received her Master of Arts from Chulalongkorn University. She has worked in Thailand’s Ministry of Education such as Office of the Basic Education Commission, Bureau of Nonformal Education and Office of the Education Council (OEC), where she Contributors xxiii was responsible for formulating national education policies and plans, and was involved in international cooperation projects on education. In addition, she has written many articles on education reform in Thailand, published in daily newspapers and some magazines. Rosalind Latiner Raby, Ph.D. in Comparative Education from UCLA, is a Senior Lecturer at California State University, Northridge, in the Educational Leadership and Policy Studies Department of the College of Education. Since 1985, she has served as the Director of California Colleges for International Education, a consortium whose membership includes 84 California community colleges and is the Community College Representative for both NAFSA Region XII and NAFSA Education Abroad Knowledge Community. Tamara J. Rice is a former doctoral research assistant at Bowling Green State University and now is the Assistant Dean of Students and Director of Student Life at Occidental College. Val D. Rust, Ph.D., is Professor of Education at UCLA. He is the Director of the UCLA International Education Office, the Head of the Social Sciences and Comparative Education Division in the Department of Education, and the Associate Director of the Center for International and Development Education. Dr. Rust is a former President of the Comparative and International Education Society. Kent Schroeder is International Project Director in the Business School at Humber College in Toronto. He has managed education and capacity building partnerships in Asia, Africa, Eastern Europe, and the Canadian Arctic. He holds an M.A. from the University of Calgary. Ibra Sene, Ph.D. from Michigan State University and a Maitrise and DEA in History, where he was a 2005 SSRC IDRF recipient, has a DSSIC (Master’s of Library and Information Science) from Université Cheikh Anta Diop, Dakar, Senegal. He is now Assistant Professor of History at the College of Wooster, Wooster, Ohio. Sene’s current research interests include the history of education, migrations, and youth movements in Senegal and West Africa. Marisol Silva Laya is a Researcher at Instituto de Investigaciones para el Desarrollo de la Educación (INIDE), Universidad Iberoamericana Ciudad de México, Prolongación Paseo de la Reforma 880, Lomas de Santa Fe. Pham Xuan Thanh, Ph.D., is Deputy General Director, The General Department of Education for Testing and Accreditation, Ministry of Education and Training (MOET), Vietnam. He also has served as an Expert in Ph.D. and Master’s training, Department of Postgraduate Training, MOET. Rosita Tormala-Nita, Ph.D., is an Educational Foundations faculty and currently teaches at the University of Wisconsin-Whitewater and in prior years she taught Comparative Education at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, in addition to Language Planning and International Systems of Education at the University of the Netherlands, Antilles. Online course management systems are an integral aspect of her teachings connecting students and institutions. xxiv Contributors

Do Quoc Trung is the Rector, Kien Giang Community College, since its founding in 2002. He also is Director of the Kien Giang Continuing Education Center, and was formerly an Administrator at Can Tho University. Zulfiya Tursunova has a major in Education from the University of World Languages in Uzbekistan, and a Master of Arts in Education Administration at Kent State University, USA, and Master of Arts in Peace and Conflict Studies, European University Center for Peace Studies, Austria. She is currently a lecturer on peace education, conflict resolution courses, gender, migration, and development issues who has been working with different local, regional, and international organizations. Edward Valeau, Ed.D., is the President emeritus of Hartnell Community College in Salinas, California, and President emeritus of California Colleges for International Education. He is currently the Senior Partner in the Education Leadership Services Group, LLC. Dr. Valeau has been a Fulbright Community College Specialist to India and Nepal. He was the former Chair of the AACC International Commission and member of the American Council on International Intercultural Education. Wei-ni Wang, Ph.D. in Higher, Adult and Lifelong Education at Michigan State University, is currently an Assistant Professor at the Department of Adult and Continuing Education, National Chung Cheng University in Taiwan. Her research is on leadership and administrative issues in community colleges. Recently, Wang has been appointed to serve on the regional accreditation and evaluation committee of the Taiwanese community colleges. David N. Wilson, Ph.D., was a world-renowned scholar and practitioner in comparative education and international development with an emphasis on planning and evaluation of occupational and vocational training and education, human resource, and education system planning and development in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. He was a Professor of the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto, from 1968 until his retirement in 2004. Until his death, he consulted for many governments, maintained leadership in several professional scholarly societies and influenced the thinking and lives of his many grateful students. Laurence Wolff, Ph.D. in Education from Harvard Graduate School of Education, has been an education consultant since 1998 with the Inter-American Development Bank, UNESCO, USAID, the World Bank, and other international agencies and institutions. From 1974 to 1998, he was an education projects officer at the World Bank where he worked on education policy issues in Latin America and the Caribbean, Africa, and the Middle East. He has published on education financing, role of private education, cost-effectiveness of education policies, the use of technology in education, educational assessments, and science and technology. Charste Coetzee Wolhuter, is a Comparative Education Professor at North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, South Africa. He has lectured in History of Education and Comparative Education at the University of Pretoria and the University of Zululand, and is the author of several books and articles on History of Education and Comparative Education. Contributors xxv

Eboni M. Zamani-Gallaher, Ph.D. in Higher Education Administration with a specialization in Community College Leadership and Educational Evaluation from the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, is an Associate Professor and Coordinator of the Community College Leadership Program in the Department of Leadership and Counseling at Eastern Michigan University. Acronyms

NOTE: Many chapters in this book utilize the same acronyms. These acronyms refer to single or multi-country associations, nongovernment organizations (NGOs), and multinational development agencies. Only acronyms that are utilized in multiple chapters are included on this page. The first reference of each acronym is spelled out in the respective chapter. Subsequent uses are referred to only by the acronym.

AACC American Association of Community Colleges AACJC American Junior and Community College Association ACCC Association of Canada Community Colleges ACTC Advanced Craft Technical Certificate AD Advanced Diploma ADB Asian Development Bank ATC Advanced Technical Certificate BCTC Basic Crafts Technical Certificate B.Ed. Bachelor of Education B.Sc.Ed. Bachelor of Science in Education BTC Basic Technical Certificate BTVET Business, Technical and Vocational Education and Training BTVI Bahamas Technical Vocational Institute CAPE Caribbean Advance Proficiency Exam CARICOM Caribbean Community Regulations CCBA Community College Baccalaureate Association CCCJ Council of Community Colleges of Jamaica CCID Community Colleges for International Development CEV Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (Vietnam) CIDA Canadian International Development Agency CKLN Caribbean Knowledge and Leaning Network CSEC Caribbean Secondary Education Certificate CSME Caribbean Single Market Economy CXC Caribbean Examinations Council

xxvii xxviii Acronyms

ELATE E-Learning and Teacher Education EWCCC East-West Community College Consortium FE Colleges of Further Education (UK) FTC Full Technical Certificate GOSPLAN State Planning Committee (Soviet Union) GTZ German Technical Cooperation HE Higher Education HEI Higher Education Institutions HERA Higher Education Reform Agenda (Vietnam) IAC International Association of College ICT Information, Communication and Technology IIEP International Institute for Educational Planning (under UNESCO) ISCED International Standard Classification of Education IT Information Technology IT Institutes of Technology IUT France’s Instituts Universitaires de Technologie JICA Japan International Cooperation Agency JTC Junior Technical Certificate K.I.Asia The Kenan Institute of Asia MDG Millennium Development Goals MOET Ministry of Education and Training (Vietnam) NAFTA North American Free Trade Agreement OD Ordinary Diploma PGDE Postgraduate Diploma in Education PIN Postsecondary International Network PLE Primary Leaving Examination TAFE Technical and Further Education TVET Technical and Vocational Education and Training UCJ University Council of Jamaica UCWI University College of the West Indies UNESCO United Nations Education and Scientific Organization USAID United States Agency for International Aid USAID/ALO US Agency for International Development/The Association Liaison Office for University Cooperation in Development UWI University of West Indies VACC Vietnam Association of Community Colleges VTI Vocational Technical Institute WTO World Trade Organization Part I Introduction: Community College Formation and Foundation

This introductory part provides a theoretical construct upon which the remaining chapters are built. A cohesive definition of community college models fails to exist because these institutions are unique to their local environment. Nonetheless, similarities unite these postsecondary institutions. The chapter by Rosalind Latiner Raby explores the basic characteristics that intersect these institutions worldwide and illustrates how the distinct lines between them are increasingly becoming blurred. These institutions offer the skills-based training that is needed to grow social and economic capital through non-degree and terminal certificate short-cycle programs, career programs, and associated-level diplomas for vocational training, technical occupation, community education, lifelong learning, and academic/lower division courses that allow students to transfer to a university. In the second chapter, Raby explores the role that globalization plays in the development of community college models that intersect both humanitarian (providing access to higher education for the masses) and economic (building the skills for workforce training) philosophical rationales. The part concludes with Art Cohen’s description of the US model which stands between compulsory education and the postsecondary sector, and provides the first 2 years of college along with occupational training and developmental studies. Most authors in this volume maintain that the US model is a launching point from which many other models are based. While, as this book illustrates, there are indeed many countries that have influenced community college models and continue to do so, the US model is most cited as being the impetus for development and reform. Addressing local and globalization challenges has made each model unique which is exemplified in the remaining chapters. Chapter 1 Defining the Community College Model

Rosalind Latiner Raby

Introduction

Despite recent advances for countries to offer compulsory secondary education, traditional universities have not altered their structure to respond to the social demands for higher education. University admittance remains limited and therefore highly competitive. Fifteen years ago, Cerych (1993, p. 5) noted that “the existence of a recognized alternative to traditional universities [is] indispensable.” Today, this alternative pathway has become the domain of the community college model which not only offers options for university overflow, but also offers a “second chance” for nontraditional students to achieve a higher education. These institutions maintain a flexibility characteristic that enables them to idealize and demonstrate in a practical way the means by which new generations can receive skills to ensure a stable employment that in turn increases economic development, social prosperity, and improves social conditions.1 Even in countries where the term “democracy” is not utilized, the concept remains that these institutions provide opportunity and an equalization where none previously existed. The skills- based training that is needed to grow economic and social capital is that skill-set that community college models provide. Although these institutions play a cohesive role in national education forums, a basic understanding of their construct remains illusive due to the fact that these institutions are defined by local needs. Despite the variance, basic similarities exist that define community college models as a unique form of postsecondary education that offers short-term semi- and professional terminal courses as well as an academic curriculum that results in an associate in arts or sciences, and in some cases, the means to transfer to 4-year universities. The curriculum is more advanced than secondary school, but remains below the baccalaureate level, except for those few models that offer baccalaureate degrees. According to Cohen and Brawer (2003) community colleges “include public and private comprehensive two-year colleges and technical institutions, but exclude vocational schools and adult education centers and proprietary business and trade colleges” (p. 5). Raby (1996) details the various terms2 that have defined these institutions, and Table 1.1 depicts the array of institutions that exist worldwide. While various countries call these institutions by

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 3 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 4 R.L. Raby

Table 1.1 Community college models (Chart compiled from Cohen, 1995, pp. 13–18; Kintzer, 1994, pp. 6–16; Raby and Tarrow, 1996, pp. 197–203) Name Countries that have these institutions Colegio Nacional de Education Mexico (found in 24 states) Professional Tecnia (CONALEP) College of Applied Arts and Canada Technology College d’Enseignement Général Canada et Professionel Colleges of Further Education Australia; Great Britain; Scotland Colleges of Technology Japan Community College Australia; Bahamas; Barbados; Belarus; Belgium; Belize; Bulgaria; Burma; Canada; China; Czech Republic; Dominican Republic; Egypt; Ghana; Guyana; Hungary; India; Ireland; Israel; Japan; Jordan; Korea; Malaysia; Pakistan; Qatar; Russia; Scotland; Singapore; Slovak Republic; Slovenia; South Africa; Surinam Republic; Taiwan; Tanzania; Thailand; United States; Vietnam; Yemen; Zimbabwe Ecole de France (ESTC) France Folkhighschool Austria; Denmark; Finland; Germany; Iceland; Netherlands; Norway; Sweden Fachochschuelen Austria; Denmark; Germany; Liechtenstein; Netherlands; Norway; Slovak Republic; Sweden; Switzerland Higher Technicians’ Section France Institute of Technology Ireland; New Zealand Institute of Vocational Training Greece Junior College Belize; Canada; China; Iceland; India; Iran; Israel; Japan; Jordan; Malaysia; Scotland; Sri Lanka; Taiwan; Tatarstan; Tajikistan; United States Polytechnic Australia; Bahamas; Barbados; Belarus; Belgium; Belize; Britain; Burma; Canada; China; Denmark; France; Germany; Ghana; Iceland; Iraq; Kazakhstan; Korea; Mexico; New Zealand; Russia; Slovak Republic; Zimbabwe Regional (or District) Colleges Austria; Chile; China; Ethiopia; Iran; Ireland; India; Israel; Mauritius; Norway; Pakistan; Spain; Tanzania; Ukraine Regional Technical Institutes Argentina; Barbados; Belize; Chile; Columbia; Ecuador; (Terciarios) Regional Technical El Salvador; Mexico Institutes of Latin America Secondary Special, Vocational Academic Lyceums and Vocational Colleges, Education Uzbekistan Special Training School Chile; Iraq; Japan; Kazakhstan; Mexico Technical and Further Education Australia College (TAFEs) (continued) 1 Defining the Community College Model 5

Table 1.1 (continued) Name Countries that have these institutions Technical College/ Institute Australia; Belgium; Burma; Canada; Chile; China; Columbia; Burma; Canada; Chile; China; Columbia; Denmark; Ecuador; El Salvador; Eritrea; Ethiopia; France; Germany; Greece; Ghana; Guyana; Hungary; Iceland; India; Indonesia; Inner Mongolia; Mozambique; Iran; Iraq; Ireland; Japan; Jordan; Kazakhstan; Kenya; Korea; Malaysia; Mexico; Mauritius; New Zealand; Pakistan; Russia; Scotland; Singapore; Spain; South Africa; Sweden; Taiwan; Tanzania; Thailand; Ukraine; United Kingdom; United States; Zimbabwe Tribal (Indigenous) Colleges Australia; Canada; New Zealand; Taiwan; United States Two-Year Vocational University Dazhuan; Gaodeng Zhiye Jishe Xueyuan; Gaozhi – People’s Republic of China Tanki-Daigaku – Japan Jeonmun Taehack or Chonmun Taehack – Korea Universidad de las Americas Dominican Republic University Institute of Technology Eritrea; France; Czech Republic Instituts Universersitaires Technologiques (IUTs) Upper Secondary School Sweden Vishe Skhole Bulgaria; Hungary; Kazakhstan; Russia; Slovak Republic; Slovenia; Ukraine Volkshochschule Germany Worker’s College People’s Republic of China different names (most notably, 2-year college, junior college, technical college, polytechnics, college of further education, and community college), the distinct lines between these terms are increasingly becoming blurred. In fact, this book will use all of these various terms interchangeably and will refer to them as community college models. This chapter identifies those historic and contemporary characteristics of community college models that make them distinct from other postsecondary institutions. A foundation emerges to explain the continued attractiveness of this model upon which the various chapters in this book elaborate.

Historical Development of the Community College Model

The foundation for contemporary community college models is found in four distinct institutions. In the nineteenth century, the Scandinavian Folk High School offered nonformal adult education for local community interests while the German Volkhochschulen defined formalized postsecondary, preuniversity institutions throughout Europe, Canada, and the United States. The European Polytechnic 6 R.L. Raby and Institute of Technology offered alternatives to university academics, while the United States Junior College targeted nontraditional students on an academic course of study. Some junior colleges became multifunction institutions with a range of missions, including the ability to transfer credits and finish education at a 4-year institution. Combined, these diverse institutions laid the foundation for what has become the community college model. Community college models multiplied from 1950 to 1975. In 1971, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) convened the first conference to define these institutions. While delegates attended from Britain, France, Norway, the United States, and Yugoslavia, the final description closely resembled the US model. Even though, the US model arose out of a particular set of sociohistorical conditions unique to the United States (Postiglione, 2001), selected aspects remain adaptable. In the 1970s, designs that focused on US characteristics were developed in Taiwan, Thailand, and Suriname. In the 1980s, variations arose in 12 countries on four continents.3 By the mid-1990s, models were introduced in over 90 nations.4 It must be noted that several community college models are based on the French Technical model, such as are found in Iran and Mexico. Since 2002, the World Bank and other nongovernmental organization (NGO) policies further intensified the adoption of community college model characteristics worldwide (World Bank, 2003). A lack of a concise identity illustrates the complexity of these institutions, as illustrated by the failure of the International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED, 1997) to secure a category in which the community college model would be placed. Community college characteristics straddle both Level 4: Postsecondary Non-tertiary Education as they (a) exist between upper-secondary and postsecondary education, (b) provide pre-degree foundation courses for Level 5, (c) provide short-vocational programs that have direct labor-market entry, (d) allow typically older and nontraditional students, (e) support a curriculum that is 6 months to 2 years, and (f) include adult education; and Level 5: First State of Tertiary Education as they (a) provide preparation for high-skills jobs and those with practical/technical and occupational skills, (b) support a curriculum that is a minimum of 2 years, and (c) have faculty who have obtained advanced research credentials. This multidirectional focus merely adds to the mystique, lack of voice, and minimal prestige of these institutions. The immense popularity of community college models is that they satisfy a basic education that serves a societal void, and in so doing, accommodates educational needs of the communities they serve (Levin, 2001). Student enrollment underscores the crucial role that these institutions play worldwide. Canadian community colleges serve 900,000 full-time and 1.5 million part-time students in over 900 campuses, about 40% of total higher education enrollment (ACCC, 2008).5 A total of 11.6 million students attend 1,200 US colleges representing 42% of all higher educational institutions.6 Percentages of student enrollment in community college models are significant in Israel (58%), Korea and France (20% each), and Japan (26%). Even in countries where these institutions are new, student enrollment is substantial. India has an enrollment of 54,519, Thailand enrolls 13,000 students in degree programs and an additional 30,000 in short-term community service programs, and Jordan enrolls 20,000 students nationwide (Wilkie, 2007). Table 1.2 depicts the number of institutions worldwide. 1 Defining the Community College Model 7

Table 1.2 Quantity of community college models: 2008 Country # Country # Country # Country # Community college or junior college Korea 1 Qatar 1 Yemen 2 Malaysia 3 Dominican 4 China 9 Belize 10 Thailand 39,737 Republic Vietnam 10 Uzbekistan 13 Bulgaria 40 Jordan 45 Southern 61 India 209 Taiwan 10,714 Japan 561 (public) India (entire) Tribal 3,000 (private) Israel 62 Canada 560 United 1,255 States

Canadian colleges: British Columbia (18); Yukon Region (1); Alberta (16); Northwest Territories (1); Manitoba (6); Nunayut Region (1); Saskatchewan (10); Ontario (28); Quebec (49); New Brunswick (2); Newfoundland and Labrador (3); Nova Scotia (6)

College of further education Australia Britain 682 Scotland 38 Germany 20 – F 900 – V

Training institutes or special training schools (postsecondary) or Vishe Skhole Kazakhstan 21 Iraq 42 Chile 44 Mexico 67 Japan 152

Institutes of technology, regional technical colleges, polytechnics, regional colleges, or university colleges Singapore 3 Ireland 15 Kenya 15 Mozambique 27 Ghana 10 Ukraine 15 New 20 Norway 25 Japan 62 Australia 120 Zealand Korea 152 South 152 Mexico 254 Argentina 1,500 Africa

Fachochschuelen, Volkhochschulen, Folkhighschool Germany 20 – F; 900 V

Country and international networks mark the sustainability of community college models. Canada, Thailand, and Vietnam have their own national associations. A decade after the 1971 OECD conference, the 1983 Postsecondary International Network met to detail OECD standards with representatives from community college models in Canada, Great Britain, and the United States. In 1998, the International Association of Colleges initiated collaborative partnerships with six countries on academic and administrative projects, including joint curricula and academic support programs. In 1999, 36 European countries established The First European Community College network to develop European community colleges based on the Grundtvigian Folk School model for European citizenship education 8 R.L. Raby and EU workforce preparation.7 Recent European Bologna Reforms streamlined transfer criteria between similar institutional types (Raffe, 2004). Finally, the World Federation of Colleges and Polytechnics in 1999 facilitated directed collaborations through the World Congress, which has subsequently met in Quebec City (1999), Melbourne (2003), Dubai (2005), and the United States (2008).8 Community college models are most successful in countries where (a) market forces create a need for postsecondary institutions whose skilled technicians are in demand to support technological, vocational, and industrial development; (b) adult and continuing education is legitimized as postsecondary education; and (c) postsecondary education is equated with social and economic mobility.

Community College Model Characteristics

Modifications of community college models at the local level preserve a uniqueness of form that is expressed through diversity of institutional type, mission, and curriculum. Yet, seven characteristics cross national boundaries and examples for each of these characteristics are found in Table 1.3.

Postsecondary and Post-compulsory

All community college models are post-compulsory, that is, they provide a course for study after the required level of education. Most models are also postsecondary, although some originated as an upward extension of secondary school. In countries where compulsory education ends early, community college models provide courses of 4–5 years in duration, and serve upper secondary grades 13–14 and paraprofessional functions for apprentice training or intermediate technical education (Cohen, 1995). Examples include stand-alone institutions in Singapore and colleges that are part of a secondary system, such as Indonesian polytechnics, German upper-level specialized colleges, or early nineteenth century US 13th grade option, junior colleges. These programs typically have a semi-professional focus with no degrees or with defined terminal degrees or certificates. In countries where secondary completion in a 10+ year system is the norm, community college models accentuate pre-baccalaureate short-cycle certificates that offer foundational or mid-level labor skills in academic, vocational, professional, or technological studies. Cohen and Bawer (2003, p. 26) claim that “no other countries but the United States (and to some extent Canada) have formed comprehensive community colleges” based on the premise that “compulsory schooling continues for a greater number of years for America’s young people than it does in any other nation, a phenomenon seeding the desire for more schooling.” However, as secondary education becomes increasingly common, this no longer remains a unique characteristic. 1 Defining the Community College Model 9

Table 1.3 Specific characteristics of community college models Binary construct Argentina; Barbados; Britain; Colombia; Denmark; Dominican Republic; Egypt; El Salvador; France; Hungary; Indonesia; Israel; Mexico; New Zealand; Norway; Russia; Singapore; Slovak Republic; Slovenia; Surinam Republic; Sweden; Taiwan; Tatarstan; Thailand; Ukraine; United States; Vietnam; Yemen; Zimbabwe Binary construct with Some countries that include university transfer are Barbados; university transfer Belize; Canada; Dominican Republic; Malaysia; Pakistan; components Qatar; Sweden and Thailand Unitary construct Hogeschool (Belgium), Regional Technical Colleges (RTCs, Ireland), Ammattikorkeakoulu (Finland), Hogere Technische School (HTS) (Netherlands), Yrkeshogskola (Sweden), University Colleges (Israel and Norway) and Fachhochschule (Austria, Germany, Liechtenstein and Switzerland) IT/Polytechnics (Europe) Offer baccalaureate 25 public and 50 independent US examples exist in Florida, Idaho, degrees Nevada and Utah, and Canadian examples exist in Alberta, British Columbia, and Ontario Community college Waikato Institute of Technology, New Zealand, Kwantlen baccalaureate University College, British Columbia and Excelsior Community association College, Jamaica founding members Singular curricula: short Argentina; Australia; Austria; Barbados; Belarus; Britain; Canada; cycle vocational/ China; Czech Republic; Egypt; Ghana; Hungary; Iceland; technical/occupational Ireland; Israel; Jordan; Japan; Kazakhstan; Korea; Mexico; programs New Zealand; Russia; Singapore; Slovak Republic; South Africa; Taiwan; Tatarstan; Thailand; Ukraine; United States Singular curricula: Argentina; Bahamas; Barbados; Belize; Burma; Canada; Chile; specialized technical/ China; Colombia; Czech Republic; Denmark; Dominican vocational programs Republic; Ecuador; Egypt; El Salvador; France; Germany; Ghana; Greece; Guyana; Hungary; Iceland; India; Indonesia; Inner Mongolia; Iran; Iraq; Ireland; Israel; Jordan; Japan; Kazakhstan; Kenya; Korea; Libya; Malaysia; Mexico; Mauritius; Mozambique, Norway; Pakistan; Qatar; Russia; Scotland; Singapore; Slovak Republic; Slovenia; South Africa; Spain; Sri Lanka; Surinam Republic; Sweden; Taiwan; Tatarstan; Thailand; Ukraine; United States; Vietnam; Zimbabwe

Binary Higher Educational System

Community college models are prolific in countries that support a binary system, where there is a noted distinction between the traditional university and the community college model, with both typically publicly supported. Two patterns exist in the binary construct. The first is where there is no ability for students to transfer between institutions. Examples include Russian institutes of technology, upper- level specialized colleges in France, and university colleges in Senegal. The second pattern includes a bi- or tripartite structure with a feature that allows students, upon culmination, an opportunity to transfer to a university to complete their baccalaureate. 10 R.L. Raby

Examples include the US community colleges, Indian technical colleges, Uzbekistan academic lyceums, and the Singapore preuniversity center, all of whose missions include a transfer curriculum. In countries with a unitary system, some community college models are converging with universities to become a university college which offers a combination of associate, baccalaureate, and master’s degrees. Such transformations have occurred since 1971 and many current universities began life as locally based vocational, or further education college (McNair, 1997). Consolidations are intensifying in recent years as seen in Australia, Canada, Israel, South Africa, and Vietnam,9 and are a response to economic demands for upgrading technical–occupational skills, a credentialization process which supports baccalaureate education, and most notably, the instability of the community college model and its place within a higher educational construct. It is interesting to note that where a binary construct ceases to exist, new institutional types are imagined that are valued by business and industry. The expansion of the further education in the UK and the Technical and Further Education (TAFE) in Australia is replacing functions previously performed by the former polytechnics (Wilson, 2002).

Target Nontraditional Students

Community college models offer an alternative path and sometimes a second chance for students who are not university-bound. Student demographics include women, working and lower class, seniors, and those who have been excluded due to race or ethnicity. Scottish further education colleges serve “not typical higher education students” (Lowe and Vernon, 2007) who are older, have nontraditional entry qualifications, study part-time, work full-time, have family commitments, and come from less-advantaged backgrounds. This is a basic community college model’s student profile where students must balance study, work, and personal/ family lives (Levin, 2001; Postiglione, 2001). Nontraditionality can retain societal divisions, such as in Japan, where 88% of students are women, and whose curriculum reinforces gender stereotypes by focusing on a skill-set that is culturally defined (Japan MEXT, 2005). Nonetheless, more often, nontraditionality provides an option that results in feasible participation opportunities.

Distinguishable Length of Curriculum

Community college models offer a length of study that includes short-term programs of a few weeks or months and multiyear degree programs. Examples include Singapore Polytechnic’s 2-year certificates in beauty therapy, nursing, electronics; Jordan’s multiyear practical fields program in computer studies, education, hotel management, interior design, nursing, pharmacology, and social work; and India’s terminal 3-year technical and engineering programs. 1 Defining the Community College Model 11

Over the past decade, the countries offering baccalaureate degrees under a 4-year academic program have supported the Community College Baccalaureate Association whose membership includes over a dozen countries. It is also not unusual for community college models to confirm baccalaureates on site through concurrent use of campus, but within the authority of a local or international university. Levin (2001) claims that since these changes remain consistent with local community needs, they do not alter the identity of the institution. Moreover, since these models maintain so many other community college characteristics, “a community college continues to be a community college even if a four-year program is offered and a BA degree is bestowed upon the institution’s students” (p. 5).

Lowered Status and Budgets Conferred by Government, University Scholars, and the Populace

Community college models are seen as “less than” institutions as they provide options for those who cannot attend traditional colleges because they lack the requisite grades or funds (Wells, 2003). The lowered status is reinforced by unique course offerings in vocational, remedial, and adult education. Most models are consistently overlooked by policymakers despite their significant share of higher education enrollment (Lowe and Vernon, 2007; O’Banion, 1997). Lauglo (2003) writes that in Kenya and Botswana, when “vocational course options run parallel to academic ones, social inequality can be reinforced by children of the elite going for the academic options while those from disadvantaged background gravitate towards vocational subjects” (p. 7). Consistently, these institutions are “chosen only by those who rallied to get into the country”[s] elite universities. Their poor reputation is perpetuated by snobbery within higher education, which relegates these institutions to the bottom of the budget barrel” (McMurtrie, 2001, p. 46). The purposeful dependency on the dictates of local university and/or business reinforces the lack of self-determination of these institutions. The University of Hong Kong prescribes syllabi and assessment methods used by Hku Space Community College, Al-Balqa Applied University (Jordan) supervises all area colleges, and the University of the West Indies has explicit connections with community college models throughout the Caribbean. Levin (2001, pp. 4–5) claims that as long as community colleges are seen as a pipeline to the university, instead of a separate field, the lowered status will continue. Chronic underfunding perpetuates a lowered status. Funding typically comes from local governments in rural or low-income sectors with an impoverished budget. When funding is national, budgets remain low as these institutions are perceived to be less expensive to maintain than a traditional university. Resulting tuition is lower than the university, yet may still be out of reach for the poorest students, such as with the Egyptian Mahad’s. The low status generates university conversions. In Canada, several community colleges separated themselves from non-BA-granting community colleges to forge a new identity with a higher status 12 R.L. Raby and corresponding budget (Wilson, 2002; McMurtrie, 2001). Finally, the immense popularity of community college models results in increased enrollments, but often at a faster rate than support services. This, in turn, multiplies overall costs setting a pattern in which “wherever short-cycle colleges are found, financing is the primary dilemma” (Ishumi, 1998, p. 163).

Curricular Emphasis

The community college model curriculum is designed to change quickly in order to serve the economic and social needs of the communities they serve. There are four specific curricular applications: 1. Nondegree short-cycle career (technology, vocational, occupational) or personal advancement training to emphasize quick school-to-work training/retraining in new career options. 2. Terminal certificates and associate-level diplomas for vocational, technical, occupational education offered in the various community college models. 3. Academic and lower-division courses designed for university transfer that includes preparatory studies for national examinations. Most of the lower-division curriculum has local university accreditation and is designed as an alternative to direct university admission. 4. Adult, developmental (remedial), lifelong, and community education that includes noncredit citizenship education, seniors or youth activities, parent education, literacy-empowerment programs, extracurricular activities, and lifelong learning. The flexibility characteristic of the curriculum is a hallmark feature as no other segment of higher education is more responsive to its community. The explicit connection to the local is echoed in mission statements from all the community college models represented in this book. Some colleges specifically realign curriculum to reflect local needs, such as courses that support Maori cultural revitalization, Philippine rural technology, and Thai traditional massage for tourism. Other colleges connect to the local by linking indigenous language instruction with skills-training to connect employment and cultural sustainability. This is seen in Chiapas technical colleges, Thai colleges that teach Khmer for commerce, and Indian Madras and Stella Maris colleges that teach a Tamil business curriculum. Singular curricula emphasis is most common in programs that are designed to secure social mobility and contribute to economic well-being through technical, vocational, or occupational training (Ratcliff and Gibson-Berninger, 1998; AACC, 2008). In former British colonies, community college models took the form of vocational schools that taught subjects to serve the colonial system, such as carpentry or home economics. Current models mostly support a curriculum that serves the market demand for local business/industry skills acquisition in models throughout the world. French IUTs and technical institutes in Spain and Venezuela offer technical 1 Defining the Community College Model 13 studies below the BA level. Junior colleges and university colleges often have a singular curricular focus that is college-preparatory and solely exists as a second- chance opportunity for students who cannot get places for traditional university admissions.

Combined Curriculum Emphasis

Some US community college models offer a multifunctional, multipurpose mixture for adult learners, training, and lower division academic instruction (Bailey and Averianova, 1998).10 Japan School Education Law (1975) charged technical colleges to produce graduates with vocational competence and life skills (Jikei, 2004). Hku Space Community College (Hong Kong) mission provides students with all- round capability as well as the specialized knowledge and skills that they need for future study and career development. Riversdale Community College (Ireland) mission gives equal importance to technology training and instilling responsibility, confidence, social skills, and a set of values which will enrich students personally and also enrich those with whom they associate. The Bologna reforms forced colleges with a singular emphasis to now include combined interests such as the Spanish Formacion Profesional, which now offers both craft-skills and preparatory academic programs. The blurring of domains is also seen in the Caribbean Advance Proficiency Exam (CAPE) Associate Degree that spans countries and institutions and current Indian IT influences in Vietnam and Dubai. The combined curricular emphasis has increased relevance in our current global economy, which needs students to be educated for life, rather than for a single job. Indeed, as societies adapt to economic globalization, the skilled trades training that was once provided by secondary and technical colleges is no longer adequate, which intersects students’ career paths with academic courses, and which further supports the multifunctional aspect of the college.

Open Access Philosophy to Support Societal Change

It is this single characteristic that most widely defines contemporary higher educational reform. The US model popularized the open access characteristic in the 1930s when the American dream was linked to higher education access and in 1947 when the Truman Commission Report defined institutional access through a network of public colleges which would charge little or no tuition, serve as cultural centers, be comprehensive in their program offerings, and serve the area in which they were located as centers of educational opportunity. The mantra that “community college represents the only hope millions of Americans have to achieving that Dream” (Vaughan, 1989, p. 7) has become the foundation for current popular culture worldwide. 14 R.L. Raby

As various chapters in this book illustrate, investment in community college models is directly based on a conviction that they provide chances for the disenfranchised and for those affected by mass internal and trans-global migration patterns. Such access is believed to support socioeconomic opportunities. Ayr College (Scotland) admits students regardless of age, ability, or interest. Madras Community Colleges (India) advocate a flexible fee structure and willingness to take all kinds of students, with no age limits or educational prerequisites. Likewise, educational access to education in Zimbabwe and Bosnia is seen to promote social mobility, intellectual enlightenment, and social engineering. Finally, Luwan Community College (Shanghai, China) emphasizes access as it defines the college as a place where older adults can take computer courses, the unemployed can be retrained, and entry-level social workers – including the current crop of graduates – can continue on at the university and earn a diploma. While the reality of using the community college to achieve the Dream can be questioned, the fact is that these models do have lower socioeconomic, women, and minority ethnic students attending in large numbers. It is alleged that since this pattern does exist, replication is viable and can contribute toward an overall improvement in social conditions.11 Actualization of socioeconomic reform, however, depends upon the type of education offered (technical/vocational, personal development, professional, or academic), the type of student targeted, the relationship of the type of education to the college’s mission, and what students actually do with this education (i.e., transfer to a university, work, or drop out). In Cypress, Mexico, and Zimbabwe access is seen as a consolation prize, which then perpetuates social and economic inequality. Access is also questioned as far fewer students successfully transfer to universities, a key emphasis of the community college model. In the United States, less than 25% finish their bachelor’s degree (Cohen, 1995), while in Japan, the annual transfer rate is only 9–11% (Japan MEXT, 2005). Finally, those community colleges that include entrance exams for admission, such as seen in Iran and some areas of China, are further delimiting access. Therefore, while community college models do provide a viable access to higher education, the prospects that equitable access leads to opportunities and that these opportunities provide a foundation for economic/ political reform are dubious at best. To preserve a balanced engagement within the community college model those involved must be willing to take the steps necessary to preserve the active and positive engagement within the institutional community.

Conclusion

Ramifications of the community college model influence both workforce preparation and the ideal of social mobility. In so doing, it has become the impetus for transforming higher education. Globalization has created a process in which the global economy now demands postsecondary basic skills for all workers. In turn, credentialization has forced community college models to offer a more credential-oriented curriculum because a secondary diploma is not enough to 1 Defining the Community College Model 15 secure future employment. Hence, the absence of a community college model ensures underpreparation, which translates into high levels of unemployment and underemployment (De Siqueira, 2004; Lauglo, 2003). However, even when these institutions are present, the less able they are to be flexible, the more the they risk becoming irrelevant (Dellow, 2007), which contributes to the “vocational school fallacy” (Selvarathuam, 1998; Lauglo, 2003, p. 185) in which the connection between education and employment is not always one that is viable. This discon- nect is escalated when colleges are cost-ineffective, have weak national planning, and have too narrowly focused or irrelevant curricula, and when there is a lack of appropriate jobs available to graduates. An example comes from Taiyuan University, whose associate degree graduates were unemployable due to the lack of connections with local industry. Implementation of a community college model does not always evoke social reform. Similarly, a conceptual fallacy that relates to international development exists in that exported community college ideals may not lead to career/academic opportunities and such training often does not necessarily provide the foundation for economic/political reform (Raby, 2000). The various chapters in this book illustrate the current diversity of community college models in 30 countries. Community college models lead widespread higher educational reform as they tend to educate nontraditional postsecondary students, and demonstrate in a practical way the means by which new generations can receive skills and training that will ensure employment, prosperity, and facilitation of social mobility. As such, these institutions tend to serve as a symbol of equity because they provide access to higher education for the masses in places where access has previously been denied. As such, in an era of expanded educational reform for higher education, the role of the community college model is pivotal for a society whose varied workforce is ever-demanding and changing.

Notes

1. For a discussion on this link see: CCID (2008); Elsner (2008); Romano (2002); Strydom and Lategan (1998); Kintzer (1998, 1979); Koltai (1993). 2. See Raby for a discussion of the various terms that include: “college of further education,” “community college,” “folkhighschool,” “junior college,” “open universities,” “regional college,” “short-cycle program,” “technical institute,” “tecknicum,” “vishe skhole,” or “village polytechnics.” In addition, there is a description of terms that depict these institutions such as “short-term short-cycle,” “nonuniversities,” and “community college” (Raby, 1996; Kintzer, 1994, pp. 235–246). 3. Examples include: Australia, British Virgin Islands; Canada, Chile, Egypt, Great Britain, Indonesia, Ireland, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, and Taiwan. 4. Examples include Argentina, Armenia, Barbados, Burma, China, Colombia, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Guyana, Hungary, India, Israel, Moldovia, Malaysia, Russia, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania, Taiwan, Tatarastan, and Thailand. 5. Canada supports community colleges nationwide: British Columbia (18); Yukon Region (1); Alberta (16); Northwest Territories (1); Manitoba (6); Nunayut Region (1); Saskatchewan (10); Ontario (28); Quebec (49); New Brunswick (2); Newfoundland and Labrador (3); Nova Scotia (6). 16 R.L. Raby

6. 2007 data (www.aacc.nche.edu/) reveals that nationwide over 11 million students were enrolled in community colleges, which represented 44% of all higher education students, and 51% of all continuing education students. In addition, annually, 51% of all domestic students and 25% of all international students transferred from community colleges to 4-year universities. The states with the largest number of community colleges are California (108), Texas (67) and North Carolina (59). Among the national community colleges, 180 are independent and 31 are tribal. Thirty-nine percent of students are first generation to attend college and over 100,000 international students attend representing 39% of all postsecondary undergraduates. 7. The first college under this network was established in Denmark in 2002. See Chapter 16 by Bagley and Rust for further discussion. 8. 2008 Membership includes: Africa: Commonwealth Association of Polytechnics in Africa; Australia: TAFE Directors; Canada: Association of Canadian Community Colleges; European Union: European Forum for Technical Vocational Education and Training – EFVET; New Zealand: Aoraki Polytechnic (New Zealand); Bay of Plenty Polytechnic (New Zealand); Christchurch Polytechnic Institute of Technology (NZ); Eastern Institute of Technology (NZ); Institutes of Technology and Polytechnics of New Zealand; Manukau Institute of Technology (NZ); Nelson Marlborough Institute of Technology (NZ); Northland Polytechnic (NZ); Otago Polytechnic (NZ); Pacific Association of TVET Providers; Southern Institute of Technology (NZ); Tai Poutini Polytechnic (NZ); Tairawhiti Polytechnic (NZ); Telford Rural Polytechnic (NZ); The Open Polytechnic of New Zealand; Universal College of Learning (NZ); Waiariki Institute of Technology (NZ); Wellington Institute of Technology (NZ); Western Institute of Technology at Taranaki (NZ); Whitireia Community Polytechnic (NZ); United Arab Emirates: Higher Colleges of Technology; United Kingdom: Association of Colleges (UK); and United States: American Association of Community Colleges; Kentucky Community and Technical College System; Maui Community College, University of Hawaii System. 9. In 1972, nationalization of Nigerian universities converted the Nigerian Colleges of Arts, Science and Technology to State Universities. In 1975, the Helwan Higher Institute of Technology (Egypt) became Helwan University. In 1989, the Australian Unified National System of Higher Education Act converted Technical Institutes and Colleges of Advanced Education (CAE) and Teachers Colleges into new universities. In 1991, the United Kingdom White Paper and the 1992 Further and Higher Education Act abolished the distinction between polytechnics and universities resulting in 90 polytechnics becoming universities. Similar changes transpired in Ireland and New Zealand (Rosenfeld, 1999). In 2000, Portuguese Escolas Politecnicas became de facto technical universities. Finally, in Canada, BA-granting community colleges now define themselves as distinct from traditional Canadian community colleges. 10. Canadian community colleges have a tri-emphasis of academic applied fields for public service sectors, technological and vocational training, and remedial/adult continuing education (ACCC, 2008). The Association of Canadian Community Colleges Key Priorities for 2006/07 included: (a) advocacy of workforce development, research and innovation and international programs; immigrant integration; and student mobility at college/institute level. United States community colleges multi-mission provides a multi-level emphasis that includes (a) transfer curriculum, where 22% of students more than 25 years of age who are returning for training already have earned at least a baccalaureate degree; (b) critical training and retraining for direct applications in the local and global work place that combines liberal arts, science, vocational training, and technology to serve economic growth and global competitiveness; (c) industry workforce development training and customized training programs to keep businesses current with up-to-date technology and connected to the global economy. A total of 1,500 occupational programs exist and nearly 200,000 1- and 2-year certificate programs are awarded annually. The United States Department of Education has reported recently that 93% of students who have graduated from a community college in 5 years or less with an 1 Defining the Community College Model 17

associate’s degree obtain a job in less than 1 month. (d) Developmental education (remedial, compensatory, and basic skills preparatory). In 2005, 975,000 students were enrolled in remedial education programs at community colleges; (e) English as a second language; (f) adult noncredit instruction (continuing education), which includes citizenship education and seniors/youth extracurricular activities. Approximately 5 million of them are enrolled in these continuing education courses, which indicates their importance to the community as well; (g) lifelong learning (Cohen and Bawer, 2003). 11. These sentiments are reiterated in several sources, including: CCID (2008); McMurtrie (2004); Cohen and Brawer (2003); Romano (2002); Strydom and Lategan (1998); Mellander and Mellander (1994); Kintzer (1994, 1979); Stydom, Koltai (1993).

References

American Association for Community Colleges (AACC). Accessed March 1, 2008. http://www. aacc.nche.edu/ Association of Canadian Community Colleges (ACCC). Accessed March 1, 2008. “Key Priorities 2006–2007.” www.accc.ca/english/about/strat_focus06–07.htm) Association for Community Colleges (ACC). First European Community College. Accessed March 1, 2008. http://www.acc.eu.org/uploads/First_European_Community_College_(FECC).pdf Ayr Community College. Accessed March 1, 2008. http://www.ayrcoll.ac.uk/ Bailey, T. R. and Averianova, I. E. (1998). Multiple Missions of Community Colleges: Conflictory or Complementary. Community College Research Center Occasional Paper. New York: Teachers College, Columbia University. ERIC Documents Reproduction No. ED428800. Caribbean Advance Proficiency Exam (CAPE). Accessed March 1, 2008. http://www.cxc.org/ Exams/Exams_CAPE.htm Cerych, L. (1993). The Return to Europe: Issues in Post-Community Higher Education. In A. Levine, A. (Ed.) Higher Learning in America: 1980–2000 (pp. 1–30). Baltimore, MD: The John Hopkins University Press. Cohen, A. M. and Brawer, F. B. (2003). The American Community College, 4th edition. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Community College Baccalaureate Association. Accessed March 1, 2008. www.accbd.org Community Colleges for International Development. Accessed March 1, 2008. “Exemplary Programs.” http://ccid.kirkwood.cc.ia.us/exemp.htm1 “A History of CCID: 1976–1992. http:// ccid.kirkwood.cc.ia.us/aboutccid/history/index.htm Dellow, D. A. (2007). “The Role of Globalization in Technical and Occupation Programs”. In Valeau, E. J. and Raby, R. L. (Eds.) International Reform Efforts and Challenges in Community Colleges. New Directors for Community Colleges (138, Summer). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. De Siqueira, A. (2004). The Regulation of Education Through the WTO/GATS: Path to the Enhancement of Human Freedom? Paper presented at the CIES National Conference, Salt Lake City, 2004. Elsner, P. (2008). CCID 2008 Conference. Long Beach, CA: Plenary Session Address. HKU School of Professional and Continuing Education (SPACE) Community College Accessed March 1, 2008. http://hkuspace.hku.hk/index.php International Association of Colleges (IAC). Accessed March 1, 2008. http://www.iaoc.org/ International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED). (1997). Accessed March 1, 2008. http://www.unesco.org/education/information/nfsunesco/doc/isced_1997.htm Ishumi, A. G. M. (1998). Vocational Training as an Educational and Development Strategy: Conceptual and Practical Issues. International Journal of Educational Development 83: 163–174. 18 R.L. Raby

Japan MEXT (Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology). (2005). Higher Education. Accessed April 16, 2005. http://www.mext.go.jp/english/org/f_formal_22.htm Jikei Group Home Page. (2004). “Japanese Technical Colleges: How They Serve the Educational World.” Jikei Group, Osaka, Japan. Accessed March 1, 2004. http://www.jikeigroup.net/ english/aboutTec/index.html Kintzer, F. (1979). World Adaptations to the Community College Concept. In Advancing International Education. New Directions for Community Colleges, Nu. 26. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass, pp. 65–79. Kintzer, F. (1994, August). Higher Education Approaches the Twenty-First Century: New Perspectives on Nonuniversities. Presentation to the Nova Southeastern University, Davie, FL. Kintzer, F. (1998, June). Community Colleges Go International: Short-Cycle Education Around the World. Leadership Abstracts World Wide Web Edition 11(6): 1–4. Koltai, L. (1993, November 5–6). Are There Challenges and Opportunities for American Community Colleges on the International Scene? Keynote Address at the Comparative and International Education Society Western Region Conference, Los Angeles, CA. Lauglo, J. (2003). Vocationalized Secondary Education Revisited. Paper Presented at CIES National Conference 2004 at Salt Lake City from Education, Training Contexts. Bern/ Frankfurt: Peter Lang Publishers. Levin, J. S. (2001). Globalizing the Community College: Strategies for Change in the Twenty-First Century. New York: Palgrave (ED 450 856). Lowe, J. and Vernon, G. (August 2007). Exploring the Work/Life/Study Balance: The Experience of Higher Education Students in a Scottish Further Education College. Journal of Further and Higher Education 31(3): 225–239. McMurtrie, B. (2001, May 25). Community Colleges Become a Force in Developing Nations Worldwide. Chronicle of Higher Education, A 44–45. McNair, S. (1997). “The HE/FE Divide – A Reflection from the Chair.” NIACE www.niace.org.uk Madras Community Colleges. Accessed March 1, 2008. Education in India: June 2004. http:// prayatna.typepad.com/education/2004/06/community_colle.html Mellander, G. A. and Mellander, N. (Eds.). (1994, August). Towards an Hungarian Community College System. ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 375870. O’Banion, T. (1997). A Learning College for the Twenty-First Century. American Association of Community Colleges Series. Phoenix, AZ: Oryx Press. OECD. (1971). Short Cycle Education: Search for Identity. France: OECD Publications. Postiglione, G. (Spring 2001). Community College Development in China. International Higher Education 23, no. Spring http://www.bc.edu/bc_org/avp/soe/cihe/newsletter/News23/text009.htm Postsecondary International Network. Accessed March 1, 2008. http://www.pinnet.org/ Raby, R. (1996). Introduction to Part II. In Raby, R. and Tarrow, N. (Eds.) Dimensions of the Com- munity College: International, Intercultural, and Multicultural Perspectives. New York: Garland. Raby, R. (2000). Globalization of the Community College Model: Paradox of the Local and the Global. In Stromquist, N. P. and Monkman, K. (Eds.) Globalization and Education: Integration and Contestation Across Cultures (pp. 149–173). New York: Rowman & Littlefield. Raby, R. and Tarrow, N. (1996). Dimensions of the Community College: International, Intercultural, and Multicultural Perspectives. New York: Garland. Raffe, D. (2004). Unifying Vocational and General Education: European Approaches. Draft, Washington DC: IDB. Ratcliff, J. and Gibson-Berninger, B. (1998). Community Colleges in a Global Context. In Strydom, A. H. and Lategan, L.O.K. (Eds.) Introducing Community Colleges to South Africa. Bloemfontein: University of the Free State Publications. Riversdale Community College. Accessed March 1, 2008. http://indigo.ie/∼rdalecc Romano, R. M. (Ed.). (2002). Internationalizing the Community College. Washington, DC: Community College Press. Rosenfeld, S. A. (1999). Linking Measures of Occupational Validity and Success in Community Colleges to Individual Goals and Customer Need. National Assessment of Vocational Education. ED443968. 1 Defining the Community College Model 19

Selvarathuam, V. (1998). Limits to Vocationally-Oriented Education in the Third World. International Journal of Educational Development 8(8): 1–35. Strydom, A. H. and Lategan, L. O. K. (Eds). (1998). Introducing Community Colleges to South Africa. Bloemfontein: University of the Free State Publications. Vaughan, G. B. (1989). Leadership in Transition. New York: Macmillan Wells, R. (2003). “Beyond Community the Role of Community Colleges in International Economic Development.” May 12, 2003 http://ccid.kirkwood.cc.ia.us/resources/Beyond%20 Community%20-%20R.Wells%20paper.pdf Wilkie, D. (2007). “Developing Opportunity in the Middle East.” International Educator XVI, no. 2 (March/April): 32–39. Wilson, D. N. (2002). “A Comparative Study of Academic and Mission Drift in Ontario Post- Secondary Education.” Article e-mailed to author in 2005. World Bank (2003). Constructing Knowledge Economies: New Challenges for Tertiary Education. Washington, DC: World Bank. World Federation of Colleges and Polytechnics. Accessed March 1, 2008. http://www.wfcp.org/ about-us-biz-plan.pdf Chapter 2 Globalization and Community College Model Development

Rosalind Latiner Raby

Globalization serves as the impetus for sociopolitical and economic change. As a dynamic force, globalization perpetuates a borderless world where practices and ideas are shared across space and time aided by technology, mobility, communication, socioeconomic relationships, and environmental interdependence. As an identified concept, globalization impacts institutional mission and curricula that internationalize the campus, and in so doing, supports intercampus and intercountry relationships as a “requisite seed for internal change that reflects how the institution responses to [globalization] pressures” (Levin, 2001, p. x). This chapter profiles how community college models are affected by, and perpetuate conditions that advance, globalization in terms of (a) a global–local dichotomy; (b) economic and humanitarian philosophical influences upon which models are based; and (c) positive and negative consequences that result from the globalization process.

The Global–Local Dichotomy of Globalization

Globalization embodies a global–local dichotomy that enacts a sameness through a “compression of the world” (Robertson, 1992, p. 8), while simultaneously preserv- ing a local identity (McLaren, 1999). Throughout this book, examples illustrate a condition whereby globalization affects two trajectories: one in which community college models share common qualities that illustrate a universality of experience, and the other in which applications are inexplicitly tied to local communities which endows their uniqueness.

Homogenization Influences

Homogenization promotes a sense of universal sameness in which boundaries are permeable and are heightened by economic linkages, population shifts, information flows, and interconnections of technology and popular culture. Resulting interdependency enhances a “global system of societies,” a process that is sustained

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 21 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 22 R.L. Raby by emulation (Robertson, 1992, p. 8; Clayton, 2004). Permeability defines the community college models movement since most are either self-generated or purposefully marketed abroad by those who view the economic and humanitarian construct as desirable and adaptable. Homogenizing influences are different for those who transmit the flow and for those who receive it. External flows support a borderless, transcultural, and post-national world where external pressures force the local to respond. This is seen in the increase of cross-national accreditations (Alleyne, 1978) in which colleges confer status to others. Internal flows connect students and staff via communication and even adoption of popular culture and mass-produced products. Combined, homogenization provokes social change through the creation of hybrid identities. A north–south modality mostly governs the direction of these flows, as “north” community colleges seek out others through student mobility, international curricula, and transfer of career skills pedagogy by international development projects. As a result, “north” ideas of community colleges are purposely transferred across borders.1 Not all the flows stem from the United States, although some claim that the US model is the most adaptable (Elsner, 2008). Canadian community colleges have 25 years of institutional partnerships in over 60 countries (ACCC, 2008). Models in Iran, Mexico, and Senegal were patterned on French technical institutes; King Mongkut’s Institute of Technology’s (Thailand) initial partnership was with German technical colleges; and the Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology (Australia) now offers associate degrees in institutions throughout Southeast Asia. In 1991, World Bank’s vocational training policy in Asia was largely based on Japanese community college models (Lauglo, 2004), and Japan International Cooperation Agency currently works with Mpumalanga Provincial Department of Education (South Africa) (World Congress, 2008). A south–south modality is redefining globalization as influence flows from one developing country to another. Examples include Kein Giang College (Vietnam), which receives course work and certification from NIIT Technologies, an Indian IT training institute; Malaysian colleges which collaborate with Chinese colleges; and Caribbean Community Regulations (CARICOM), which is redefining local certification from one Caribbean nation to another via the Caribbean CAPE Degree. Distance education via the Internet, curricular development, and staff training all sustain south–south flows (De Siqueira, 2004). Homogenization is at the core of cross-national community college collaboration. In 1975, 14 countries signed resolutions that regulate the field today (Eskow and Caffrey, 1974). In 1998, the International Association of Community and Further Education Colleges created a base to exchange ideas and resources, and in 1999, the World Federation of Colleges and Polytechnics refined this process with 30 members representing nine colleges. In 2008, both cosponsored the 4th World Congress to “provide opportunities for developing partnerships with colleges around the world.” As a result, community colleges circumvent the world, which has allowed them to become “learning centers for the whole community … [that] 2 Globalization and Community College Model Development 23 weave together people and projects that reach beyond traditional educational boundaries” (Gordon, 1999, p. 1).

Localizing Influences

Despite proclamations of a flat world (Friedman, 2005) globalization is building boundaries by reinforcing local identities. Eskow (1989) refers to the local emphasis as a “global paradox,” for when the polity and economy grow larger, the needs of the local become more manifest. This manifestation is intensified by a need for perpetuation of local stories and collective memories that define the individual (de Courtivron, 2008). This paradox is seen in the constant struggle of mission and curricula to prepare students for local employment, but whose context is defined by a global economy. The question of what is the meaning of community in a global space remains important. As a geographic term, the local accentuates the singularity of experience as college programs link to specified spaces within its borders. Globally, community accentuates a universality of experience that stems from economic globalization. As similar policies, programs, and structures transverse across countries, community college models share common qualities as the global and local become “mutually constitutioned parts of contradictory social wholes” (McLaren, 1999, p. 10). The localized application sustains the uniqueness of each community college as convergence of global connections is rooted locally. Despite decades of globalization, sameness has not replaced national identity or purpose (de Courtivron, 2008; Steiner-Khamsi, 2003). Indeed, community college models have a long history of asserting “globalization from below” which challenges hegemonic “globalization from above” (Kneller, 2005, p. 61). In 1975, Hawke’s Bay Community College (New Zealand) refocused its mission from lifelong education to serve local Maori community needs (Kintzer, 1979). In the 1980s, Japanese junior college reforms distanced themselves from the US model upon which they were based. In 1996, Madras and Stella Maris Colleges (India) developed small business curricula in Tamil for semiliterate and illiterate rural women. In 1998, the International Consortium for Economic and Educational Development initiated programs in Mexico to support local needs. Finally, many missions continue to emphasize the local, such as College of North Atlantic Qatar “helping to serve the needs of the general community,” Nong Bualumpu Community College (Thailand) “using local resources to provide opportunities for social mobility,” and Scottish Further Education “providing education and training for local communities to make colleges accessible to local students.” Globalization supports unique conditions that support educational reform through decentralization, competency-based curriculum, occupational certification, and student-centered pedagogy (Raby and Tarrow, 1996). The impact of globalization accentuates localized connections that accentuate singularity of experience. 24 R.L. Raby

Developmental Philosophical Influences

Two philosophies influence the creation of community college models. The first is based on economic principles of neoliberalism which sees the global market as redefining technical and career sectors so that colleges are a supplier of human capital. The second philosophy employs humanitarian principles that view education as a key link in overcoming inequalities that stem from differential access to higher education.

Economic Rationale

The economic rationale claims that training, credentialization, and international development secure new workplace skills that correspond to overall social prosperity. Training is at the core of market-oriented policies, and links relevant skills with lifelong learning to serve the economy and reduce unemployment2 (Schugurensky and Higgins, 1996; Lin-Liu, 2001; Levin, 2005; Carnoy and Luschei, 2008). Globalization is causing lower-level skills to be needed less, while competition for higher-level postsecondary education is increasing. Since few universities offer study in occupational and technical fields, community college models are filling this gap3 (Wolf, 2008). Mexican technological universities “offer education as a strategic means to develop human capital and contribute to increase competitiveness of a knowledge-based economy” (CGUT, 2008), and Mozambique’s (ISPs) Polytechnic Institution Mission “fulfills their role as a Strategy for Economic Development” (Massinga et al., 2008). Missions tend to support an economic rationale that link education with employment that is increasingly affiliated with transcultural and transnational mobility. Credentialization demands minimum competencies for the local workforce (Lim, 2008). A basic characteristic of the community college is that it easily and quickly can modify work-based and trade credentials to respond to the changing demands of the global economic marketplace (Elsner, 2008). In Hungary, community college models “provide improved access to low-cost, relevant, work-related training for large numbers of people” (CCIDa, 2008). In India, community college models “aim at empowerment of the disadvantaged through appropriate skills development leading to gainful employment” (ICRDCE, 2008). Using education to provide credentials for workforce development is at the core of Association Liaison Office for University Cooperation in Development–Community Colleges for International Development (CCID) projects in 12 countries.4 It must be noted that since many of these projects are relatively new, their impact has yet to be fully realized. International development and training projects transfer the community college characteristics worldwide (Smith, 2007). Although the United States is not the only exporter, most projects stem from there (CCID, 2008a; Elsner, 2008). Early examples include the 1982 Paramaribo conference for Caribbean cooperative job 2 Globalization and Community College Model Development 25 skills acquisition and the 1990s; and the United States Agency for International Development’s (USAID) and the American Association for Community Colleges’ (AACC) “Building International Workforce Development Partnerships Grants” to support projects in Brazil, Ethiopia, India, Mexico, South Africa, Sri Lanka and Tanzania.5 In 2006, 11 US community colleges formed the Global Corporate College to share best practices to service international clients and influence what and how community college models teach. On a systems level, the AACC’s memorandum with the Bundesinstitut für Berufsbildung (Federal Institute for Vocational Training) “have workers trained by common standards [so that] jobs can be transferred to different countries and companies can relocate factories. It is an occupational area that knows no borders” (McKenney, 2004, p. 1). In 2005, AACC developed an explicit campaign to help transfer the US model abroad. Hence, whether the vision is local or global, the remains a common belief in the support of the link between community college models and economic improvement.

Humanitarian Influences

Humanitarian philosophy depicts community colleges as imparting democratic ideals as it models sociopolitical reform through equity of opportunity. Social mobility is enhanced as institutions offer opportunities for participation to the widest margins of society, and in so doing, challenge traditional higher education elitism (Kintzer, 1998). Despite evidence that “the process of globalization is often accompanied by efforts at de-democratization” (McLaren, 1999, p. 11), this philosophy continues to dominate the development and sustaining of community college models. Community college models do, in many countries, allow a postsecondary option to those who previously have been denied access due to minority status or lowered income. While not consistent in all countries, low tuition, lack of entrance exams, and local location do provide access for nontraditional students, many of whom have “suffered social and political disorder” and who need to be “reintegrated back into society” (Smith, 2007). Indeed, many students do come from less-advantaged backgrounds (Lowe and Gayle, 2007). Increasingly, community college models do offer, what the humanitarian philosophy proposes, life-transforming educational opportunities. The humanitarian philosophy alleges that education delivers opportunities that lead to employment, which supports economic development and improves social conditions (Strydom and Lategan, 1998; Kintzer, 1998; Koltai, 1993, Jones, 2002). As an example, mission statements reinforce this philosophy: Norway Regional Colleges “fills undemocratic gaps between districts, generations and sexes” (Kintzer, 1979, p. 73); United Arab Emeritus Higher Colleges of Technology “builds leadership potential to make the fullest possible contribution to the development of the community for the good of all its people”; Riverdale Community College (Ireland) “gives each pupil opportunity to develop his/her aptitudes and talents fully”; Nova Scotia Community College (Canada) “builds economy and 26 R.L. Raby quality of life through education and innovation”; and Thai community colleges “provides locals with a chance for post-secondary education that they otherwise would be denied.” In turn, education enhances social change. Humanitarian assistance has been the cornerstone of many Canadian and US international development projects. Empowerment and literacy programs, health and technological assistance services circumvent the globe such as Middlesex Community College (Massachusetts) development project in Cambodia and Georgia for conflict-resolution training (Cowan and Falcetta, 1996), and CCID (2008b) Sustainable Systems Programs in Romania and First Global Community College Nong Khai – Udon Thani in Thailand. In this context, international development is not for a profit, but rather as a “contribution to humanitarian efforts” (Smith, 2007). World educators choose to emulate because of “social mobility that has characterized America, and they accept the idea that society can be better, just as individuals can better their lot within it” (Cohen and Brawer, 2003, p. 36). On the donor side, aid supports national interests to “apply our ideals, our sense of decency and our humanitarian impulse to the repair of the world, [as] investment in development is indeed investment in prevention” (Koltai, 1993, p. 2), such as is seen in current US State Department grants whose primary design is to use education to create social stability. This philosophy maintains that human capacity is built through education, which in turn strengthens democracy and the socioeconomic future of world citizens that sustains the global community college movement. The link between the two philosophies, economic and humanitarian, cannot be underestimated. Increased economics stimulates and reinforces sociopolitical reform. Several chapters in this book, such as the ones on Uzbekistan, Mexico, and Belize, illustrate college beliefs that providing knowledge required by market and development of the skills for future employment will lead to the socioeconomic well-being of the population. The Ghanaian mission “provides support to industry and commerce in areas of human resource” to communities in which they are located (Nsiah-Gyabaah and Obour, 2008), while the Thai network of colleges “creates open-access to higher education in order to support an equalitarian and democratic social structure and promotes economic development in the outlying provinces through the development of a skilled and entrepreneurial workforce” (East-West, 2008). Finally, Caribbean community college models enhance local, regional, and international flows through collaborations on research, curriculum development, and technological expansion. Whether community college models are succeeding at their humanitarian efforts is not as significant as the fact that these institutions are repositioning themselves in this global space.

Consequences of the Globalizing Process

Globalization has negative repercussions that include (a) neocolonial influences, (b) vocational fallacy, (c) socioeconomic inequity, and (d) lowered status, as well as a positive impact that increases (a) accessibility, (b) adaptability, and (c) social equity. 2 Globalization and Community College Model Development 27

Negative Consequences

Globalization has various imprints, one being that some education does not have the same market value or social prestige as others. The unidirectional flows from the “north” tend to perpetuate inequity which heightens “disadvantages to whom the community college model should serve” (Strydom and Lategan, 1998, p. 98).

Neocolonial Influences

Neocolonial influences prevail when the local does “not have the same market value, social prestige or general reception in the society as other degrees or diplomas” (Kintzer, 1979, p. 75; Humphrys, 1994; Cohen, 1995; Levin, 2005). Unlike traditional neocolonialism, community college models are not imposed upon other countries, but rather emerge as a result of exchange visits. A 1969 visit to US community colleges by Sri Lanka’s Minister of Education led to shared projects that now span decades. A 1980 visit from Taiwan’s Minister of Education resulted in a network of new colleges (Harper, 1978). A visit by President of Jilin Institute of Architecture and Civil Engineering (Changchun, China) to Humber College (Toronto) created a joint interior design program to help students improve English skills and learn western design techniques and software packages. Thai colleges seek “U.S. assistance so they can develop a strong community college system that will help them meet these needs” (East-West, 2001). Thousands of educators visit US and Canadian colleges and most result in bilateral agreements for supply services to develop mid-level management, paraprofessional, career curriculum, and English language programs. A quintessential manifestation of globalization is the international contract program that utilizes defined curriculum and even course numbers to develop branch colleges abroad. The Observatory on Borderless Higher Education claims that in 2006, 51% of the defined 82 branch campuses were affiliated with US universities, 12% in Australia, and 5% each in Britain and Ireland, and that one third of branch campuses offer degrees in single subjects that intersect with community college models business and technology programs (Jassshik, 2007). Many of these programs have international certification for full adoption of entire programs and courses (syllabus and textbooks), such as Houston Community College District contract with Saigon Institute of Technology, Ford Foundation US–China Education Foundation Community College Development Project, First Global Community College (Nong Khai-Udon Thani) in Thailand, Yong-In Technical College in Korea, and Japan MEXT college project. In the south–south modality, an increasing number of branch campuses from India and Pakistan are now operating in Dubai and North Africa (OBHE, 2008). However, due to political change, cultural confusion, and lack of funding, few sustained programs exist (Yamano and Hawkins, 1996). While literature emphasizes global connections that build interdependency, critics see globalization as reinforcing dependent relationships that support 28 R.L. Raby

“western imperialism, whether economic political, technological or broadly cultural” (Mosa, 1996, p. 1). Altbach (2003) questions who defines quality control and accreditation. For example, cultural hegemony, as shown in many chapters in this book, has the conflict of building global identities while trying to preserve and maintain the status quo. Governments adhering to poverty argument that devise low-cost alternatives will not work unless they accommodate children at work (night schools, flexibility in timings, seasonal variations, and parallel structures). Cultural definitions of community, academic standards, and faculty preparation make neocolonial patterns puzzling at best. Cultural intolerance arises from strained relationships between indigenous staff, counterparts abroad, and indigenous financial backers, all of whom have their own, oftentimes conflicting agendas. It is still too early to discern whether or not community college models will promote social reconstruction or social fragmenta- tion. The questions of who controls what is defined as knowledge, what gets taught and acted upon in a global culture, and if a global culture becomes one of repression or liberation, therefore, is of extreme importance.

Vocational Fallacy

Vocational fallacy insinuates that institutions with a weak general education foundation may not be an optimal means for solving manpower needs (Foster, 1965, 2002; Selvarathuam, 1998; Ishumi, 1998). These colleges are often cost-ineffective and offer irrelevant and inflexible curricula which reinforce student perception and actual attainment of jobs in occupations other than those for which they were trained (Lauglo, 2008). When combined with poor national planning, corruption, and an unstable economy, there is often a lack of jobs upon graduation. Community college models are easily victim to this fallacy (St. George, 2006), but as Cohen and Brawer (2003, p. 21) note, this should not be a surprise since the original intent of the US community college was to “divert unsuitable candidates into appropriate vocational training while making it possible for traditional universities to maintain selective admissions requirements.” Today, privatization and corporatization can create a situation in which only a select cohort of students is served. Societal and economic reform is limited as degrees do not always lead to employment. When this occurs, the future of community colleges as a potential for human resources development is placed at risk and these institutions thus, do not always evoke economic or social reform (Raby, 1996). Actualization of socioeconomic reform depends on the type of education exported (technical–vocational, personal development, professional, or academic), the type of student targeted, the relationship of the type of education to the college’s mission, and what students actually do with this education (i.e., transfer to a university, work, or drop out).

Socioeconomic Inequity

Socioeconomic inequity occurs when community college models do not provide access or their education does not translate to greater social mobility. Brint and 2 Globalization and Community College Model Development 29

Karabel (1989) claim that emphasis on a vocational mission relegates students to low- and middle-class occupations, which then limits opportunities for social advancement. Indeed, restricting students to “short” or “career” programs results in segmentation, which is intensified in models that have no avenues for transfer to 4-year institutions. The consequences are what Clark (1960) refers to as “cooling- out” in which an illusion of openness veils a lack of opportunities. While more students attend US colleges, fewer transfer or graduate, which results in limited economic and social class mobility6 (Archer et al., 2003). In Egypt, Iran, Curacao, and Zimbabwe limiting community college access heightens competition. Hence, even colleges with low tuition, such as those in Chile, Malaysia, or the Russian Natural-Technical Colleges, access is still out of reach for the poorest students. While community college models do provide an array of educational opportunities, they do not necessarily increase access for disenfranchised and may merely perpetuate an already unequal higher educational system (Kintzer, 1979; El Mallah et al., 1996; Madden, 1998; McMurtrie, 2001). Hence, instead of fulfilling a democratizing function through education, these models result in greater stratification. Whether or not the community college contributes to opportunity or is an illusion which promises access but instead serves to maintain social class will be explored in various chapters in this book.

Lowered Status and Corresponding Change in Institutional Orientation

A prevailing community college characteristic is a low status that is compounded by chronic underfunding and faculty with low status. Since these institutions often service rural and urban poor, they share economic dependency characteristics which influence the development of vocational training and cause many to have a low rate of return to investment (Lauglo, 2004). For example, employers in Ghana discriminate against holders of Polytechnic qualifications because of their low second-rate status, and as a result 30% of graduates are unemployed (Nsiah- Gyabaah and Obour, 2008). Despite the verbiage that appreciates the local, when local and global conflict, due to this low status, the global predominates. Finally, lack of sufficient resources continues to plague colleges in Vietnam, Zimbabwe, and in many Caribbean countries. Although community college models are consistently overlooked by policymakers, worldwide, their share of the higher education student population merits greater attention (Lowe and Gayle, 2007). To gain status and a place in national budgets, commonly, some community college models are transforming into University Colleges. While this process is not new, the magnitude in which these changes are occurring today is noteworthy. In the 1970s, nationalization of Nigerian universities converted Nigerian colleges of arts, science, and technology to State Universities. From 1968 to 1975 the Helwan Higher Institute of Technology in Egypt (based on the German Fachochschule model) became Helwan University. In the 1989, the Unified National System of Higher Education converted Australian Technical Institutes into universities. In late 1990s, community pressures in countries throughout Africa resulted in mass 30 R.L. Raby closure due to declining low status. Several chapters in the book illustrate more current transformations. Some fear that these changes will now produce a “professional class in need of BA degrees … [as community colleges] no longer are simply a sub-baccalaureate institution, no longer a postsecondary institution that serves marginalized and undeserved groups as its primary client or customer” (Levin, 2002, p. 19). Nonetheless, even the changing mission is itself inherently a community college characteristic in which reform itself is an institutional responsiveness to local demands. In conclusion, negative influences from globalization create obstacles which prohibit community college models from effecting social or economic reform. Compounding these obstacles is the continued low ranking, dearth of academic studies, and disenfranchisement of the models themselves. Future issues of concern are those of overall access, women enrollment, participation of local authorities in funding, and status. Key in this process is defining the relevance of education itself and whether or not it equipped the poor to play any useful role in the local community.

Positive Consequences

Expansion beyond borders as a result of globalization, while limiting the original mission of the community college, exemplifies how institutions respond to the changing world around them (Valeau and Raby, 2007). Community college models continue to gain popularity, and students attend these institutions in increasing numbers. Support persists because these institutions are (a) less expensive and more accessible than universities; (b) adaptable to provide needed curriculum and pedagogy that meets the demands of emerging local population; and (c) able to contribute towards social equity.

Accessibility

The widespread growth of community college models connects institutions to local communities and meets national and global interest by laying a foundation for higher educational opportunities to nontraditional student groups that provides a context for social mobility. In some countries, when traditional universities are unwilling or unable to change to meet new global standards, the community college models fill that gap. In Senegal, the inability of the French model to sustain societal needs caused Regional University Centers to emulate the US and Canadian models, which was seen as a commitment to human resource investment. In other countries, it is the transferability element that is the most attractive feature as compared with terminal credentials that limit opportunities as seen in models in India and Singapore. By serving their communities, “the most crucial function of the community colleges then has been to provide students with training and retraining programmes which help them to achieve social mobility and contribute to the 2 Globalization and Community College Model Development 31 economic well-being of a country” (Ural, 1998, p. 119; Smith, 2007). Worldwide, countries are utilizing the community college models to provide a window of opportunity which has then changed the structure of postsecondary education.

Adaptability

The ability of community college models to respond to the local economy by adopting product-oriented curricula and flexible short-term programming for dif- ferentially skilled laborers and career education helps to maintain their viability. For some colleges, success lies in the adaptation of student-centered pedagogy, such as the Aga Khan Humanities Project in Tajikistan and Nong Bualumpu Community College in Thailand, both of which use local resources to create organic relationships between teachers and learners. Adaptability is increasingly important for as technology changes so do literacies that cross mathematic– scientific and writing competencies that support even the most rudimentary positions. Since the community college model is connected to the local, it not only can easily recognize this change, but respond accordingly (Dellow and Romano, 2006). Facilitating change efforts are projects funded by the Asia Development Bank, Canadian International Development Agency, Ford Foundation, United States Agency for International Development, World Bank, bilateral and uni- lateral banks, and private industry, all of which seek to “bring together local workforce training providers to develop services that bridge the gap between elementary/secondary school systems and the tertiary institutions and targets acute workforce and education needs” (ALO/USAID, 2004). Increasing globalization has led to a realization in developing countries that education is key and is, in force, adopting U.S. models of tertiary education (Guess, 2007).

Social Equity

Community college models continue to pride themselves as a significant form of “community education in the context of redressing inequalities” (Ural, 1998, p. 199). Access to postsecondary education for nontraditional students lays a foundation for social mobility change. Evidence shows that many community college models do serve the least affluent and least politically influential segments of the population. Even faculty who teach at these institutions are frequently not academics, but rather are professionals who work in fields to which their students aspire. At the core is a belief in change and prosperity, which Vaughan (1989, p. 7) relates to “the right to pursue the American Dream; we must never forget that the community college represents the only hope millions of Americans have to achieving that Dream.” In this way, community college models throughout the world serve both the people and their communities by training and retraining, by appealing to unique student sectors, and allowing them to contribute to the economic well-being of the country and to achieve social mobility (Cohen, 1995; Ratcliff and Gibson-Berninger, 1998; Tonks, 1999; Vasquez, 2003; Evelyn, 2005). 32 R.L. Raby

There is also evidence that community college models can be effective in reducing cultural conflict in multicultural societies (Van der Linde, 1996; Mellander and Mellander, 1994; Lowe and Gayle, 2007). The ubiquitous ideal that community college models can utilize postsecondary education to counter socioeconomic inequities, while not proven in academia, is sufficient to encourage educators abroad to enter into agreements that facilitate transplanting community college models to their own countries (Strydom and Lategan, 1998; Gallacher, 2006). In so doing, community college models mirror Kneller’s (2005, p. 61) call for multiple literacies, which he defines as “an oppositional democratic, pedagogical, and cosmopolitan globalization, which supports individuals and groups using information and multimedia technologies to create a more multicultural, egalitarian, democratic and ecological globalization.”

Conclusion

Proliferation of the community college model impacts educational systems globally, as it attracts those who demand to break out of traditional university patterns and promote nontraditional educational models. As the various chapters in this book illustrate, investment in community college models supports the conviction that they provide opportunities for the disenfranchised and assist with social and economic restructuring by empowering students with economic and social opportunities. The mass migration of rural to urban centers and the global transmigration patterns underscores this need to provide increasing access to higher education. Hence, the process of introducing a community college model into a society insti- gates socioeconomic change that is cultivated at both global and local levels. This change offers access, helps promote career–personal advancement opportunities, impacts local business and industry by reinforcing new curricular emphasis, and can provoke reduction of culture-conflict in multicultural societies resulting from the education of the underprivileged. Implications for countries interested in creating or revising characteristics of this model are not clearly defined. It is critical to highlight both community college ideals and to understand their realities as they apply to a varying set of circumstances. Care must be taken as reverberations from globalization can force countries to abandon key elements of community college models, such as open access, or to be unable to sustain the educational ideals envisioned and expected by diverse sections of the society. While one country’s model experience yields insights that might benefit other countries, the appropriate response may not be wholesale duplication but rather selective adaptation. As such, variations of the community college model may be a reaction to globalization as each country conforms to this ideal. Increasingly, therefore, the challenge facing the community college will be to create a climate that nurtures institutions that target civic engagement. What better way than to have institutions that in curriculum and the interactions among students, faculty, and staff model the best of community life? This model, in term 2 Globalization and Community College Model Development 33 will prevail because its programs are often strongly workplace-oriented and supportive of upward socioeconomic mobility.

Notes

1. “North” community colleges are typically seen as colleges from Australia, Canada, Great Britain, and the United States (Kintzer, 1998; Raby, 2000; Romano, 2002; De Siqueira, 2004; Raby and Thomas, 2006). 2. From 1962 to 1980, the World Bank linked education with manpower forecasting, with the bulk of funding going to vocational and technical schools (which are a small part of education sector) (Heyneman, 2003). 3. Jobs requiring an “associate degree” are the fastest-growing job group with 49% of future US jobs (U.S. Department of Labor Monthly Labor Review), 80% of future Canadian jobs (AACC, 2008), and 50% of new British jobs (United Kingdom White Paper) (quoted in Wolf, 2008). 4. ALO/CCID projects were conducted in China, Egypt, El Salvador, Ethiopia, Guyana, India, Namibia, Nepal, Romania, South Africa, Suriname, and Tomsk. 5. Early CCID (2008b) bilateral educational agreements include memoranda of understanding (MOUs) with Republic of China, Taiwan (1976), Republic of Suriname (1979), Dominican Republic, Saudi Arabia, Thailand, Korea, Greece, Grenada, Guyana, Jamaica, Netherlands Antilles, Saint Vicent (1981); Technical University of Budapest and Czech Technical University in Prague (1986); National Kaoshiung Institute of Technology (Taiwan) (1987); began connections with Educational Foundation in India (USEFI) (1988); Kazan Technical Institute in USSR (1989); Vocational Research Institute of the Pedagogical Science Academy of the USSR (1989); Teachers’ Training Institute, Bhopal, India (1992); Guyana Ministry of Education (1997); Universidad Don Bosco, El Salvador (1998); Stella Maris College, Madras, India (1998); Addis Ababa Commercial College, Ethiopia (1998); Polytechnic of Namibia Center for Entrepreneurial Development (1999); New University- Partnership College, South Africa (1999); Egypt Agricultural Technician Training Institute (2000); Nepal Pedagogical Institute (2002); Kien Giang Community College, Vietnam (2006); Puntland State University, Somalia (2007); Tomsk Polytechnic Institute Workforce Development Center (2007); Sustainable Systems Program, Romania (2007); Suriname Telecommunications Company (2007). Non-CCID community colleges also conduct international development programs. In 2007, 37% of California community colleges offered curricular development and/or staff training to institutions in other countries, such as Riverside Community College’s collaboration with the University of Asmara (Eritrea) that shares curriculum and pedagogy on information technologies and distance education and the San Diego Community College District’s “Borderlands Project” which helps to improve the employability of workforce in Mexico by developing curriculum and instructional materials for US certification training. 6. Due to significant tuition increases from California community colleges, it is estimated that 90,000 students were shut out of the system in Spring 2003 (Evelyn, 2003, p. A43.)

References

Abbey Community College, Wicklow. Accessed May 1, 2008. http://www.abbeycc.net/mission.htm Alleyne, M.H. (February 1978). Educational Objectives in Latin American and the Caribbean and the Role of Community Colleges. Conference Paper: Postsecondary Education in the International Community, Florida. 34 R.L. Raby

AACC/ALO/USAID. (2004). Building International Workface Development Partnerships Grants: 1999–2002. Retreived March 4 from the AACC/ALO/USAID database. http://www.aascu.org/ alo/WD/ Altbach, P.G. (Summer 2003). American Accreditation of Foreign Universities: Colonialism in Action. IHE 32: 5–7. American Association for Community Colleges (AACC). Accessed May 1, 2008: www.aacc. nche.edu/–7. Archer, L., Hutchings, M., and Ross, A. (April 2003). Higher Education and Social Class: Issues of Exclusion and Inclusion. Widening Participation and Lifelong Learning 5(1). Association Liaison Office for University Cooperation in Development. Accessed March 4, 2008. http://www.aascu.org/alo/IP/proposals.htm Association of Canadian Community Colleges (ACCC). (2008). Key Priorities 2006–2007. Accessed May 1, 2008. www.accc.ca/english/about/strat_focus06–07.htm Ayr Community College (Scotland) Home Page. Accessed May 1, 2008. http://www.ayrcoll.ac.uk/ Brint, S. and Karabel, J. (1989). The Diverted Dream: Community Colleges and the Promise of Educational Opportunity in America, 1900–1985. New York: Oxford University Press. Caribbean Advance Proficiency Exam (CAPE). Accessed May 1, 2008. http://www.cxc.org/ Exams/Exams_CAPE.htm Carnoy, M. and Luschei, T.F. (March 2008). Skill Acquisition in ‘High Tech’ Export Agriculture: A Case Study of Lifelong Learning in Peru’s Asparagus Industry. Journal of Education and Work 21(1): 1–25. CGUT (2008). Accessed: May 1, 2008. http://cgut.sep.gob.mx/ Clark, B.R. (1960). The ‘Cooling-Out’ Function in Higher Education. American Journal of Sociology 65(6): 569–576. Clayton, T. (August 2004). Competing Conceptions of Globalization Revisited: Relocating the Tension Between World-Systems Analysis and Globalization Analysis. Comparative Education Review 48(3): 274–294. Cohen, A. (1995). Accommodating Postcompulsory Education Seekers Around the World. Community College Review 21(2): 65–75. Cohen, A.M. and Brawer, F.B. (2003). The American Community College, 4th edition. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. College of the North Atlantic Qatar. Accessed May 1, 2008. www.cna-qatar/cnaqatar/home.asp Community Colleges for International Development (CCID) (2008a). Home Page. Accessed May 1, 2008. http://www.ccid.cc/ Community Colleges for International Development (CCID) (2008b). Exemplary Projects. Accessed May 1, 2008. http://ccid.kirkwood.cc.ia.us/projects.htm Cowan, C.A. and Falcetta, F.M. (Fall 1996). Community College of the World. Connection. New England’s Journal of Higher Education & Economic Development 11(3): 30–32. de Courtivron, I. (April 2008). Meditations on the Meaning of Home: Where Is Home? And Does It Matter? Keynote presentation: Forum Meeting, Boston, MA, www.forumea.org De Siqueira, A. (2004). The Regulation of Education Through the WTO/ GATS: Path to the Enhancement of Human Freedom? Conference Paper: CIES National, Salt Lake City, UT. Dellow, D.A. and Romano, R.M. (2006). Globalization, Offshoring, and the Community College. Community College Journal August/September: 30(1): 18–22. East-West Consortium for Community College Development (2001). ERIC Documents: # ED475799. http://eric.ed.gov East-West Consortium for Community College Development (2008). Web-site: http//eric.ed.gov El Mallah, A.A., Kal, G., and Hassan, A.H.S. (1996) Egyptian Community Colleges: A Case Study. In R.L. Raby and N. Tarrow (Eds.), Dimensions of the Community College: International, Intercultural, and Multicultural Perspectives. New York: Garland. Elsner, P. (2008). Plenary Session Address. CCID 2008 Conference, Long Beach, CA. Eskow, S. (Fall 1989). Toward Telecommunity College: From Open Admissions to Open Learning. In E. Harlacher (Ed.), Cutting Edge Technologies in Community Colleges. Washington, DC: American Association of Community and Junior Colleges. 2 Globalization and Community College Model Development 35

Eskow, S. and Caffrey, J. (Autumn 1974) World Community College: A 2020 Vision, Class to Mass Learning, New Directions for Community Colleges. No. 7 V/4 Autumn. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Evelyn, J. (2003). 2-Year Enrollments Drop in California. Chronicle of Higher Education, Sept. 26: A43. Evelyn, J. (2005). Community Colleges Go Globe-Trotting. Chronicle of Higher Education, February 11. First Global Community College Nong Khai – Udon Thani in Thailand. Accessed May 1, 2008. http://www.fgcc.ac.th/ Foster, P.J. (1965) The Vocational School Fallacy in Development Planning. In C.A. Anderson and M.J. Bowman (Eds.), Education and National Development. Chicago, IL: Aldine. Foster, P.J. (2002) The Vocational School Fallacy Revisited: Education, Aspiration and Work in Ghana 1959–2000. International Journal of Educational Development, 22 (1): 27–28. Friedman, T. (2005). The World Is Flat: A Brief History of the Twenty-First Century. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux. Gallacher, J. (February 2006). Blurring the Boundaries or Creating Diversity? The Contribution of Further Education Colleges to Higher Education in Scotland. Journal of Further and Higher Education, 30(1): 43–58. Global Corporate College. http://globalcorporatecollege.com/global.asp Gordon, M. (1999). International Programs at Middlesex Community College. Pioneering Leadership Exemplary Programs Occasional Papers Series. CCID Web Page. Accessed May 1, 2008. http://ccid.kirkwood.cc.ia.us/exemp.htm Guess, A. (2007). House Panels Study Abroad. Accessed May 1, 2008. http://insidehighered.com/ news/2007/07/27/global Harper, W.A. (1978). Trip to Taiwan. Community and Junior College Journal, September, 1978. 49 (1) (February): 23–37 Heyneman, S.P. (2003). The History and Problems of Making Education Policy at the World Bank, 1960–2000. International Journal of Education Development, 23: 315–337. HKU School of Professional and Continuing Education (SPACE) Community College. Accessed May 1, 2008. http://hkuspace.hku.hk/index.php Holland College – Prince Edward Island, Canada. Accessed May 1, 2008. www.holland.pe.ca/ About/htm Humber College Institute of Technology & Advanced Learning in Toronto. Accessed March 1, 2004. http://www.humberc.on.ca/ Humphrys, J.G. (1994). History of CCID 1976–92. Accessed February 11, 2003. http://www.ccid. cc/history/index.htm Indian Center for Research and Development of Community Education (ICRDCE). Concept of Community College in India. Accessed May 1, 2008. http://www.icrdce.com/concept.html International Association of Community and Further Education Colleges. Accessed May 1, 2008. http://www.iaoc.org/ International Consortium for Economic and Educational Development (ICEED). Accessed May 1, 2008. www.iceed.com Ishumi, A.G.M. (1998). Vocational Training as an Educational and Development Strategy: Conceptual and Practical Issues. International Journal of Educational Development 83: 163–174. Japan MEXT (Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology) (2005). Higher Education. Accessed April 16, 2005. http://www.mext.go.jp/english/org/f_formal_22.htm Jasshik, S. (2007). Overseas Outposts. Inside Highered. Accessed February 20, 2007. http://www. insidehighered.com/news/2007/02/15/branch Jikei Group, Japan Home Page. (2004). Japanese Technical Colleges: How They Serve the Educational World. Accessed March 1, 2004. www.jikeigroup.net/english/aboutTec/index.html Jones, P. (2002). Globalization and Internationalism: Democratic Prospects for World Education. In Nelly P. Stromquist and K. Monkman (Eds.), Globalization and Education: Integration and Contestation Across Cultures (pp. 27–43). Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. Kenan Institute Asia, A.I. ASIA. Capacity Building for Community Colleges in Thailand. Accessed May 1, 2008. http://www.kiasia.org/En/Group5 36 R.L. Raby

King Mongkut’s Institute of Technology, North Bangkok. Accessed May 1, 2008. www.kmitnb.ac.th/ Kintzer, F. (1979). World Adaptations to the Community College Concept. In M.C. King and R.I. Breuder (Eds.), Advancing International Education (pp. 65–79). New Directions for Community Colleges Nu. 26. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Kintzer, F. (June 1998). Community Colleges Go International: Short-Cycle Education Around the World. Leadership Abstracts World Wide Web Edition, 11(6): 1–4. Kneller, D. (2005). The Conflicts of Globalization and Restructuring of Education. In M.A. Peters (Ed.), Education, Globalization, and the State in the Age of Terrorism. Boulder, CO: Paradigm. Koltai, L. (5–6 November 1993). Are There Challenges and Opportunities for American Community Colleges on the International Scene? Keynote address: CIES Western Region, Los Angeles, CA. Lauglo, J. (2004) Vocationalized Secondary Education Revisited. Conference Paper: CIES National, Salt Lake City from Education, Training Contexts, Bern/Frankfurt: Peter Lang. Lauglo, J. (2008). Revisiting the Vocational School Fallacy: A tribute to Philip Foster. Conference Paper: CIES, Columbia University, Accessed June 1, 2008. www.cies.us/newsletter.htm Levin, J.S. (2001). Globalizing the Community College: Strategies for Change in the Twenty-First Century. New York: Palgrave (ED 450 856). Levin, J.S. (2002). Institutional Identity: The Community College as a Baccalaureate Degree Granting Institution. Paper for symposium at annual meeting of the Association for the Study of Higher Education, Sacramento, CA. November 21, 2002. ERIC ED # 474 578. Levin, J.S. (2005). The Business Culture of the Community College: Students as Consumers; Students as Commodities. New Directions for Higher Education, 129, 11–26. Lim, D. (March 2008). Enhancing the Quality of VET in Hong Kong: Recent Reforms and New Initiatives in Widening Participation in Tertiary Qualifications. Journal of Education and Work, 21(1): 25–41. Lin-Liu, J. (14 November 2001). China Plans to Build Network of Community Colleges. Chronicle of Higher Education. Accessed September 14, 2007: http://chronicle.com/daily/2001/11.htm Lowe, J. and Gayle, V. (August 2007). Exploring the Work/Life/Study Balance: The Experience of Higher Education Students in a Scottish Further Education College. Journal of Further and Higher Education, 31(3): 225–239. McKenney, J.F. (4 March 2004). International Education & Economic Development Programs. Conference Paper: California Colleges International Education, Monterey, CA. McLaren, P. (1999). Introduction: Traumatizing Capital: Oppositional Pedagogies in the Age of Consent. In M. Castells, R. Flecha, P. Freire, H. Giroux, D. Macedo, and P. Willis (Eds.), Critical Education in the New Information Age. Boulder, CO: Rowman & Littlefield. McMurtrie, B. (25 May 2001). Community Colleges Become a Force in Developing Nations Worldwide. Chronicle of Higher Education, 47(37): A44–A45. Madden, L. (1998). The Community College Experiment in Latin America. Community College Journal, 69(2): 10–15. Madras Community Colleges. Education in India. Accessed June 24, 2004. http://prayatna. typepad.com/education/2004/06/community_colle.html Massinga, RA., Menete, M.Z., and Bene, B.B. Polytechnic Institutions in Mozambique (ISPs). Presentation at World Congress, 2008. Accessed May 1, 2008. http://www.worldcongress2008. com/Session%202%20-%20Mozambique.ppt Mellander, G.A. and Mellander, N. (Eds.) (August 1994). Towards an Hungarian Community College System. ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 375870. Mosa, A.A. (1996). Why Globalization? Conference Paper: 9th Comparative and International Education Conference, Sydney. Netherlands Community College. Accessed May 1, 2008. www.arup.com/netherlands/project.htm NIIT. Accessed May 1, 2008. http://www.niit.com/ Nova Scotia Community College (Canada). Accessed May 1, 2008. http://www.nscc.ns.ca/ Nsiah-Gyabaah, K. and Obour, S.A. (2008). Developing Industry and College Partnerships: The Dilemma of Ghanaian Polytechnics. Conference Paper: World Federation of Colleges and Polytechnics, New York City, http://www.worldcongress2008.com/Table%2014.pdf 2 Globalization and Community College Model Development 37

Observatory on Borderless Higher Education (OBHE). Accessed May 1, 2008. http://www.obhe.ac.uk/ Raby, R. (1996). Introduction to Part II. In R.L. Raby and N. Tarrow (Eds.), Dimensions of the Community College: International, Intercultural, and Multicultural Perspectives. New York: Garland. Raby, R. (2000). Globalization of the Community College Model: Paradox of the Local and the Global. In Nelly P. Stromquist and K. Monkman (Eds.), Globalization and Education: Integration and Contestation Across Cultures (pp. 149–173). Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. Raby, R.L. and Tarrow, N. (Eds.) (1996). Dimensions of the Community College: International, Intercultural, and Multicultural Perspectives. New York: Garland. Raby, R.L. and Thomas, D. (2006). Equity, Access and Democracy: The Community College Model. Education and Society 24(1): 57–77 Ratcliff, J. and Gibson-Berninger, B. (1998). Community Colleges in a Global Context. In A.H. Strydom and L.O.K. Lategan (Eds.), Introducing Community Colleges to South Africa. Bloemfontein: University of the Free State. Riversdale Community College. Accessed March 1, 2008. http://indigo.ie/~rdalecc Robertson, R. (1992). Globalization Social Theory and Global Culture. London: Sage. Romano, R.M. (Ed.) (2002). Internationalizing the Community College. Washington, DC: Community College. Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology. Accessed May 1, 2008. http://www.rmit.edu.au/ Schugurensky, D. and Higgins, K.. (1996). From Aid to Trade: New Trends in International Education in Canada. In R.L. Raby and N. Tarrow (Eds.), Dimensions of the Community College: International, Intercultural, and Multicultural Perspectives. New York: Garland. Selvarathuam, V. (August 1998). Limits to Vocationally-Oriented Education in the Third World. International Journal of Educational Development, 8(8): 1–35. Smith, D.J. (23 October 2007). How Community Colleges Can Work for World Peace. Chronicle of Higher Education, Community Colleges, 54(9):B30, http://chroncile.com St. George, E. (2006). Positioning Higher Education for the Knowledge Based Economy. Higher Education, 52: 589–610. Steiner-Khamsi, G. (2003) Discourse Formation in Comparative Education. In J. Schriewer (Ed.), Discourse Formation in Comparative Education, 2nd edition. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang. Strydom, A.H. and Lategan, L.O.K. (Eds.) (1998). Introducing Community Colleges to South Africa. Bloemfontein: University of the Free State Publications. Thai East-West Community College Workshop (2001). [Report.] Bangkok, Thailand. Found on CCID website. Accessed May 1, 2008. www.ccid.org Tonks, D. (August 1999). Access to Higher Education, 1991–1998: Using Geodemographics. Widening Participation and Lifelong Learning, 1(2): 6–15. United Arab Emirates, Higher Colleges of Technology. Accessed May 1, 2008: www.hct.ac.ae/ hctweb/index.asp Unites States Agency for International Development (USAID) (1995). Seeking a New Partnership: Task Force Report on U.S. Community Colleges. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 398 942). Ural, I. (1998). International Community College Models: A South African Perspective. In A.H. Strydom & L.O.K. Lategan (Eds.), Introducing Community Colleges to South Africa (pp. 106–119). Bloemfontein: University of the Free State. Valeau, E.J. and Raby, R.L. (2007). International Reform Efforts and Challenges in Community Colleges. New Directors for Community Colleges (138, Summer). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Van der Linde, C.H. (1996). The Role of the Community College in Countering Conflict in Multicultural Societies. In R.L. Raby and N. Tarrow (Eds.), Dimensions of the Community College: International, Intercultural, and Multicultural Perspectives. New York: Garland. Vasquez, G.H. (2003). Peace Corps and Community Colleges: A Twenty-First Century Partnership. Community College Journal, 73(5): 62–66. Vaughan, G.B. (1989). Leadership in Transition. New York: Macmillan. 38 R.L. Raby

Wolf, L. (2008). Global Trends in Training Middle-Level Manpower. World Bank (2003). Constructing Knowledge Economies: New Challenges for Tertiary Education. Washington, DC: World Bank. World Congress (2008). Accessed May 1, 2008. www.worldcongress2008.com/index.html World Federation of Colleges and Polytechnics. http://www.wfcp.org/about-us-biz-plan.pdf Yamano, T. & Hawkins, J. (1996). Assessing the Relevance of American Community College Models in Japan. In R.L. Raby and N. Tarrow (Eds.), Dimensions of the Community College: International, Intercultural, and Multicultural Perspectives. New York: Garland. Chapter 3 Community Colleges in the United States

Arthur M. Cohen

Introduction

The community colleges in the United States serve an essential function. Standing between compulsory education and the postsecondary sector, they provide the first 2 years of college along with occupational training and developmental studies. They first opened 100 years ago as expansions of secondary schools in a few states and spread rapidly, supported mainly by public school districts along with universities preferring to concentrate on research and graduate studies. No longer adjunctive, they are now found in every state. Nearly 1,200 publicly supported community colleges provide liberal arts and occupational programs along with basic skills development and a variety of services to the community. They are defined as institutions regionally accredited to confer the associate’s degree as their highest award. Community colleges had their greatest growth as postsecondary education expanded after World War II. High school graduation rates had risen to 55% and, since one of the major outcomes of schooling is the desire for more schooling, young people seeking entry to college put pressure on the universities. The latter were happy to have alternative institutions to which they could divert the petitioners they could not accommodate, especially those whose prior academic preparation had not qualified them for higher education. And because by the 1970s the community colleges had been organized within commuting distance of 95% of the nation’s population, they thrived on the students who were not admissible to universities in addition to those who could not afford to live away from home and pay the higher tuition charges. They also organized programs to prepare people for middle-level occupations, especially paraprofessional assistance and the technologies not taught in universities. Stemming from the colleges’ roots in the lower-school systems, they allowed open access to all but a few high-level technological programs that required prerequisite courses. In any country, the growth of institutions that provide community college-type functions depends on national wealth, public outlook, and the availability of alternative systems of education. Countries that can afford to educate only a small percentage of their young people for more than a few years cannot support a widespread post-compulsory sector. Those without a general public belief in

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 39 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 40 A.M. Cohen

allowing all zlearning opportunities. And those with well-developed private-sector apprenticeship systems have little need for school-based occupational education. The American community colleges have thrived in a nation with sufficient wealth and inclination to maintain easily accessible institutions for people regardless of age, and relatively few alternative paths to skilled occupations, regardless of age, ethnicity, or economic status.

Students, Faculty, and Instruction

The community colleges have become a mature system with few new institutions being built in the past 30 years. As with all educational structures, the colleges are responsive to demographics, expanding when the number of people of school age expands and contracting when it reduces. But because they accept students who have been out of school for many years, their enrollments can be maintained even when the number of 18-year-olds declines. From the early 1960s through the 1980s, between 50% and 55% of high school graduates were entering some postsecondary institution within a year of leaving high school. In 1999 that figure had increased to 63% and by 2005 it reached 67% (National Center for Education Statistics, 2006). In the community colleges, around 61% of the students attend part-time, taking one or two courses per term. The college programs are organized sequentially, but the students drop in and out as their personal circumstances dictate. Most are employed for 25–40 h per week; their median age is 23 years. Matriculation rates are highest in 13 states, where 6% or more of the population aged 18–44 attend. And the colleges enroll a high proportion of students from the bottom quintile in terms of family income; 26% versus 20% in the senior institutions. Among the faculty 63% are part-timers. Nineteen percent hold a doctorate, 63% a master’s, and most others a bachelor’s degree, except for some instructors who have extensive experience in vocational fields. Union representation is high relative to other postsecondary sectors, with 361 contracts covering 140,000 instructors or 43% of the full-time faculty. More than half of those are located in just five states (Moriarty and Savarese, 2005). Women are at par with men among full-time faculty members; median age for all faculty is just under 50 years. The full-timers teach between 13 and 15 h per week and are paid on average US$50,000 per year, or US$5,000 per course. Their teaching overload classes adds around 10% to their salaries. The pay rate for part-time instructors is somewhat less: around US$3,000 per course. They have no security of employment and may be used to teach courses for which they have particular expertise but, more often, merely because they cost less. Most have other jobs, including operating their own businesses. Few instructors in any category have access to paraprofessional aides or teaching assistants. Although most instructional practices follow the model of classroom teaching manifest in most other schools, the community colleges have sought instructional innovation to provide services to greater numbers of students more efficiently. 3 Community Colleges in the United States 41

During the 1970s and 1980s, they built closed-circuit and open-circuit television programs quite vigorously. Today, they lead in classroom computer use, and Internet-based instruction has outpaced televised courses by more than two to one. One and three quarter million students, including a few located in other countries, take online courses. The colleges’ instructional technology budgets amount to more than 8% of overall campus expenses. One third of community college courses have Web sites. Their libraries, more properly called learning resource centers, are designed for instructional use, not faculty research. Their holdings average 50,000 volumes. One third of them provide online course reserves. Community college faculty are not charged with conducting scholarly research but they are expected to devise various instructional strategies. Writing Across the Curriculum, in which students develop writing assignments in classes other than English composition, is popular. Supplemental Instruction uses peer readers and tutors to assist students in courses where large numbers of them are at risk of failure. Some colleges have contracted to teach remedial courses at neighboring universities. As one example, in 2006, 81 sections of math, English, chemistry, and courses in less-commonly taught foreign languages at the University of California at Davis were being conducted by instructors from Sacramento City College.

Governance and Finance

Because of their roots in the public school system, the colleges in most states are organized within single districts. A board of trustees, either elected locally or appointed by a governor or state agency, establishes policy and appoints a president. The larger institutions may have over 50 administrators, plus as many managers of campus police, facilities, custodial services, international studies, etc. But statewide coordination is prominent and rules governing tuition rates, expenditures, program planning, and employment of personnel are often set by state agencies. The ongoing tension between advocates of local control and those who feel that statewide systems are more stable often relates to program duplication, between those who say a state system might more readily organize curriculum in areas of greatest need for the state’s population and those arguing that the marketplace determines the curriculum, with student enrollments driving the decisions. For many years, the federal government has been influential because of its funding study in certain occupational fields and more recently as it has stepped up demands for institutional accountability. The community colleges draw funds from a variety of sources. The states provide 45% of operating costs and student tuition, and local funds account for 20% each. In their continual search for additional income, the colleges lease use of portions of their campuses to outside agencies and engage in campaigns for donations. They have minuscule endowments, however, when compared with universities. Their foundations solicit donations to support discretionary activities such as student scholarships, but they boast a median annual revenue of US$250,000. 42 A.M. Cohen

Federal Pell Grant awards are distributed to students on the basis of income relative to the cost of attendance. Twenty years ago the students in community college received 19% of the awards. Now, as tuition has increased to its current average of US$1,847, they receive 33% of these awards, while 34% goes to those in public 4-year colleges, and 17% to the for-profit sector (Horn and Nevill, 2006). College expenditures, averaging US$8,623 per full-time equivalent student, are allocated as follows: Instruction, 46% Administration, 24% Student services, 11% Physical plant, 10% Scholarships, 4% Libraries, 2.5% Public service, 2.5%

Vocational Education

Although vocational education was late in coming to community colleges, its enrollments began growing more rapidly than liberal arts enrollments in the 1960s and continued to do so until they reached near parity 20 years later. The major impetus was provided by the Vocational Education Act of 1963, which awarded federal funds to postsecondary institutions that organized occupational programs. Subsequent legislation authorized funds for job-training programs, school-to-work opportunities, and various employment-related studies. These acts aimed at workforce preparation differed from those awarding support to individual students, such as Pell Grants, in that they specified the types of curricula to be erected. The states, too, began emphasizing programs designed to relieve unemployment by teaching what they called marketable skills and attracting industry. The colleges became partners in state economic development plans. Vocational education accounts for 40–45% of the enrollment but 54% of the degrees and certificates awarded. This is because entry to many occupational fields demands degrees while students may transfer to universities without a diploma. For example, a student wishing to enter a career as a health service worker or a laboratory technician often must present earned credentials, whereas for the student wishing to transfer credits to a university, an associate in arts degree is usually superfluous; the student need only show a transcript of courses completed. Most of the degrees and certificates awarded by occupational programs are in the following fields: Health professions, 16% Business, management, and marketing, 14% Computer and information science, 6% Engineering and engineering technologies, 6% 3 Community Colleges in the United States 43

Security and protective services, 3% Mechanics and repairers, 2% Few of the occupational programs can be labeled “terminal education” because many of the listed occupations accorded higher status and pay to students who present bachelor’s degrees, a result of professionalization within several occupational areas. Many colleges now offer 100 or more different occupational programs, and those that lead to the greatest variety of career options are the most popular. Programs in business draw many students because of the breadth of opportunity they present. The health professions and the engineering technologies draw large numbers of students because of the expanding base of the professions in those areas and the ever-growing need for support staff. Computer science became popular in the 1980s because of the rapidly expanding applications of computers in all career fields. Other programs ebb and flow depending on job markets. Numerous studies have found that most students in vocational programs are satisfied with the training they receive and most employers are pleased with their preparation (Tennessee Higher Education Commission, 2003; North Carolina Community College System, 2007). Seventy percent to 90% of those completing the programs gain employment in jobs related to their training. Furthermore, many matriculants already held jobs and enrolled to gain additional preparation. And among the non-completers, sometimes called job-outs, many have obtained employment. The programs’ success rates depend in large measure on job availability and in the specificity of the field. Sizable differences in program-related employment are evident between areas of high demand, such as health care and law enforcement, and those where the market is less distinct, such as sales and retail trade. And many students use the programs to prepare for entry to university courses in teaching, health fields, and advanced technologies. The figures show 5% of the vocational graduates transferring in Illinois, 12% in Florida, 16% in South Carolina, and 27% in Maryland.

Developmental Education

Developmental education in the community colleges is designed to mitigate the deficiencies of students who leave high school with or without diplomas, but having failed to learn the skills necessary for further education or for maintaining employment in any but the most rudimentary jobs. Because the staff usually determine the levels of reading, writing, and mathematical proficiency considered necessary for participating in college-level classes, and because the colleges rarely deny admittance to any applicants, the students who are referred to remedial studies are a diverse lot. They include those who have done poorly in all subjects and those deficient in just one; older students who did well in high school but whose skills, usually in computation, have fallen into disuse; those with poor study habits or other learning difficulties; and nonnative English speakers, to name only some of the subsets. 44 A.M. Cohen

The need for developmental education is evidenced by the reading and mathematics ability displayed by college-bound high school seniors and by 17-year-olds in the US population. For the former group, Scholastic Ability Test math scores rose from 502 in the 1960s to 520 in 2004 but verbal ability dropped from 543 to 509 in 1975, where it remained for 30 years. The National Assessment of Educational Progress studies of 17-year-olds found their reading ability no better in the early 2000s than it had been in the 1970s. The community college faculty rarely rely solely on nationally normed tests, preferring rather to administer their own. Some states (Massachusetts, Texas) have specified test and cutoff scores, but others allow the institutions to choose their own measures; 128 different instruments are in use in California’s 108 colleges (Academic Senate for California Community Colleges, 2004). All the community colleges provide remedial studies. Nationally, 29% of the scheduled class sections in English and 32% in mathematics were so designated (Schuyler, 1999). These data have been corroborated in state studies: 14% of the credit-course enrollment in Illinois; 17% in North Carolina; and 23% each in Florida and Washington community colleges were in remedial courses. Faced with the anomaly of students exiting high school without the basic skills deemed essential for success in further schooling, all colleges face the same dilemma: they can define entry and exit points for each course in terms that have consistent referent; they can allow all students to enroll in any course but limit the number of courses that poorly prepared students may take in any one term; or they can build free-standing developmental programs and divert students to them. All three options are in play. At least two options are unacceptable: allowing sizable numbers of students to enroll and then fail, or reducing academic standards to the point at which students are not prepared for further education or for the workplace. The programs seem effective, but because of the varied definitions, standards, and program types, reliable data are not easily found. The measures usually employed include student retention, grade-point average, remedial course completion, successful transition to the college-level programs, and graduation rates. Studies generally have found remedial programs “at least modestly effective in helping students overcome deficiencies in their pre-collegiate academic preparation and associated disadvantages” (Pascarella and Terenzini, 2005, p. 398).

Community Education

Community education encompasses a variety of special services, few of which carry college credit. These include adult basic education, continuing occupational workforce education, lifelong learning, entrepreneurship training, and several types of cooperative arrangements with other community agencies, along with contract training provided for prison systems and for particular industries, and courses offered via electronic media to students in other countries. 3 Community Colleges in the United States 45

The magnitude of community education is difficult to determine. There is much variation in definition and categories and enrollment figures are unreliable. The American Association of Community Colleges (AACC) estimated enrollments of over 4.5 million in 1985 but has since stopped reporting these data because of their imprecision. Recent figures show 140,000 people in Florida enrolled in adult education, lifelong learning, and recreation and leisure activities. In Mississippi more than 200,000 students were taking noncredit courses including literacy programs and workforce education. California reported three quarters of a million adults participating in noncredit courses. Over 17% of all students served by the North Carolina community colleges were in noncredit adult basic education. Most community colleges organize separate divisions for providing community education. These institutes often organize services for seniors, childcare facilities, substance abuse programs, and community economic development activities. They arrange contracts to train employees of other public agencies and military-service members. They also collaborate with community-based organizations to offer services such as counseling, along with social support, and training to adults in communities where educational institutions are not available to them. A partnership between a Texas community college and a nongovernmental agency provided several hundred low-income adults with postsecondary training in health care, accounting, and English as a Second Language (ESL). Community-based programming has been well established in South Carolina, focusing on issues of concern to local communities such as economic development and water quality. Nearly every community college in the nation offers various services through contracts with specific companies that pay the costs of training their workers in job-specific and computer-related skills, management preparation, and workplace literacy. The colleges have also taken advantage of various federal programs designed to retrain technologically displaced workers and other unemployed people, with funds provided by various federal acts. Collaborations with unions have also brought forward programs for skilled workers in auto repair and construction. Most prison systems offer college and high school makeup courses to their inmates. The largest number of participants comprises 17% of the inmates of federal prisons and 11% in Texas. Recently 30% of the inmates in 78 state prisons in North Carolina were enrolled and some of them were earning associate degrees. The recidivism rate for inmates who participate in educational programs is significantly lower than for the prison population as a whole (Erisman and Contardo, 2005). Entrepreneurship training and small-business development is another popular area of community education. Many colleges house Small Business Development Centers funded jointly by the federal government along with state, local, and private entities. The content of entrepreneurship training, designed to assist people in starting their own businesses, includes developing a business plan, obtaining licenses and loans, and employing other people. Because community services do not enjoy consistent funding, the managers of these programs must continually be on the alert for sources of income. Much of community education transfers the costs of certain programs to other public agencies, for example, the training programs conducted by community colleges 46 A.M. Cohen on behalf of police and fire departments that are too small to operate their own academies. The programs supported by public funds tend toward those that are useful to communities at large rather than individuals. They are verifiably educative, as opposed to those that are predominantly recreational, and they provide services not readily available elsewhere for the local population. To the college managers, community education’s main appeal is that most of it is self-supporting; hence, they can offer it even in the face of reduced state funding.

Collegiate Education

Collegiate education refers to college-level programs for students intending to transfer to universities and for those who plan on entering the workforce. Centering on the liberal arts, this area accounts for more than half the credit curriculum. It is headed by the humanities, English, science, and social science, which total to 38% of the curriculum overall. Other leading areas of the curriculum show how occupational programs are represented in the collegiate function, with math and computer science, along with business trade and industry and technical education, making up 35% of the curriculum. This curriculum distribution is stable, with little change from year to year. The most rapid expansion in the past 20 years has been ESL. More than half the colleges of the nation provide it and, together with Spanish, it accounts for 75% of the foreign language offerings. Each year 250,000 students take ESL for credit and nearly as many are in noncredit classes. The colleges, and the universities that receive most of their transferring students, work continually to articulate courses so that students are not penalized by losing credits when they move to the baccalaureate-granting institutions. This practice works best in coupled programs, where the community college offers the first 2 years of a teacher education program. Most liberal arts courses are accepted for lower division credit toward the baccalaureate. The community colleges dare not deviate greatly from university requirements, lest their students be penalized when they transfer. Early college initiatives and the community college baccalaureate are two areas into which the community colleges are expanding their collegiate functions. The first refers to programs arranged jointly with secondary schools, so that students may take college courses while they are in grades 10–12 and make a ready transition to postsecondary education. The second is an actual institutional transformation whereby the community colleges gain permission from the state to begin offering bachelor’s degrees, usually in teacher education and nursing. However, when they do, they become 4-year institutions and move out of the community college category for purposes of accreditation. So far only a few states have granted this permission and around 20 former community colleges have become 4-year institutions. But the number will undoubtedly rise because they provide bachelor’s degrees at lower cost than the universities. 3 Community Colleges in the United States 47

Institutional Role and Trends

The community colleges’ primary contribution to the American public is to provide access – access to postsecondary education that leads to the baccalaureate, access to occupational studies that lead to better employment possibilities and higher income, and access to specialized learning activities for people seeking skills or knowledge in areas of their own interest. The colleges’ other main contributions are in economic development and cost savings. Raising the skills and employability of substantial numbers of people, providing a trained workforce for a variety of businesses and industries, and engaging in cooperative ventures with other public agencies seeking to augment state income all enhance economic development. By providing the first 2 years of college at between one third and one half the cost of public 4-year colleges and universities, they save state funds, a contribution verified recently in several states that have mandated their universities to hold space for community college transfers. In the next 4 years, the number of students enrolled in community colleges will increase to 7 million; by 2015 they will account for 43% of all higher education. Of the ten occupations projected to have the largest job increase in the nation, six are in areas for which community colleges offer training programs, mostly in the health fields. The number of part-time students will decrease slightly and the percentage of younger students will increase as the availability of university freshman classes fails to keep pace with rising populations. The number of associate degrees awarded will increase at a rate greater than the increase in the number of students served because of strong moves toward encouraging students to make steady progress toward completing their programs. Among the faculty, the ratio of full-timers to part-timers has stabilized at just under 40–60 and will likely remain there as the administrators’ desire to save money by employing part-timers is offset by the faculty organizations’ ability to protect full-time positions. Pro rata pay for part-time employment has long been discussed but shows no sign of being adopted. As one study concluded: “The unequal compensation of part-time faculty … reflects an appropriate balance of market conditions at the local level that should not be tampered with” (California State Auditor, 2000, p. 2). As long as full-time faculty are willing to teach extra classes at lower pay rates, and as long as administrators need the hourly rate instructors to help balance the budget, part-timers will remain as low-paid adjuncts. The administrative staff will increase as outside agencies continually expect more data from the colleges, and more staff are needed to manage specially funded programs and campus security. The colleges can anticipate little change in per capita funding because they are in continual competition for funds with other public agencies. There will be more college-level entrepreneurialism and more campaigns for private donations, but the curriculum centering on vocational, collegiate, and developmental programs – with community education as ancillary – will not change. Continual retraining for adults changing careers will be necessary, along with basic skills development for young 48 A.M. Cohen people leaving high school without what they need to maintain employment or further education. There is a high backlog of functionally illiterate and nonnative English-speaking people who will look to the community colleges to provide essential instruction for them. These forms of education will account for one third of the instructional budget. Funding for vocational education is assured because state leg- islators will continue considering it as an essential function. Even though universities are developing programs on technologies, and the proprietary schools that teach specific skills are becoming more prominent, there will be enough demand to keep them all occupied. The community college will thrive as an essential component of post-compulsory education in America.

References

Academic Senate for California Community Colleges. The State of Basic Skills Instruction in California Community Colleges. Sacramento, CA: Academic Senate for California Community Colleges, 2004. California State Auditor. California Community Colleges: Part-Time Faculty Are Compensated Less than Full-Time Faculty for Teaching Activities. Sacramento, CA: California State Auditor, 2000. Erisman, W. and Contardo, J.B. Learning to Reduce Recidivism: A 50-State Analysis of Postsecondary Correctional Education Policy. Institute for Higher Education Policy. November 2005. Horn, L. and Nevill, S. Profiles of Undergraduates in U.S. Postsecondary Education Institutions, 2003–04: with a Special Analysis of Community College Students. Statistical Analysis Report. NCES 2006–184. US Department of Education. Washington, DC: National Center for Education Statistics, 2006. Moriarty, J. and Savarese, M. Directory of Faculty Contracts and Bargaining Agents in Institutions of Higher Education. New York: National Center for the Study of Collective Bargaining in Higher Education and the Professions, 2005. National Center for Education Statistics. Digest of Educational Statistics 2005. Washington, DC: US Department of Education, 2006. North Carolina Community College System. A Matter of Facts: The North Carolina Community College System. Raleigh, NC: North Carolina Community College System, 2007. Pascarella, E.T. and Terenzini, P.T. How College Affects Students: A Third Decade of Research (2nd edition). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass, 2005. Schuyler, G. “A Historical and Contemporary View of the Community College Curriculum.” In G. Schulyer (ed.), Trends in Community College Curriculum. New Directions for Community Colleges, no. 108. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass, 1999. Tennessee Higher Education Commission. Employer Satisfaction Project 2002–2003. Nashville, TN: Tennessee Higher Education Commission, 2003. Part II Introduction: Community College Models and Their Roles as Humanitarian Institutions

Countries worldwide utilize postsecondary education to counter socioeconomic inequities. The community college model symbolizes a process by which social reform can be successfully implemented. The chapters in this part define the importance of community college models through the humanist perspective which views these institutions as a means to equalize opportunity, promote access, and, in so doing, define a path for social mobility and social transformation. For some countries, community college models allow opportunities for those who previously have been denied access to postsecondary education. For other countries, access is less important, but community revitalization is of utmost concern. In either context, community college models continue to redefine sociocultural constructs. Amy Shu-min Chen and Wei-ni Wang explore this construct through grassroots learning in Taiwan as a way to build a civil society which is based on knowledge emancipation and social engagement. Humanitarianism is examined in the chapters by Douglas Mpondi in postcolonial Zimbabwe, and by Xavier Alphonse and Edward Valeau in India, as a way of giving access to tertiary education to those who have been denied opportunity during the colonial era. Dang Ba Lam and Nguyen Huy Vi examine the means by which community college models themselves were adopted in Vietnam, especially in regard to how these institutions directly assist social renovation and international integration. Robert DeBard and Tamara Rice envision how a “social justice” program offered by community college models in the United States and in China can aid in securing peace and can positively impact the social standard of living. Finally, Pattanida Puntumasen and Takayoshi Maki provide a context in which community college models have been ingrained in Thailand to ensure quality local education designed with local participation to meet local needs. All the chapters in this part reflect on defined learning as a lever to empower community participation and to mediate the means to foster a sustainable democracy and a civil society. Chapter 4 From Education to Grassroots Learning: Towards a Civil Society Through Community Colleges in Taiwan

Amy Shi-min Chen and Wei-ni Wang

Introduction

Since the 1980s, building a civil society has been a prevailing endeavor in many countries, including Taiwan, which want to be transformed into more democratic states, where greater participation from citizens is expected in public affairs and decision-making (Huang, 1997). Essentially, civil society refers to the arena that allows collective action to take place without bureaucratic and institutional coer- cions over public interests, values and issues. In order to create such an arena, efforts have been made, based on various perspectives and disciplines such as sociology, political science, and education. However, it still begs the questions of how a civil society, in which people function for common interests and public good, can be sustained, and how and why people are able and willing to act as capable citizens commited to public affairs and values. Adult education might be one of the most effective answers to these questions. Quigley (2000) argues that adult education, given its long history in promoting people’s ability to have their say, plays a critical role in taking radical actions to engage in the social movement of constructing a more democratic and inclusive society, in which marginalized voices are heard and are taken into account seriously. Such a grassroots approach appeared inspirational in the early nineties to some social reformers who were conscientiously concerned with promoting local and community awareness when Taiwan was undergoing some major societal transformations. These people combined the vision of building a civil society through social development with efforts at educational reform, and they proposed the idea of establishing community colleges as a means to provide learning opportunities for people to become effective and capable citizens to promote and practice democracy (Gu, 2001; Huang, 1997). As a result, the first Taiwanese community college was established in 1998, and the model is continuously evolving into a visible social force to foster the building of a civil society. To date, over one hundred community colleges have been established in Taiwan.

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 51 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 52 A.S. Chen and W. Wang

Overview of the Taiwanese Community College

Community colleges in Taiwan are called community “universities” in the local language. The term “university” was chosen because it expresses a sense of comprehensiveness and diversity in terms of program and service offerings (Huang, 1997). Despite the model being named “community universities”, we personally perceive that the term “college” would better showcase the spirit of the Taiwanese model as university is a symbolic term for credentialism and the academic elite while “college” could be easily associated with the image of liberal education and community-based learning. Additionally, in the educational context in Taiwan, “community colleges” refer to another developing model focusing primarily on the long-standing track of vocational schools and junior polytechnic colleges that confer vocational degrees. Therefore, to facilitate discussion and minimize rhetorical confusion, and in parallel to their international counterparts, “community college” is used in this article to refer to the Taiwanese “community universities.”

Origins and Missions

Taiwan was a single-party country under martial law until 1987. After martial law was revoked, the country moved to a multi-party democracy with many political and social structural changes, such as direct legislative and presidential elections (Wright, 1999). It was then that people were first given the right to speech and gathering, and an independent press. Several social movements, such as farmer movements, labor union protests, and judicial reforms, prevailed over the authoritarian government; in less than two decades, the Taiwan government has implemented many political and social reforms and the country has been peacefully transformed into a more mature democracy. This transformation has been known internationally as the Silent Revolution in Taiwan. Many of the political and social reforms in Taiwan, including reforms of higher education, have been initiated by groups outside the sphere of the state (Wong, 2005; Wright, 1999). Access to higher education was relatively restrained for decades, as it was affected by the national college entrance examination; in 1995, the number of tertiary students was 377,431, which only represented 1.77% of the total national population in Taiwan (Ministry of Education, n.d.; Ministry of Interior Affairs, n.d.). In comparison, in the same year, many advanced countries had higher percentages: 6.86 in Canada, 5.36 in the United States, 5.34 in Australia, 4.93 in Korea, 4.19 in Finland, 3.62 in France, and 3.12 in Japan (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, n.d.; The World Bank, 2000; United Nations, 1997). In addition, knowledge that is not required for the entrance exam is likely to be neglected by students, parents, schools, and even the society, so that subjects included in the entrance exam became of utmost importance to many. When students are cramming up only what is required for the entrance exam, other subjects such as citizenship and arts are frequently viewed as inferior. As a result, 4 Civil Society Through Community Colleges in Taiwan 53 the education system has been overly emphasizing credentials, textbook knowledge, and meritocracy, and has been criticized by individuals longing for a well- rounded learning and schooling environment (Huang, 1997, 1999). Recognizing the country’s urgent need to increase people’s access to knowledge and educational opportunities, and respond to the global trend of growing emphasis on higher education, Dr. Wu-shiung Huang initiated the establishment of community colleges in 1994 (Huang, 1999). Huang was inspired by the American community colleges, which focus on open-door admission and grassroots services to the surrounding communities, and those of the North European Folk High Schools, which have a citizenship orientation (Taipei City Government, 1999). According to Huang’s detailed blueprint (1997), community colleges in Taiwan would aim at emancipating knowledge from ivory towers and advance the formation of a civil society by offering various education programs to enable and empower people as active and effective citizens. Huang’s ideas were well received, and supporters from various non-governmental organizations began a grassroots social movement to establish community colleges as a means to meeting diverse learning needs in a democratic society. Since the founding of the first community colleges in September 1998, the numbers have been increasing impressively. To date, there is a total of 105 community colleges, including 13 for tribalcommunities (National Association for the Promotion of Community University, 2008). The rapid growth of Taiwanese community college education is very promising and indicates that such educational ideals have been well-accepted by the general public (Gu, 2001; Huang, 2003). In fact, the evolution of community colleges in Taiwan is closely related to the social context. Responding to the challenge posed by global trends of promoting lifelong learning, the establishment of community colleges is an educational intervention expected to provide access to postsecondary education to those who would never have had the opportunity, and engage people in multidimensional learning. To be more specific, the mission of community colleges in Taiwan is to reduce credentialism, and improve community development and quality of life, by providing adults with learning opportunities which emphasize learner-centered instruction and encourage social and community engagement (Huang, 1997; Tsai, n.d.). Community colleges in Taiwan are thus poised to provide educational opportunities to the public, for the sake of learning.

Governance

Pioneering community colleges in Taiwan were established without comprehensive legal directions or foundations, as efforts in grassroots educational reform progressed faster than government regulations (F. Huang, 2002). As a result, community college advocates and administrators had a rough start in identifying and ensuring government support for finances and infrastructure, and promoting the recognition of community college certificates and degrees. They sought assistance 54 A.S. Chen and W. Wang from local governments and formed partnerships that highlighted the fundamental visions and values which were similar to those of charter schools in the United States. The collaborative relationship between local governments and community colleges linked public resources and the new educational initiative firmly, and led to the good use of resources and expertise from both ends. As a result, the community colleges in Taiwan have become privately-managed public educational institutions, founded by community groups or private organizations that operate under a written contract with the governments regarding institutional mission and visions, administration, and performance evaluation. Such semi-autonomy ensures that the community colleges are exempted from most local laws and regulations related to education, but to gain renewal of the contract, they must prove that their performance and services have achieved the goals specified in the initial contract (Huang, 1997; Taipei City Government, 1999), such as admission and enrollment management, faculty recruitment, and financial management. Community colleges are accountable for their performance and effectiveness and are responsible for meeting budget limits. Local governments, on the other hand, play the supervising role and are required to provide community colleges with financial and infrastructure support in accordance with the contract. In other words, with limited support in terms of budget and infrastructure from local governments, community college leaders and administrations show great freedom and flexibility in figuring out what is to be offered to their communities through their services. However, such a breakthrough was certainly not enough for the sustainability of the community college system. The advocates of the system and the professionals involved in it worked with several non-governmental organizations to lobby the enactment of national level laws that would provide permanent legal guidance for the position and governance of the system. The passing of the Lifelong Learning Law in 2002 at last answered the call and stated that the community colleges are lifelong learning institutions supervised by city/county governments (equivalent to state government in the US provincial context). The community college system in Taiwan, therefore, has institutions that are independent from the Taiwanese educational hierarchy, and has the primary goal of providing lifelong learning opportunities to all.

Curriculum

Three categories of programs are offered: academic programs, life skills programs, and community involvement programs (Huang, n.d.). Academic programs are basically general education in the areas of liberal arts, social sciences, and natural sciences. Life skills programs provide a large array of courses to enrich personal interests and life skills. The last but not the least, community involvement programs, lead students to become actively involved in community affairs and provide them opportunities to develop a sense of citizenship. A certificate is granted after the completion of each course, and learners who attain 128 credits receive an associate degree. Certificates and degrees are granted by community colleges as 4 Civil Society Through Community Colleges in Taiwan 55 rewards for the time and effort students devoted to learning and a visible recognition of what they have accomplished. In terms of grading, a pass/fail system is used in community college contexts, indicating that grades or GPA are not significant to student success as they are in formal education. All the same, there has not been much discussion in Taiwan regarding issues related to student success. Credits in Taiwan refer to the phenomenon by which people acquire education and participate in schooling, receiving credits as if they were admission tickets for refining their social roles, such as finding jobs, getting promotions, and so on. Therefore, receiving credits is more important than the process of education and learning, and even the individual’s capability (Huang, 1997). In other words, the face value of credits is more than what has actually been learned and acquired from education. The advocates of the community colleges argued that such a social value prevented people from truly embracing the joy of learning, and urged the opening of access to education, so that the abundant learning opportunities offered by the community colleges would weaken the negative impact of credits (Tsai, 2006), as a result of which the process of education and learning and the individual’s competence would become more important than credits. Although the community college system in Taiwan has pedagogy similar to most of its international counterparts, such as valuing personal enrichment and knowledge acquisition for individual and collective purposes, its uniqueness depends on its curriculum. Applying the American community college system as the frame of reference for comparison, the American system is seen to offer transfer, vocational/ occupational, and community education programs, but with phenomenal emphasis on the first two (Cohen and Brawer, 2003; Wright, 2000). Comparing these two models, it is apparent that Taiwan’s community colleges have a greater emphasis on general and community education programs that do not lead to end of the course degrees. The vocational/occupational education programs also have relatively less emphasis and currently no transfer education is offered. The divergence in the focus of the program of the Taiwanese and American community college models reflects the fact that the American model has greater interaction with educational institutions such as high schools and 4-year courses in universities; in other words, the American community college is part of the educational hierarchy of the country, resulting in a considerable amount of discussion on student success and seamless transition from high school to a community college and then to a 4-year university. In Taiwan, community colleges are currently independent of the educational system, so programs are more flexible and have greater association with the broader contexts of the community and society.

Civil Society, Learning, Knowledge Emancipation and Social Engagement

This section contains a theoretical discussion of the core concepts and philosophical issues relating to the foundation of community colleges in Taiwan. We consider adult learners to be citizens with great social responsibilities for building a 56 A.S. Chen and W. Wang

democratic society, whose motivation to learn is based on social reality. First, we introduce the concept of civil society, and secondly, argue that learning must transcend education for providing a solid ground for a civil society. Thirdly, we point out that knowledge emancipation from the authorities is the beginning point for adult learners to define what meaningful and useful knowledge is to them. We adopt critical perspectives and declare that governmental hegemony and elite-oriented knowledge neglect the crucial voices from the grassroots. Finally, we propose service learning as an appropriate approach in improving social engagement, as it represents an innovative means of learning from and giving back to the community.

Concept of Civil Society

There has been considerable discussion regarding the desire to promote a civil society. In the political realm, the definition of “civil” is mainly associated with the state or its citizenry, focusing on the acquisition of the civic skills necessary for participating in democracy, understanding how the government functions, obtaining the right and obligation to vote, and acting as an individual political member in the nation or state. This political definition includes the aim of constructing a democratic society with a good perspective of life. From an interpersonal perspective, on the other hand, being “civil” refers to individuals acting with adequate courtesy and politeness, and thereby engaging themselves with manners in society. The second definition seems to come to the conclusion that, as long as people have good manners and treat others with courtesy, a civilized society would evolve. However, a civil society is not limited to respecting people around us or acting as courteous individuals in the collective world (Khilnani, 2001; Lisman, 1998; Olfield, 1990; Turner, 1993). It should go beyond viewing society as a self-interest-oriented environment for people to fulfill personal needs and desires. On the contrary, if a society is made up of civilized citizens, it is likely to establish a specific consciousness towards forming a collective community in which people expect each other to participate in social engagement and to show social responsibilities. This is the vision that the pioneering advocates of Taiwan’s community colleges shared: creating a space to endow citizens with the virtues and capacities necessary for forming a civil society. The knowledge and skills essential to form a civil society are generally regarded as citizenship, a concept that is critical for the successful functioning of modern political systems, which can be classified into five categories: a sense of identity, the enjoyment of certain rights, the fulfillment of corresponding obligations, a degree of interest and involvement in public affairs, and an acceptance of basic social values (Stein, 2000). Although citizenship can be cultivated through governmental and non-governmental agencies as well as mass media, creating a type of institution with a specific mission of educating people to become civilized is a more proactive approach (Heater, 1990). Based on such theoretical contexts, the newly developed Taiwanese community colleges expect themselves, and have also 4 Civil Society Through Community Colleges in Taiwan 57 been expected, to serve as a non-profit and non-governmental learning institution for opening learning opportunities to all, meaning that they would be taking on the role of equipping modern citizens with the capabilities of creating and sustaining a democratic society and state (Chen and Chiang, 2007).

Learning Transcending Education

The distinction and relation between learning and education have long been a classic topic in pedagogy and sociology. Why learning takes place in the form of education, and why learning stands as the core and direction, in contrast to education, are two central questions that are of interest in approaching the distinction. Here, we examine their relation from three dimensions. First, compulsory education determines the leaving age for formal schooling, meaning that there eventually will be a finish line for people’s access to education. The urge to rethink about receiving education as a basic human right is then discussed. Second, learning is not something that can be isolated from social life. This assumes that learning is taking place in the functioning of a modern or postmodern society as people struggle with the novelty and risks in everyday life. Third, the risks in society not only produce unpredictable situations but society also discovers tremendous differences among constructs of gender, race, ethnicity, etc. Learning is thus a pathway to enable people to live together in a community which has great diversity.

Learning as a Basic Human Right

Since the United Nations proclaimed the right to education as a fundamental human right in Article 26 of the United Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, education for all has been on the international agenda for doing away with the circumstances of inequality, poverty, and oppression. Therefore, the right to learn throughout one’s lifetime became a better objective to respond to people’s quest for more achievements in personal development, corporate gains and public responsibility (Jansen, Finger and Wildemeersch, 1998), particularly after modernization, globalization and post-modernity had evoked significant changes in distance and time (Edwards and Usher, 2000). Learning hence has to replace education for equipping adult learners: to access sufficient information and resources so they can orient themselves in the world, to express themselves in confidence so their voices will be heard and taken into account, to solve problems and to act independently as citizens for public good, and to keep up with a rapidly changing world (Martin, 1999; Stein, 2000). In other words, the right to learn is not only a mission for governments or states to fulfill by providing educational opportunities to all, but also a continuous learning activity for citizens to enjoy throughout their lifetime. 58 A.S. Chen and W. Wang

The distinctive mission of Taiwan’s community colleges is to empower people to understand the nature of learning and thus emphasize the value of experiential knowledge gained from ordinary life. Although its curriculum is in some ways institutionalized, the Taiwan model is committed to liberalize the dissemination of knowledge and mass experience from the authorities, so that learning, rather than education, serves as the mechanism to equip people with the power and strength to voice their needs and fight against structural oppression and political hegemony.

Learning as a Dynamic Political Plan

Learning shifts from being an instrumental process to a coping mechanism in the unpredictable and dramatic contemporary society, in which novel technology rapidly transforms ways of living and fills ordinary life with risks (Giddens, 1991; Usher, 1999). Therefore, education, governed by unchanging rules or acquired through a formal process within a limited period of time, is not enough to teach learners to cope with the unanticipated risks in the global system. It is learning that enables people to employ their strengths to face unpredictability and to remain responsible through dynamic social activities. To be able to survive successfully in contemporary society, people must learn to be responsive to and reflect upon the happenings in both public and private spheres. Once people obtain the confidence to confront unpredictability with ease and efficiency, society will benefit from their flexible and reflective consciousness. Giddens (1991) termed such a learning process a “political plan” that supplies people with the necessary power and skills to struggle against the modern risk in all aspects of their lives. Community colleges in Taiwan, only loosely bound by governmental rules and regulations due to the private-management-of-public-establishment model of operation, are equipped to provide such a dynamic platform, allowing people to exercise an interactive learning process, exchange different perspectives of new knowledge and empower them to reflect upon their own experiences.

Learning as an Approach to Embrace Differences

Compared to the risk in society as a circumstance people live with, postmodern society is a container filling with differences. Difference means diversity, imply- ing that various norms, beliefs, customs and behaviors exist, and are regarded as significant identities by different groups of people in the society. Therefore, it is of vital importance to consider a multicultural perspective in education, regardless of the disciplines involved or subject matter taught at any level. Unlike formal educational institutions that give textbook knowledge priority, community colleges serve as an environment for people to exchange, share, and consider different opinions. Absolutely correct answers and accurate solutions are rare in such a context, but 4 Civil Society Through Community Colleges in Taiwan 59 the synergy evolved from the conversation among different individuals is more stimulating and welcome. The foundation for a rich, complex and coherent vision of citizenship is necessary for preparing people to respond effectively to the challenges and demands of the multicultural social reality. In this aspect, learning definitely goes beyond the education system, which is always in favor of centralization and suppression of the national apparatus. It is such a paradigm shift from education to learning that enables us to enjoy greater possibilities of cultural interpretation and development, domestically and internationally. Reflecting upon their origins, missions, governance, and curriculum, community colleges in Taiwan, operating as a type of lifelong learning organization, are undoubtedly geared toward the learning end. Taiwan’s community colleges are different from other education providers that view credits and dissemination of textbook knowledge as their priorities, as they give more weight to learning processes and experiences. For example, courses titled, “Gender, Family and Life Images” of Yi-lan Community University, “Creation of Tribal Arts” of Tai-tung Community University, “Hakka Ballad” of Kaohsiung Ci-shan Community University, etc., are designed on the basis of local histories and cultures. In other words, the essence of learning for personal reasons and the common good authenticates the services provided by these colleges and furthers the possibility of forming a civil society.

Knowledge Emancipation

Radical and critical approaches are famous for their manifest will to eliminate injustice and reflect upon the power struggle resulting from class, gender, ethnicity, race, and culture. Sharing similar core concerns, radical adult education plays its role in freeing people from political control and economic exploitation by evoking collective actions through educational approaches to achieve social reforms and movements for public good (Wangoola, 1996). In other words, adult learning is not merely a motivation to learn, but an action for people to obtain control over their own lives. Freire’s work in Brazil is a famous representation of how educational approaches awoke the formerly oppressed by identifying their power from within to collectively fight for what they deserved (Freire and Rarmos, 1970). Current and past critical theorists based their concept of education on the stance of promoting justice, freedom, and emancipation for all (Giroux, 1992; Popkewitz, 2000), and through this, the appreciation of diversity emerged. Critical pedagogy, transformative learning, and liberal education are approaches to prepare people not only for surviving in the current reality but also using their imagination, skills, and experience to transform society into a participatory and sustainable democracy. Consequently, critical social perspectives became a framework to interpret social reality and a viewpoint for advancing equality and justice through emancipation. Emancipation is a long-term process to free people from political and cultural hegemony via learning basic literacy, obtaining political rights, fulfilling social 60 A.S. Chen and W. Wang responsibilities, and recognizing cultural achievements (Tsai, 2006). Based on the radical framework of emancipation, community colleges in Taiwan play an important role in empowering people to learn in order to gain power over the hegemony and oppression that existed before the revoking of martial law in 1987. Through the grassroots services, people are expected to obtain the power and capacity of interpreting and defining the meaning of their lives in both private and public spheres.

Experience Enriching Knowledge Acquisition

Under the context of globalization and rapid dissemination of information technology worldwide, it appears that the transmission channels and contents of knowledge are not solely controlled by academia any more. The phenomenon of knowledge production in the modern era can therefore be categorized into two distinctive modes: one is culturally-concentrated knowledge and the other is socially-distributed knowledge (Gibbson et al., 1994). The first is defined as a form of knowledge production in which intellectual products are being controlled extensively by the intellectuals and professionals. They are the key persons to define what is important to mankind and possess the power to determine the composition of knowledge. However, it is only when these professionals and intellectuals release the authority of knowledge production and the power of interpretation to mass media and the public, that a so-called learning society can be formed and become a site encouraging civic participation (Usher, 1999). The second mode, socially- distributed knowledge, refers to the emergent work of intellectual products that are increasingly being produced and consumed outside the traditional university settings. The latter definition shows a phenomenon taking place in a materialistic modern context rooted in corporate and entrepreneurial orientations. We do not intend to imply in this chapter that modern knowledge production is merely for capitalism and corporates, but we have seen a paradigm shift along with the social movements via knowledge production (Schriewer, 2000). This transition is in line with the concept of a knowledge society, where constructivism is the methodology to discourse upon what is being valued and promoted, with the premises of viewing knowledge as being constructed by and within social contexts (Berger and Luckmann, 1966). In that sense, control and authority of knowledge production and dissemination have clearly been liberalized from the traditional palace of elite academia. The characteristics of socially-distributed knowledge further imply the unconventional opportunities for citizens to participate in the process of voicing what is significant to themselves and to the society as a whole (Moreland, 1999). Adults benefit from the opportunity of being able to justify what is essential to their quest for socially-distributed knowledge. In fact, as long as adults are empowered to reflect upon what is meaningful to their learning, what they have learned would be more likely to be blended into their everyday life in a more profound way (Edwards and Usher, 2000; Moreland, 1999). As far as the Taiwan community colleges are concerned, emancipation of knowledge from the ivory tower is a core concentration 4 Civil Society Through Community Colleges in Taiwan 61 of their institutional missions. It responds to the vision that critical adult education theorists have long constructed: gaining power from within to fight against hegemony and oppression, and reacting to the trend of promoting socially-distributed knowledge in contemporary society. We mentioned earlier that building a civil society is the core vision embedded in the community college system of Taiwan. In addition, we discussed the analysis of a paradigm shift from education to learning to highlight how knowledge emancipation has helped adult learners in Taiwan to obtain power within and rely upon their learning through community college offerings. In this section, we conclude the theoretic discussion by elaborating on service learning as a proactive means by which learners can apply and exercise what they have learned from community colleges in the contexts of community settings.

Social Engagement via Service Learning

Service learning refers to the type of learning that takes place in the community and which in turn benefits the community via the learners’ active contribution, which could be viewed as a different form of learning (Lee, 2005; Lisman, 1998). According to Courtney (1992), service learning is a method under which students or participants learn and develop ability and morality through active participation in a service program that is conducted on the basis of the needs of the community and is coordinated with an elementary school, secondary school, or an institution of higher education. Its purposes are to foster civic responsibility and integrate learners into the components of community services (Jansen et al., 1998; Vandenabeele and Wildemeersch, 1998). However, service learning is different from experiential learning and volunteerism, two concepts leading to the promotion of a civil society. Service learning is believed to be capable of nurturing social engagement. In treating service learning under the umbrella of experiential learning, we may easily be trapped in the scientific bias in education, as experiential learning reinforces an instrumental reason for neglecting to assist learners and to understand the moral dimensions of academic disciplines. Besides, volunteerism is a form of providing services without receiving payment (Chen, 2006; Ho, 2004; Lisman, 1998; Saunders, 1993). Service learning is also different from volunteering in community events or activities, because the latter is more individualistic and does not generate responses to human and social problems. In other words, service learning is distinct from the other two because it blends learners into the social context for the purpose of establishing long-term social engagement in fulfilling the commitment to the common wealth. Given its theoretic foundations, service learning is then a grassroots approach to build a civil society, as well as the pathway to enable learners to find channels to blend with the community, and engage in dialogues on social issues. Service learning provides opportunities for learners to reflect upon their experiences and the relevance of course content and learning processes to the community issues that are being explored. 62 A.S. Chen and W. Wang

Thus, learners will deepen their understanding of the issues they are engaged in and perhaps become socially transformed through working on issues in relation to community problems or national concerns. Learning is not restricted to the classroom. The sense of civic participation offered by community colleges is a representation of social commitment and the result of it is to progress toward becoming mature citizens in society (C. Huang, 2002). There are several issues provided by the community involvement programs in the community colleges in Taiwan to link individual learners to the community, society, state, or even the world. ‘Cultural Protection in ABC Community,’ ‘Sustainable Environment,’ ‘Charity Society,’ ‘Aboriginal Culture Heritage,’ and the like, are popular topics. These service learning programs are designed to focus on public affairs and enrich learners’ capability and make them aware of the responsibility of social engagement, which justifies the comment made earlier that service learning is a grassroots approach reaching out to social issues, while experiential learning and volunteerism are merely based on personal interests. Given the origin and mission of Taiwan’s community colleges, service learning is indeed a grassroots approach to learning that can be nurtured by them.

Taiwan’s Community Colleges: Prevailing Trends and Practice

As mentioned earlier, three types of programs are offered by Taiwan’s community college system, academic, life skills, and community involvement programs, of which the last is unique and has obtained a growing visibility. Different from academic and life skills programs that are mainly designed by administrators or instructors, community involvement programs enable learners to become active participants by standing up for their interests and needs, and in shaping their learning experiences. From this perspective, such programs present a hidden spirit of empowering underserving people to initiate what is good for them, to solve personal and community problems. Some community involvement programs in Taiwan are operated in community theaters, by environmental protection task forces, local agricultural extension services, aboriginal cultural reservations, etc. These programs show strong links with events where the community colleges are located and present a collaborative learning experience, shared by the community, and leading to an emerging distinction of the community college as a site for nurturing the study of the locality. For instance, Chia-yi City Community University has positioned itself as an agent to rediscover and revive local history and collective memories through the efforts of mapping the Chia-yi ecological system and establishing a mini exhibition hall of traditional and cultural artifacts on the campus. Specifically, community involvement programs share the philosophy of community education, which is a program that “focuses on college-community interaction, utilizes the community as a learning laboratory and resource, helps to create an environment in which the community educates itself, and evaluates its success 4 Civil Society Through Community Colleges in Taiwan 63 by citizen successes that are recognized as significant by the community itself ” (McGuire, 1988, p. 9). Adult education (instruction designed for people beyond the age of compulsory education attendance), continuing education (educational programs designed for people who regard learning as a means of developing their competency or resolving personal problems), lifelong learning (intermittent education, whether or not undertaken in school settings), community services (efforts undertaken in cooperation with other community groups or agencies in order to directly serve individual and community educational needs not met by formal schooling or certificate programs), and community-based education (programs designed by the citizens for the good of the community) are common formats discussed in the community college literature (Baker III, 1994; Bogart, 1994; Cohen and Brawer, 2003; Fields, 1962; Gleazer Jr., 1974; McGuire, 1988). These five formats present some common characteristics, including: access to all with a multitude of entry points in time and place, continuous service to the learner throughout life, values and priorities set on the basis of needs of the people, flexibility to respond quickly to community needs, and performance orientation and criteria (McGuire, 1988). Among the five, continuing education is the least seen format since such a program in Taiwan is mainly administrated by industries and government sectors. However, the other four are equally popular in Taiwan. Literacy courses for foreigners and immigrants, seminars on safe usage of drugs, environmental protection and reservation workshops are some of the most prevalent content areas. In sum, community involvement programs represent a unique trend and orientation of the Taiwanese community colleges. Through these programs, community colleges provide a platform for their students to hold diverse community-based activities and extend the participation opportunity to those community citizens who even do not enroll. As a result, learning does not just occur in the classroom and limit to people enrolled, participation as an audience can also receive updated information and knowledge to replace old assumptions. The community, on the other hand, would be transformed into a dynamic learning system that is able to educate itself.

Examples of Current Practice

A few examples are drawn to showcase how community involvement programs provide the open space for learners to get engaged in community affairs as well as for community members to show more commitments and community consciousness towards the environments they live in. Ching-shui Theater run by Taichung Coastal Community University was the awardee of the Best Community Involvement Program of the Year Award in 2006. Members of the Theater compose their scripts based on the history and happenings in the community. They especially enjoy looking for stories of regular community members; as a result, they visit the community frequently and interview people for inspirations. 64 A.S. Chen and W. Wang

Through conversations and community participation, the actors and actresses come up with screenplays that are extremely close the lives of people living in the area, and present their work as a means of public services to the community. Their efforts have been seen and the Theater has been recognized as a valuable local cultural entity by the community as a whole. Collaborating with local and regional non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to establish a community learning network is deeply infused in the community college practices in Taiwan. Not only are they advocates and think tanks, community colleges also play a coordinating role among other NGOs involved in the network to integrate community resources. Yi-lan Community University invited a dozen of regional mountaineering associations, wilderness protection groups, and community organizations to form a task force to come up with a loop trail system in the Yi-lan area. Since the beginning, these organizations had a shared resolution that the trail system would be community-oriented, meaning local history, ecology, and assets would be infused. Therefore, how the college coordinated the project was to involve experts from participating NGOs in decision making, and cooperate their respective professional knowledge into the plan. As a result, the loop trail system became not just a collection of hiking trails; it is a system which landscaping, community development, and local business are all tightly connected to community values. In terms of operation, community residents assist the maintenance and serve as rangers and guides telling visitors stories about Yi-lan (National Association for the Promotion of Community University, 2004). Another example to present to what extent community involvement programs is capable of reacting to community needs is a series of health education programs and seminars on severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) in 2003. Taiwan was one of the at-risk areas where a SARS outbreak was on the edge during the occur- rence of the disease, so people were under high stress and in extreme panic. Facing the unprecedented public health challenge, Taiwan government turned to community colleges seeking their assistance to provide immediate learning programs on SARS to educate citizens what SARS was in order to lower people’s scare and to prevent the spreading from getting worse. The community colleges picked up the responsibility without resistance and put public health programs together in snaps, so within a short period of time, most community colleges in Taiwan started offering intensive seminars and talks on SARS. The goals of these programs included three dimensions: (1) understanding and taking actions to SARS epidemic in proper ways; (2) removing social stigma from those infected by SARS; and (3) analyzing public health policies on infectious diseases (National Association for the Promotion of Community University, 2004). From these examples, it is obvious that community involvement programs offered through community colleges in Taiwan are different from other types of programs aiming to increase personal knowledge and to obtain certain credentials to get into workforce. Ching-shui Theater represented an entity committing to pass down its community history to younger generations; Yi-lan Community University’s collaboration with regional NGOs showed its stance of playing a 4 Civil Society Through Community Colleges in Taiwan 65 coordinating role when working with various organizations on community-oriented issues; and how community colleges responded to the internationally-scrutinized SARS breakout was a particular case showing that such an educational system has received national recognition of its social role and capacity of promptly reacting to social needs through the global dimension. Community colleges in Taiwan in all respects have established their distinctive role and function to be organizations for learning and responding to what happens to ordinary life in a democratic society. These examples also indicated that the community involvement programs serve as a service learning opportunity for people taking courses and the best forum for community members from all backgrounds to reach consensuses of what is the best for the community. Such practice is parallel to the framework called public work (Boyte and Kari, 1996) for reinventing an active practice of citizenship, and in congruence of the concept of public spaces, in which people work with others from a mix of backgrounds to solve problems that is recognized as important to a broad public by discussions, deliberations, and debates. Given their grassroots orientation and the scope of their services, it is fair to conclude that community involvement programs of the Taiwanese community colleges are truly “mediating structures” (Berger and Neuhaus in Zimmerman, 2000, p. 52) providing opportunities for citizens learning new skills, building a sense of control, getting engaged in social affairs, improving community life, feeling empowered, and fostering the building of a civil society. Exultantly, community involvement programs are a great context to reflect upon the convergence of globalization and localization. Not a single country can escape from or refuse to encounter the rapid changes and unpredictability of the contemporary world, as well as influences of other countries. Therefore, only those equipping with up-to-date knowledge and skills in time are able to survive from the day-to-day modern struggles. However, the quest for quick and immediate knowledge oftentimes inevitably assists the reproduction of the mainstream values, such as cultural hegemony transmitted through novel information technology. It is critical that while interacting with global issues and demands, citizens must stay reflective upon indigenous values and civilization. Community colleges in Taiwan are the medium to raise attention to trends of globalization and to cultivate globally-conscious perspectives, but at the same time, they are the grassroots steering force to preserve local history, culture, language and literature, and environmental ecology. Somewhat paradoxical, but these distinctive organizations pick up the accountability as lifelong learning educational institutions by means of fostering sustainable development in the community with the commitment of preventing local assets from being threatened, or even demolished by the surge of globalization. Courses regarding to aboriginal culture reservations, wilderness protections, Taiwanese literature, and so forth, are constituted based on the appreciation of local consciousness with an overarching global trend in being reflective and friendly to both the human and environmental ecology through lifelong learning opportunities. 66 A.S. Chen and W. Wang

Conclusion

American community colleges have been regarded as a “most effective democratizing agent in higher education” (Dougherty, 1994, p. 6) because of their grassroots origin of standing for open admissions, geographic proximity, and financial affordability to the potential students from the community they served. Given the introduction of the Taiwanese community colleges, there is no doubt that they share similar characteristics with their American counterparts. Taiwanese community colleges are grassroots lifelong learning institutions offering various programs to those who have had no access to further education opportunities. Through community involvement programs, these colleges themselves are also gradually solidifying their unique positionality as a praxis to build a deliberative democracy and civil society since learners and community members not only have the access to learn but actually experience and practice modern knowledge and skills that are critical for participating in a democratic society. In other words, community colleges in Taiwan become the community’s catalyst of collaboration by means of providing programs to meet diverse educational needs, and of creating public space (Boyte and Kari, 1996) to vitalize community members’ willingness for community participation. In conclusion, we believe that community colleges in Taiwan have played a critical role, liberalizing subjectivity and power of citizens through lifelong learning opportunities to embrace multidimensional worldviews and take actions for common good. These community colleges are outcomes of the Taiwanese democratization efforts in the 1990s, and have matured into an active participating entity in the social network of signifying indigenous spirits and culture from a learning perspective. Learning institutions must respond to social movements, and globalization has been one crucial trend of social changes since the end of the twentieth century. In association with concepts of civil society, knowledge emancipation, and service learning, community colleges in Taiwan were initially established in the light of global trends of adult education and lifelong learning; after nearly 10 years of practice, community college advocates and practitioners have strengthened their grassroots commitments to appreciate and respond to local voices, since those localized assets are valuable components to complement globalization.

References

Baker III, G. A. (Ed.). (1994). A handbook on the community college in America: its history, mission, and management. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Berger, P. L., & Luckman, T. (1966). The social construction of reality: a treatise in the sociology of knowledge. Westport, CT: Bergin & Garvey. Bogart, Q. J. (1994). The community college mission. In G. A. Baker III (Ed.), A handbook on the community college in America: its history, mission, and management (pp. 60–73). Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Boyte, H., & Kari, N. (1996). Reinventing citizenship: the practice of public work. Retrieved April 19, 2004, from http://www.extension.umn.edu/distribution/citizenship/DH6586.html 4 Civil Society Through Community Colleges in Taiwan 67

Chen, A. S. (2006). Adult citizenship under the context of globalization: curriculum content analysis on YiLan, SinYi and YongHe colleges. Unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, National Taiwan Normal University, Department of Adult and Continuing Education. Taipei, Taiwan. Chen, T. M., & Chiang, M. H. (2007). The study of publicness in the community colleges of Taiwan. Asia Studies, 55, 99–128. Cohen, A., & Brawer, F. (2003). The American community college (4th ed.). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Courtney, S. (1992). Why adults learn: towards a theory of participation in adult education. New York: Routledge. Dougherty, K. (1994). The contradictory college: the conflicting origins, impacts, and futures of the community college. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Edwards, R., & Usher, R. (2000). Globalization and pedagogy: space, place and identity. New York: Routledge. Fields, R. R. (1962). The community college movement. New York: McGraw-Hill. Freire, P., & Rarmos, M. B. (1970). Pedagogy of the oppressed. (M. B. Ramos, Trans.). New York: Herderand Herder. Gibbson, M., Limoges, C., Nowotny, H., Schwartzman, S., Scott, P., & Trow, M. (1994). The new production of knowledge: the dynamics of science and research in contemporary societies. London: Sage. Giddens, A. (1991). Modernity and self-identity: self and society in the late modern age. Cambridge: Polity. Giroux, H. (1992). Border crossings: cultural workers and the politics of education. New York: Routledge. Gleazer Jr., E. J. (1974). Beyond the open door: the open college. Community and Junior College Journal, 45(1), 6–12. Gu, C. (2001). Three directions of deepening the development of community universities. Retrieved October 5, 2001, from http://apcu.taconet.com.tw/html/report/special/special12a. htm Heater, D. B. (1990). Citizenship: the civic ideal in world history, politics, and education. New York: Longman. Ho, C. (2004). The public’s identification with the rationales and the features of community universities: insights from a survey. Taiwan Journal of Sociology of Education, 4(1), 1–38. Huang, C. (2002). The ideas and practice of universities in the twenty-first-century age of globalization. Journal of Generation Education, 9(1), 93–110. Huang, F. (2002). Milestone to a learning society: the contents and characteristics of the Lifelong Learning Law. Adult Education, 68, 2–12. Huang, W. (1997). The reconstruction of Taiwanese education (2nd ed.). Taipei, Taiwan: Yuen- liu Publishing. Huang, W. (1999). Several questions, one dream. Retrieved March 4, 2005, from http://apcu. taconet.com.tw/html/book03.htm Huang, W. (2003). Schools are outside of the window. Taipei, Taiwan: Rive Gauche Cultural Enterprise. Huang, W. (n.d.). What kind of community colleges do we want? Retrieved March 4, 2005, from http://www.napcu.org.tw/napcu/AboutUs/Ideal.aspx. Jansen, T., Finger, M., & Wildemeersch, D. (1998). Reframing reflectivity in view of adult education for social responsibility. In D. Wildemeersch, M. Finger, & T. Jansen (Eds.), Adult education an social responsibility (pp. 115–132). New York: Lang. Khilnani, S. (2001). The development of civil society. In S. Kaviraj, & S. Khilnani (Eds.), Civil society: history and possibilities (pp. 11–32). New York: Cambridge University. Lee, P. (2005). Theory and practice of public-private partnership and community governance: the mode of community university and government in Taiwan. Journal of Public Administration, 16, 59–106. Lisman, C. M. (1998). Toward a civil society: civic literacy and service learning. London: Bergin & Garvey. 68 A.S. Chen and W. Wang

Martin, I. (1999). Lifelong learning: stretching the discourse. In P. Oliver (Ed.), Lifelong and continuing education: what is a learning society (pp. 181–194). Sydney: Ashgate. McGuire, K. B. (1988). State of the art in community-based education in the American community college. Washington, DC: American Association of Community and Junior Colleges. Ministry of Education (n.d.). Number of students at all levels. Retrieved January 8, 2008, from http:// www.edu.tw/EDU_WEB/EDU_MGT/STATISTICS/EDU7220001/data/serial/seriesdata.xls Ministry of Interior Affairs (n.d.). Population by age. Retrieved January 8, 2008, from http://sowf. moi.gov.tw/stat/year/y02–01.xls Moreland, R. (1999). Towards a learning society: the role of formal, nonformal, and informal learning. In P. Oliver (Ed.), Lifelong and continuing education: what is a learning society (pp. 159–180). Sydney: Ashgate. National Association for the Promotion of Community University (2004). Creating a new challenge to adult higher education. The 6th Annual Conference of Community Universities. April 17–18, 2004. Tainan, Taiwan. National Association for the Promotion of Community University (2008). Numbers of community universities. Retrieved January 8, 2008, from http://www.napcu.org.tw/napcuwebsite/ Olfield, A. (1990). Citizenship and community: civic republicanism and the modern world. London: Routledge. Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (n.d). Dataset: students enrolled by type of institution. Retrieved January 5, 2008, from http://stats.oecd.org/wbos/default. aspx?DatasetCode = RENRL Popkewitz, T. S. (2000). Globalization/regionalization, knowledge, and the educational practices: some notes on comparative strategies foe educational research. In T. S. Popkewitz (Ed.), Educational knowledge: changing relationships between the state, civil society, and the educational community (pp. 3–32). Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Quigley, A. (2000). Adult education and democracy: reclaiming our voice through social policy. In A. Wilson, & E. Hayes (Eds.), Handbook of adult and continuing education (pp. 208–223). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Saunders, P. (1993). Citizenship in a liberal society. In B. S. Turner (Ed.), Citizenship and social theory (pp. 57–90). London: Sage. Schriewer, J. (2000). World system and interrelationship networks: the internationalization of education and the role of comparative inquiry. In T. S. Popkewitz (Ed.), Educational knowledge: changing relationships between the state, civil society, and the educational community (pp. 305–344). Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Stein, S. (2000). Equipped for the future content standards: what adults need to know and be able to do in the 21st century. Washington, DC: National Institute for Literacy. Taipei City Government (1999). Taipei Community Universities Report. Taipei, Taiwan: Taipei City Government. The World Bank (2000). Higher education in developing countries: peril and promise. Retrieved January 4, 2008, from http://siteresources.worldbank.org/EDUCATION/Resources/278200- 1099079877269/547664-1099079956815/peril_promise_en.pdf Tsai, C. (n.d.). Visions and development of community colleges. Retrieved March 4, 2005, from http://tcu.taconet.com.tw/literature/concept/4-concept.doc Tsai, H. (2006). On the emancipation of knowledge of the community university: searching for an epistemological explanation. Formosan Education and Society, 10, 31–64. Turner, B. (1993). Contemporary problems in the theory of citizenship. In B. Turner (Ed.), Citizenship and social theory (pp. 1–18). London: Sage. United Nations (1997). United Nations demographic yearbook 1995. New York: United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Statistical Office. Usher, N. (1999). Identity, risk mad lifelong learning. In P. Oliver (Ed.), Lifelong and continuing education: what is a learning society (pp. 65–82). Sydney: Ashgate. Vandenabeele, J., & Wildemeersch, D. (1998). Learning for sustainable development: examining lifeworld transformation among farmers. In D. Wildemeersch, M. Finger, & T. Jansen (Eds.), Adult education as social responsibility (pp. 115–132). New York: Lang. 4 Civil Society Through Community Colleges in Taiwan 69

Wangoola, P. (1996). Alternative forms of organization and social action: implications for adult and community education. In P. Wangoola, & F. Youngman (Eds.), Towards a transformative political economy of adult education: theoretical and practical challenges (pp. 321–332). Dekalb, IL: LEPS. Wright, S. W. (2000). Community college education: not just an American thing anymore. Black Issues in Higher Education, 17(13), 46–53. Wright, T. (1999). Student mobilization in Taiwan: civil society and its discontents. Asian Survey, 39(6), 986–1008. Zimmerman, M. A. (2000). Empowerment theory. In E. Seidman (Ed.), Handbook of community psychology (pp. 43–63). New York: Kluwer/Plenum. Chapter 5 Community Colleges and the Globalization of Higher Education in Postcolonial Zimbabwe

Douglas Mpondi

Introduction

This study seeks to examine the proliferation of community colleges in post- independent Zimbabwe in a global context as part of higher educational reforms and as a way of giving access to tertiary education to those who had been denied the opportunity during the colonial era. Community colleges as defined by Raby (2000, p. 149) “are non-traditional higher education institutions that favor higher education for the masses” and enroll non-traditional students and mostly people who are working and have limited access to universities, colleges, and other vocational training colleges. Access to education in postcolonial Zimbabwe has been seen as a way of social mobility, intellectual enlightenment, and social empowerment. The purpose of this chapter is to examine Zimbabwe’s efforts to indigenize its higher education system so that the community college model as an institution can serve the Zimbabwean community. It is the convergence of strong government commitment and strong social demand for education that explains the expansion and explosion of higher education enrollment in Zimbabwe in the late 1980s and early 1990s, and the sustaining of its growth in the twenty-first century. Higher education has the important mission of generating new knowledge and preparing graduates for positions of leadership and responsibility in a rapidly changing and increasingly complex, competitive, and global world. In a developing country like Zimbabwe, education, let alone higher education, is part of a means of achieving social transformation and is seen as a route to all things. This chapter will analyze the role of community colleges in filling the gap of training students for work in postcolonial Zimbabwe. By analyzing the community college model in Zimbabwe and higher education in the global context, this chapter seeks to raise the discussion of globalization to a more theoretical level and to a greater level of concreteness by referring to specific instances of the forces of globalization and the responses to them in Zimbabwe. According to Zeleza (2003), the emerging terrains of convergence, dissonance, and conflict in the world should help in visualizing with greater clarity the implications of globalization for higher education and knowledge in the new millennium. We cannot understand community colleges and higher education in Zimbabwe outside

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 71 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 72 D. Mpondi the politics and educational systems of developing countries. In general, the chapter will make a contribution to the understanding of the community college model and its dynamics in post-colonial Zimbabwe.

Globalization, Community Colleges and Higher Education Reforms in Zimbabwe

Before gaining independence in 1980, there were few community colleges in what was then Rhodesia, offering vocational training to students who had not done well in academic subjects at high school. The Zimbabwean community college model was established specifically to give a second chance to those students who had either failed in high school or passed secondary school but could not be enrolled in conventional higher educational institutions. Carpentry and home economics were the most popular subjects and the products from these community colleges were meant to serve the colonial system (Moyana, 1989). The most notable college was called St Peters or ‘Toronto’, ‘chikoro chevakuru’ (school for the elderly). Community colleges in Zimbabwe proliferated with the overall expansion of education in Zimbabwe soon after the achievement of independence from British colonial rule in 1980. Colonial rule in Zimbabwe lasted almost 100 years, from 1890 to 1979. The new government of Zimbabwe under Prime Minister Robert Mugabe started on a very promising note by expanding access to education and building new schools, thus encouraging enrollment. The existing traditional colleges and universities could not absorb students from high schools and those people who were already working but had no access to higher education or tertiary training. Veterans of Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle who had left school also wanted to be absorbed into the education system so that they could finish their studies. But only a few thousand students from high schools could proceed to universities and teacher training and technical colleges. The expansion of community colleges in Zimbabwe was a welcome relief for non-traditional students who were already working, because community colleges fitted their schedules in that they could go to work in the morning and go to college in the evening or vice versa. This also helped the government’s effort of promoting adult literacy. Raby (2000, p. 154) argues that community colleges ‘target nontraditional audiences for workforce preparation’. Raby’s analysis of the community college model in the United States and internationally resonates well with the Zimbabwean community college model: In an attempt to counter a reality of inequity, community college models promote open access and low tuition to assist students whose academic background is lacking, who cannot afford university tuition, who are denied access due to minority status, and who do not fit a traditional profile. Access in this context is not a direct link to a university, but rather toward literacy attainment and workforce and citizenship preparation. (Raby, 2000, pp. 154–155) Most community colleges in Zimbabwe currently offer vocational training in business studies, journalism, liberal arts, graphic arts, and clerical studies in computers 5 Community Colleges and the Globalization of Higher Education 73 and other technology-related subjects. Other community colleges offer Ordinary and Advanced level subjects to students who have failed in secondary school and need the flexible schedule and atmosphere found in community colleges. Students who cannot get places for advanced studies in high schools enroll in community colleges. Those who pass their academic subjects at the ‘A’ level proceed to university, but the percentage is minimal. Most community colleges in Zimbabwe are private-owned and profit-oriented. The most notable among them are Speciss College, Christian College of Southern Africa (CCOSA), People’s College, Zimbabwe Distance Education College (ZDECO), Trust Academy, Foundation College, and UMMA College. Sufficient data on student satisfaction with the community colleges in Zimbabwe, which would give a comprehensive picture of the success of the Community College Model, is lacking. More research needs to be done to collect information about students’ achievements and experiences with community college education in Zimbabwe. Globalization is having a major impact on higher education in Africa. Most governments are under pressure to reduce public spending on education and to find other sources of funding for the expected expansion of their educational systems, including higher education. Funding for education in Zimbabwe is mostly from the government through loans and grants, but parents are also encouraged to contribute directly to the funding of their children’s tertiary education. In educational terms, the quality of national educational systems is increasingly being compared with international systems. Carnoy (2000) says that globalization enters the education sector on an ideological horse, and its effects on education are largely a product of that financially- driven, free-market ideology, not of a clear concept of improving education. In the 1980s, many African and Latin American countries, saddled with high-interest debt and forced to undergo major financial restructuring, accepted structural adjustment packages from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank. Zimbabwe implemented the reforms in 1991. The economic reforms have not been a success in Zimbabwe and this has led to an increasing drop-out rate and the current political and economic crisis has denied access to education for the majority. With the implementation of the Structural Adjustment Programs in 1991, the IMF and World Bank removed the subsidies on education and encouraged private sponsorship for higher education. Globalization has had its most direct impact on education in Zimbabwe through “finance-driven” reforms, and the main vehicle for these reforms has been the World Bank, with major support from the education and finance ministries of the national government. In a situation where higher education is linked more to the market and less to the pursuit of truth, it is likely that the definition and establishment of quality education in Zimbabwe will become the prerogative of managerial, rather than academic, enterprise. Community colleges in Zimbabwe have become more “client” or “customer” focused. These “clients” are individual business people, powerful donors or contractual industrial clients and students from upper-and-middle-class families, who have moved community college education toward reproducing an elitist class and reducing its areas of knowledge to those topics of interest to clients and donors. This contradicts the ‘Africanization’ objective of higher education in 74 D. Mpondi

Zimbabwe in that the poor are excluded both in terms of access to higher education and influencing the direction of higher education. In Zimbabwe, higher education, including community college education, is preemptive, with the creation of a highly differentiated higher education system, characterized by a small number of elite institutions with highly competitive admissions, compensated by an expanding range of other, more accessible types of emerging higher education institutions. Some community colleges are affordable but some are very expensive for the majority of people seeking tertiary education because of the current hyperinflationary environment in Zimbabwe. Community colleges in Zimbabwe are privately owned by individuals and companies but are registered with the Ministry of Higher Education for administrative and regulatory purposes. Global forces have challenged and influenced the Africanization of higher education by the post-independent government in Zimbabwe. The government of Zimbabwe has faced some constraints and pressures in trying to give access to education to the black majority and ‘Africanize’ the Zimbabwean higher education system. Community colleges in Zimbabwe mainly target African students. Most white students attend private schools and colleges in Zimbabwe and abroad, especially in South Africa. The government gives high priority to education by allocating resources, reflecting a strong political will to generalize access to education, convinced that it would help foster national unity and satisfy social justice. At the same time, there is an urgent need to develop the country’s human resources through higher education, in order to contribute to the economic and social growth of the erstwhile segregated society. During the colonial period in Zimbabwe, the school system was greatly segregated along racial lines and white people got the most opportunities, especially in higher education funding and access to educational facilities. Post-independent Zimbabwe has inherited one university, which, in spite of its intended objective as a non-racial institution, could not divorce itself entirely from the socio-political environment in which it operated. It was set up in the colonial period and had been designed with a narrow focus on cost-effectiveness in terms of meeting the short-term needs of the then colonial state. The proliferation of community colleges after independence has helped in giving access to higher education to those who failed to get accepted at the University of Zimbabwe because the admission for places was so competitive. The main emphasis in the immediate post-independence era was racial equity and integration, along with the aim of bringing financial security to a majority of Zimbabweans (Mpondi, 2004). According to Zeleza (2003), the state, international donor agencies, and civil society have put political pressures that affect the operations of universities and community colleges, including research. Most African states have tried to use education as a focal point for development and nation-building and these ‘became the central paradigms in African and Africanist research.’ (p. 74). African research is mainly by scholars from the African continent and Africanist research is research on Africa by non-African scholars. In addition, African governments relied on foreign expertise bankrolled by international financial institutions and donor agencies. The orientation of the higher education institutions took several forms. 5 Community Colleges and the Globalization of Higher Education 75

Broadly speaking, the reform process had two dimensions to it. It focused on both the content of education and the nature of decision-making within the universities and colleges. First, the higher education system had to expand rapidly if the national needs for high-level manpower were to be met and second, education had to be relevant to the needs of development. Community colleges were part of the dialogue but the greater emphasis was on traditional colleges and universities. In Zimbabwe, a black government with a left leaning ideology took over in 1980 from a politically conservative white minority government. This happened in a world that was moving right ideologically, especially the major agencies and countries that assist development and are the main sources of foreign investment. This constrained the implementation of a socialist program to a considerable extent, despite pressure from the government’s primary intellectual bases. While a war was fought for the liberation of Zimbabwe, the coming of independence was a negotiated settlement at the Lancaster House Conference in 1979, at which big white and black business interests were protected and a few of the political elite benefited at the expense of the majority. The new government was voted into power by previously disenfranchised voters, who had feelings of relative deprivation and historical injustice. The legacy of white domination in Zimbabwe included extreme inequalities in the distribution of resources and a history of discrimination, especially in higher education. Very few people acquired higher education in colonial Zimbabwe. Any analysis of community colleges in Zimbabwe cannot ignore the effects of Africa’s relation with the West and how this has shaped the running of these institutions of higher learning in Africa. The Zimbabwean education system was modeled on the British educational system, and although reforms were implemented after independence, there are still some residual effects of the Western type of education. Community college education was indeed seen as a stepping stone to higher education. Although polytechnics offered other avenues of higher education to Zimbabweans in the post-independence period, community colleges offered a less competitive environment in terms of academic standards and were more culturally context-specific in their choice of curricula and subjects offered and different from the examination-oriented British education system in colonial Zimbabwe and its inherited system in the post-independence system. Zimbabwe is facing many problems today, including difficulties in stimulating domestic investment and attracting foreign investment, which have implications for access to higher education for the majority of the black people who had been denied that opportunity during the years of colonialism. The community college model in Zimbabwe is an attempt to reform education in a global context to meet the needs of a changing world. At the same time, community colleges are also expected to inculcate Zimbabwean values in the face of globalization. In any case, efforts to recapture traditional identities and values come as unintended effects of globalization because globalization’s main idea is to ‘homogenize’ cultures; but minority groups tend to resist the process leading to a resurgence of ethnic and diverse identities. Change in the education systems, then, depends upon the interaction of agents, structure and ideology. Once a given form of education exists, it exerts an influence on future educational change. 76 D. Mpondi

Community Colleges in Zimbabwe: Expectations and Outcomes

Community colleges, like most higher education institutions, are expected to fulfill the needs of African societies and play a complementary role to the university in social transformation. With the problems facing Africa as a whole, Ngara (1995) says that the university and other institutions of higher learning should help solve some of the problems of the African crisis. He believes that “the African university must be at the centre of the search for solutions to the problem of development”, and avoid becoming “white elephants”. Thus the mission of the community college should be related to the needs of society. The pursuit of knowledge for its own sake becomes a contradiction in terms. In contemporary Zimbabwe, the acquisition of knowledge is expected to solve today’s problems and global forces have brought in new ideas on how to deal with current problems. In Zimbabwe, community colleges have produced a great number of graduates who have helped in the development of the country. Some of these graduates would not have had access to higher education if community colleges did not exist. Not all students can go to university, due to different reasons, and the existence of community colleges in Zimbabwe is helping them to avail of opportunities for higher education. Community colleges are producing thousands of graduate every year. However, opportunities and positions for industrial attachment, internship or employment are very limited because of the current economic crisis. The Zimbabwe community college model has borrowed from the US and British systems in that these colleges try to model their courses to suit the Zimbabwean context and attach students for internship in Zimbabwean institutions. It should be noted that while some graduates from community colleges in Zimbabwe later enroll at universities and other institutions of higher learning, as in the United States, it is most significant, that for the vast majority of students, community colleges are their sole venues for higher education (Raby, 2000, p. 151). In developing countries like Zimbabwe, creating jobs is critical to breaking the cycle of poverty and community colleges have designed curricula that help students start their own projects. The Mupfure Self Help College and Bow Valley Community College educators from Canada have together developed a new concept called the Linkage Model. Bow Valley College offers “one-year career certificates and two-year diplomas in business, administration, healthcare, and human services.” (http:/www.bowvalleycollege.ca/presidents_message.htm). This made-in-Zimbabwe training program links the essential skills of basic literacy and math as they apply in the workplace with standard business and technical training. Its unique approach develops critical thinking, problem solving, and decision making – skills students can use not just in business, but in all aspects of life. The Linkage Model also stresses the need to use business and industry feedback in the design of training curriculum. This ensures that the skills taught are the ones employers value. 5 Community Colleges and the Globalization of Higher Education 77

Mupfure Self Help College has trained hundreds of people through the project, ing. Other results attained by the community college Linkage model in Zimbabwe include: • Improved literacy rates • Increased employability and productivity • Improved business production rates • Increased self-employment rates and • Better reform in the development, delivery and evaluation of curriculum Although the project ended in 2001, Mupfure Self Help College’s training and its benefits continue. The Project ended as a result of both lack of funding and Zimbabwe’s isolation from the international community as it became a pariah and failed state. The project has left a legacy that shows how to link skills training directly to jobs and products in demand and replace the examination- oriented postsecondary Zimbabwean training (http:/www.acdicida.gc.ca/CIDAWEB/ acdicida.nsf/En/EMA-218121727-PLY).

Conclusion

It is not always the case that community college education will offer opportunities for the youths and fulfill their dreams. Zimbabwe has an unemployment rate of over 80% and “while community college models do provide a viable access to higher education, the ideal that equitable access leads to opportunities, and that these opportunities provide a foundation for economic/political reform, is dubious at best” (Raby, 2000, p. 160). Zimbabwe is a classic example of many graduates from community colleges failing to find employment and emigrating to neighboring and distant countries. Brain drain is now a critical issue in Zimbabwe, and also affects the education system in general. With a hyperinflationary environment, Zimbabwe had the highest inflation rate in the world at over 100,000% in February 2008 (www.newzimbabwe.com). It is very difficult for high school graduates to pay their way in community colleges and transport costs keep soaring. Graduates from community colleges are leaving the country and some of them get opportunities to further their education in the host countries. However, the brain drain crisis is limited to highly skilled professionals who received education from universities and colleges. The business community in Zimbabwe is encouraged to offer internship and employment opportunities to community college students by holding open houses and job fairs. To a certain extent, this arrangement has been successful in linking the community college students to the corporate world and forging relationships between colleges and industry. While tuition at community colleges in Zimbabwe is lower than at universities, it is now too expensive for ordinary people to afford. The political and economic crises in Zimbabwe have reduced everything to the ‘politics of the belly’, making sure one’s survival is now no longer germane with acquiring knowledge. Prices of basic commodities have become prohibitive because of the shortage of foreign currency 78 D. Mpondi and fuel. Zimbabwe has one of the highest literacy rates in Africa, but this is being reversed because students are dropping out of school before they finish their studies. Zimbabwe is now a failed state and basically on its knees and it is only because of remittances by Zimbabweans in the Diaspora that the crisis is at least manageable. South Africa and Botswana are facing refugee problems with the influx of Zimbabwean immigrants who provide cheap labor in farms and mines. The identity of the Zimbabwean community college model will depend on how it navigates global and local issues. The alternative development of critical knowledge production through universities that the Zimbabwean government is undertaking incites the crossing of borders and the connecting of the inside and the outside. It does so in a frame that requires recognition and reciprocity and in a context that transcends containment. Community colleges in Zimbabwe are a permanent feature that needs support from all sectors of society so that many people have access to institutions of higher education. The government of Zimbabwe and the corporate sector should be more involved in the funding of community colleges and providing tuition scholarships to needy students who want to attend community colleges. There should also be linkages between community colleges in Southern Africa and other parts of Africa through the regional Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the African Union (AU). International linkages with other community colleges in the world through study-abroad programs and international exchanges will improve the quality of the Zimbabwean community college model by blending the local contexts with global educational dimensions. The Zimbabwean community college model is still young and in a transitory stage and will benefit by exchanging ideas with other community colleges and institutions of higher education.

References

Carnoy, M. (2000) Globalization and Educational Reform. In Stromquist, N.P. & Monkman, K. (eds.) Globalization and Education: Integration and Contestation Across Cultures. New York: Rowman & Littlefield http:/www.acdicida.gc.ca/CIDAWEB/acdicida.nsf/En/EMA-218121727-PLY, retrieved June 18, 2007 http:/www.bowvalleycollege.ca/presidents_message.htm, retrieved February 27, 2008 www.newzimbabwe.com, retrieved February 17, 2008 Moyana, T.T. (1989) Education Liberation, and the creative act. Harare: Zimbabwe Publishing House Mpondi, D. (2004) Educational Change and Cultural Politics: National identity- Formation in Zimbabwe, Ph.D. Dissertation, Ohio University. http:/www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view. cgi?acc_num=ohiou1088187882 Ngara, E. (1995) The African University and Its Mission. Rome: Institute of Southern African Studies Raby, R.L. (2000) Globalization of the Community College Model: Paradox of the Local and the Global. In Stromquist, N.P. and Monkman, K. (eds.), Globalization and Education: Integration and Contestation Across Cultures. Boulder, CO: Rowan & Littlefield Zeleza, T.Z. (2003) Rethinking Africa’s Globalization. Vol. 1: The Intellectual Challenges. Asmara: Africa World Press Chapter 6 Indian Community College System: Democratic Response to Globalization

Xavier Alphonse S.J. and Edward Valeau

Introduction

The Community College movement is a national phenomenon that has spread its wings throughout India. Currently, there are 213 Community Colleges in 19 states, which provide education to empower the disadvantaged and the underprivileged, including the urban, rural and tribal poor and women. Community colleges are recognized as important because, in collaboration with local industries and the community, they assist students in attaining the appropriate skills that lead to gainful employment. The Indian Centre for Research and Development of Community Education (ICRDCE) is currently advocating for a system to unify these individual colleges. The focus of this chapter is to discuss the development of an Indian community college system that responds to globalization, as well as political and economic challenges.

Indian Community Colleges: A People’s Movement

Since 1995, Indian Community Colleges have been developed as comprehensive institutions of higher education, which offer educational programs at post-secondary school level. The inspiration and model were taken from the US community colleges and to date, they have educated more than 50,000 young men and women, largely from disadvantaged sections of society. Since 1998, governmental sectors have confirmed the importance of community colleges for Indian society and include these colleges as set goals in the Common Minimum Programme of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA), Government of India. In January 1999, Professor Swaminathan, Business Editor of The Hindu, expressed with a prophetic voice that The Community College system should become a people’s movement. It should not be considered as a parallel system. The University model of education especially the affiliated system emphasizes the elitist and exclusive right from the beginning of admission into colleges to the culmination of obtaining a degree. The formal system has nothing much to offer. The industrialists are not any more interested in the products of the formal system

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 79 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 80 S.J.X. Alphonse and E. Valeau

because they do not have the skills which the industrial and commercial houses need. The plus two system and the degree level education make the students unemployable for the rest of their lives. Hence we have to develop pluralism in the structure. The Community College system has the flexibility. These colleges should become rural-based. The National Knowledge Commission noted that the system of affiliated colleges for undergraduate education, that may have been appropriate 50 years age, is no longer adequate or appropriate and needs to be reformed through four steps: First, provide autonomy to colleges either as individual colleges or as clusters of colleges, on the basis of established criteria. Secondly, remodel affiliated colleges as community colleges, which can provide both vocational and formal education. Third, establish a central Board of Undergraduate Education, along with State Boards of Undergraduate Education, to set curricula and conduct examination for undergraduate colleges that choose to be affiliated with them. These Boards would separate the academic functions from the administrative functions and at the same time, provide quality benchmarks. Finally, establish new undergraduate colleges as Community Colleges and affiliate them with the Central Board of Undergraduate Education, State Boards of Undergraduate Education, or with a new or existing university. Indian community colleges differ from the two existing vocational systems: the Industrial Technical Institutes and Community Polytechnics. While collegiate level vocational education offers only apprenticeship training and vocationaliza- tion of first-degree level, the community colleges offer a range of multi-focused programs in occupational and technical fields and in continuing education. These colleges are thus designed to meet the workforce needs of the regions in which the college is located and to offer ‘bridge’ courses to complete higher certifications, ensure employability and competency of the individual trained, teach life skills and communication in English, and provide training in personal, social, language, communication and work, and creative skills. Indian community colleges are unique in that they seek a balance in which merit is viewed as an opportunity given to those who otherwise would not have access to knowledge. As such the educational program involves three components: (a) Information (30%) (b) Attitude (40%) and (c) Skills (30%). This is the proportion of programming followed in all Indian community colleges. This philosophy is based on a belief that excellence is realized through tapping the untapped potential in the individuals and providing them the space and atmosphere to blossom forth. On March 2, 2008, The Hindu reported that the Distance Education Council (DEC) will provide accreditation to Open Universities and a Community College system to provide higher education to school dropouts. Om Prakash Mishra, Pro Vice-Chancellor, Indira Gandhi National Open University, briefed journalists about the 2-day meeting of Vice-Chancellors from 12 Open Universities. The initiative of the Tamil Nadu government in this regard was appreciated and the successful models of Tamil Nadu Open University and Maharashtra Open University, which could be followed as a model by other State Open Universities, were described. Since 1997, Fr. Louis Xavier, Director, Loyola Institute of Business Admini- stration (LIBA), has argued for a community college system as “big and prestigious educational institutions may become slowly extinct because they are unable to 6 Indian Community College System 81 give relevant and meaningful education to respond to the challenges of our time. Community College is a welcome change. We have to opt out of the existing situation in higher education … Community College is a Vision and an Idea that is whole heartedly welcome.” Today, such a system is an innovative educational alternative to the university, rooted in the local community as it provides holistic education for the disadvantaged. The national Vision is for these colleges to be of the Community, for the Community and by the Community and to produce responsible citizens.

Vision of the Community College – Empowerment of the Disadvantaged

The community college is the need of the hour. It provides education for a livelihood while responding to the challenges of exclusion and elimination from the formal system. These colleges have the ability to correct the current mismatch between education, poverty, unemployment, under-employment, and unemploy- ability. In 1996, The Hindu quoted the Archbishop of Madras Mylapore as being “concerned with the large number of students coming out of our Secondary Schools and University Colleges being unable to find suitable employment and not being fully equipped to face life and its challenges. [He noted that] our institutions should Change Track and provide relevant and quality work skills for this large group.” Since Indian Community Colleges aim at the liberation and empowerment of the exploited, they are indeed changing the field by educating students for middle level skills and by facilitating self-actualization. Through the combination of job-oriented, work-related, skills-based, and life-coping education, these colleges are restoring human rights to those who had been previously denied, by showing students a way to earn a livelihood. These connections have been lauded by the Secretary, Department of Education: I have my appreciation of its well-defined vision and mission. The aim of Community Colleges to reach the unreached, including the excluded and giving the best to the least is laudable. I would like to hail a movement that has a bright future – a movement with many innovative features, a movement that provides an alternative educational system, a movement that supplements state efforts, a movement that cares for the uncared. (Kaw, 2001). Flexibility in curriculum, access, cost effectiveness and collaboration with industrial, commercial and service sectors, make Indian Community Colleges a viable part of the national discourse. This is intensified as community colleges do help students to gain local internships and job placements, which changes their lives fundamentally. The unique achievement, thus, is the empowerment of socially, economically and educationally backward sections of society. Despite advances, there is now a need for national recognition to secure vertical student mobility through Open and conventional Universities with a three-tier system: Diploma, Associate degree and Degree. There is also a need for directed funds, stipends and scholarships for the disadvantaged sections of society, especially SC/ST/BC/MBC/ 82 S.J.X. Alphonse and E. Valeau

Women/Minorities and for Community Colleges to be established in educationally backward districts with emphasis on soft skills development. This would significantly correct the regional imbalance in the system of Higher Education. The ICRDCE is a coordinating agency that has been actively propagating the Community College concept.

Challenges and Parameters for Change

ICRDCE has created formal guidelines for the development of Community Colleges. The challenges impacting the development of community colleges are structural and institutional in orientation.

Structural Reform

Structural challenges include the involvement of the University Grants Commission (UGC) to ensure that the conditions needed to oversee the fulfillment of the social objectives of the Community College System are in place. This includes operational design, national organization, needs analysis, and evaluation/assessment plans. Operational Design. The basic constructs for the Community College are that the time of operation should be 52 weeks in a year and the curriculum should include Certificate courses for dropouts (Below 10th standard) and Diploma courses for those who have passed 10th and 12th standards. The Government of India will establish a fee structure for the courses offered, and minimum qualifications for full and part-time faculty and staff (including salaries and service conditions to ensure that any work-related problems are given proper attention). It is believed that the work experience of the faculty members of the Community Colleges should be given more weight than formal educational qualifications. National Organisation. ICRDCE advocates that a national organisation which is non-commercial, non-profit making, social-and service-minded, and not individuals alone, should be issued NOC (No Objection Certificate) to start Community Colleges. This organization can be an educational agency that is a Registered Society/Trust rooted in Community-Based Activities. Agencies that want to start a Community College must submit to the Government an application that gives details of tie-up with industries and other organizations with employment potential, where internship and hands-on experience will be provided. No Community College without industrial tie-up can be given the NOC. The role of the State and Central governments in the Community College System is to ensure that various departments of the government participate in the training and placement of the students of the Community Colleges. These departments, to name a few, should include the Department of Social Welfare, the departments of Adi-Dravidar Welfare and Backward Classes, women development corporation, 6 Indian Community College System 83 the quasi-governmental organizations such TIIC, TIDCO, SIPCOT and national organizations such as FICCI, CII etc. And, even more important, the departments of rural development, health and co-operation should make use of the trained personnel from the Community Colleges. Need Analysis. A need analysis will document employment opportunities in industrial, commercial, service, rural and agricultural sectors, local social needs, and self-employment opportunities. The job-oriented programmes from different fields of specialization must be designed in collaboration and consultation with the service organizations and industries identified in this needs analysis and associated with the Community College.

Institutional Reform

Institutional Design. The agency which contemplates starting a Community College must situate itself in the place where students reside and should strive to meet the following conditions: (a) sufficient number of classrooms, laboratories and workshops with reasonable facilities for teaching life skills and work skills, (b) well-equipped computer centre, and (c) a good learning Resource Centre and library with adequate furniture and equipment. There should be amenities that facilitate the teaching – learning process. Curriculum Design. The approved curriculum must be job oriented and relate specifically to job placement. Challenges include creating a separate employment exchange roster to monitor graduates who are now presumably in the work force. Other challenges include on-the- job training for the students, creating a meaningful and enforceable Memorandum of Understanding with employers in the various regions, and designing an effective advisory board to monitor the development and creation of policies cultivating active, dynamic, and ongoing industrial, rural, agricultural, commercial and service organizations that invest in the development of the community. Evaluation/Assessment Plan for Students. An evaluation and assessment plan will list the skills that incumbents of the Community College must obtain for certificate and diploma programmes. These skills are to be based on the following criteria: (a) assessment is completely internal; (b) evaluation tests skills; (c) evaluations are jointly conducted by the life-skills instructor, work- skill instructor, and industrial supervisor, supplemented by the self-assessment of the student; (d) knowledge and skills component should be given equal weight; (e) the Awards Committee should consist of the Director, Programme Coordinator, Placement Officer and the Industrial Partner. Evaluation/Assessment Plan for Faculty and Staff. The staff requirements, qualifications, salaries and service conditions of the staff of the Community Colleges will be determined by a Cell. The work experience of the faculty members of the Community Colleges should be given more weightage than their formal educational qualifications. The governing board will include three representatives from 84 S.J.X. Alphonse and E. Valeau the Board of Management; three Community College leaders of the local area; three industrial partners of the college; one faculty member of the college and one state government representative not below the rank of Joint Director who can be drawn from the Departments of Education/Social Welfare/Health/Youth Affairs. The Open Universities could then give recognition for the Diploma Courses offered by the Community Colleges through the Education Agency (the community based organizations that establish the community college), the Board of Management, and the Governing Board of the Community College.

Current Reform Efforts

A major hurdle facing support of a Community College movement in India is political and is defined by a constant struggle to receive recognition. While the existing Community Colleges have a successful 75% job placement, they are still not getting the necessary recognition from approved educational bodies. ICRDCE conducted 11 consultations with agencies that run a Community College to further this cause and define self-regulatory and autonomous guidelines to ensure credibility and accountability. Through these consultations, the Community College movement has attracted the attention of the government. Today, the Community College movement has found a place in the working paper of the MHRD and the UGC submitted to the Planning Commission a request that the Community College be added as a scheme in the XI Five Year Plan. Included in this request is a call for national recognition, student scholarships, and the possibility of vertical mobility. In addition, the Chairman of UGC has appointed a National Committee on Community Colleges headed by Dr. Xavier Alphonse, S.J. Over the course of the year, the National Committee met 125 representatives from 91 Community Colleges and received suggestions and recommendations for future action. At the same time, two meetings with the State Governments of Tamil Nadu and Haryana activated approval of local community colleges. On May 8, 2007, the Secretary of Education, Government of Tamil Nadu, the Vice- Chancellor of the Tamil Nadu Open University and Dr. Alphonse met to implement the designs. The Community College as an alternative system got the official recognition in the next legislative assembly session of Tamil Nadu in May, 2007. On April 2, 2007, the Governor of Haryana met in Bhavan, New Delhi with the Chief Minister, Finance Minister, Education Minister and local industry representatives, the UGC Chairman, Vice-Chairman of AICTE and Deputy Secretary of MHRD and Dr. Alphonse, and the Vice-President and faculty members from Montgomery Community College, Maryland (USA) to implement the new designs. The ICRDCE succeeded in influencing the State and Central governments to recognitize and accredit the system and for student-centered funding. The issue of accreditation was examined closely by NIOS, New Delhi, at the direction of the MHRD, Government of India, New Delhi, which has accredited 18 Community Colleges. Tamil Nadu Open University recognized 105 Community Colleges 6 Indian Community College System 85 in Tamilnadu and extended recognition to Community Colleges in other States. YCMOU, Nashik, has recognized Community Colleges from this academic year (2007–2008). Finally, the Tenth Five-year plan included the following statement: “There should be focus on convergence of schemes like the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, Adult Education and Vocational Education Programme at Schools, ITIs, Polytechnics, Community Colleges etc.” (Tenth Five Year Plan (2002–2007), p. 51).

Case Study: Tamil Nadu Open University (TNOU) Community College

A milestone in the Community College movement was the 2005 recognition given to 67 Community Colleges as Vocational Programme Centres of TNOU. In 2005– 2006, 4,711 students studied in the vocational programs leading to skills development and job placement and received diplomas in Pre-Primary Teacher Training; Health Assistant; Refrigeration and Air Conditioning Technician; Fashion Design and Garment Making; Four Wheeler Mechanism; Plumbing Technology; Catering Assistant; House Electrician; DTP Operator; Beautician; and Medical Lab Technology. All diplomas included a prescribed curriculum of Life Coping Skills (8 credits), Communication Skills (8 credits) and Trade Skills (20 credits, including Internship). One Credit = 30 h. Total Numbers of Hours = 36 × 30 = 1,080 h. Achievements of students from socially, economically, and educationally backward and disadvantaged groups that cut across the barriers of religion and caste are marvelous and praiseworthy. Of the total number of students, 87% passed, of whom 12% went on for higher education and 75% gained employment. Among these students there were 933 students working in 30 Community Colleges from the tsunami affected areas. The students have won seven gold medals (first ranks) in seven programmes and there have been 38 rank holders from the Community Colleges among the 47 ranks awarded during the Convocation. The following student profiles are models for success and many represent the poorest of the poor in India’s society. All were victims of the December 2004 tsunami, and all were unable to continue their traditional studies due to poverty. All used the Community College to provide life and work opportunities. Their stories constitute the need for a sustained Community College system across India. Mr. A. Pastin Raj (Diploma in Air Condition and Refrigeration) from St. Joseph’s Community College in Nagapattinam, passed 12th standard and won the gold medal of the Tamil Nadu Open University. He took courses in Public Speaking, Self Confidence, Problem Solving, Refrigeration and Air Conditioning Services, Cell Phone Service, and Washing Machine service. He is currently working at the National Refrigeration Office, 140, Kamaraj Salai, Karaikal and earning Rs. 1,500/- per month. Mr. A. Nelson Sagayaraj (Diploma in Catering Assistant) from Stanisma Community College in Sivagangai, passed 12th standard and won the second rank of the Tamil Nadu Open University. He took courses in Positive Thinking, Goal 86 S.J.X. Alphonse and E. Valeau

Setting, Coping with Shyness, Loneliness, Problem Solving, Self-Esteem, Methods of Cooking, Food Production, Computing Skills and Front Office Management. He went for internship at Sathya & Resorts, Five Star Hotel, Tuticorin and currently earns Rs. 3,000/- per month. Mr. A. Shek Tahmin (Diploma in Catering Assistant) from Kovalam Community College, Kovalam, passed 11th standard, and won the third rank of the Tamil Nadu Open University. He took courses in Life Coping and Work Skills, Self-Esteem, Time Management, Stress Management, Chinese food, Pantry Items, Bakery, Indian Food and Continental Items. He now works at Hotel Fisherman’s Cove, Kovalam. Ms. I. Asha Jini Mol (Diploma in Desk Top Publishing) at Barenbruck Community College, in Surandai, passed 11th standard and won the fourth rank of the Tamil Nadu Open University. She took courses in Leadership Skills, Team Work, Positive Thinking, Self-Esteem and Problem Solving and Work Skills of Visiting Card Printing, Photo Scanning, Designing the Invitations and Typing. Currently, she works at Arun Offset Press, Nagercoil and is earning Rs. 1,200/-. Ms. R. Jaya Lakshmi (Diploma in Fashion Designing) from Ertram Rural Community College, in Trichy Dt., passed 10th Standard and won the gold medal of Tamil Nadu Open University. A young widow of 24, she notes that the community college gave her hope and helped her to overcome her fears. She took courses in Embroidery work on chudidhar Material and Salwar, Mirror Work and New Varieties of Designs. Currently, she owns her own shop and earns a minimum Rs. 3,000/- per month. The second Convocation of the Tamil Nadu Open University (TNOU) was conducted on the 11th of January, 2007 at Chennai, presided over by the Chancellor and Governor of Tamil Nadu, His Excellency Surjit Singh Barnala. This was the first time that students from Community Colleges received their diplomas and the rank holders, even those below 10th standard qualification, were honored, in a Convocation of a University.

New Directions and Changes

While Indian Community Colleges can point to student success, there is a need to impact overall economic development and human rights by giving autonomy to colleges clusters. A central Board of Undergraduate Education, along with State Boards of Undergraduate Education, will set curricula and conduct examinations. These Boards would separate the academic functions from the administrative functions and at the same time, provide quality benchmarks. New undergraduate colleges could be established as Community Colleges and be affiliated with the Central Board of Undergraduate Education or State Boards of Undergraduate Education or with some of the new universities that are being established. Recent recommendations are to establish 210 accredited Community Colleges and 700 polytechnics to strengthen open universities, reform statutory bodies, and scale up SAKSHAT as the education 6 Indian Community College System 87 portal for 50 core people (Education Plus, 2008). The Tamil Nadu State government proposed that community colleges come under the Open University System as “it will be good if the scope of universities is widened.” (Hindu, Jan. 4, 2008). The UGC Committee recommends six tasks. Standards related to the Articulation of Parameters to prevent the mushrooming of Community Colleges. A parameter to establish community colleges will be defined by certification established by the UGC and administered by ICRDCE in Chennai, as it has been establishing and monitoring Community Colleges for 15 years. The basic structure will be a Community College cell attached to the Career Oriented Bureau at the UGC level to monitor the establishment, functioning and funding of Community Colleges. ICRDCE will serve as a liaison between the UGC, Universities and the Community Colleges. All applications could be processed at ICRDCE and recommended to UGC and the Universities for establishment and funding as ICRDCE has already evolved curriculum for Life Skills, Job Oriented Courses, Evaluation methods, Industrial partnership and Job Placements. Developing and Supporting a Clear Mission Statement that empowers the poor, the marginalized, and the school drop outs, a three-tier system will support vertical mobility. A direct linkage will be established with the Distance Education Council for vertical mobility and credit transfer and the entire process of credit transfer should also be recognized by the Association of Indian universities. Establishing New Institutions in 2009 and giving student grants at the rate of Rs. 1,000 per student through Tamil Nadu Open University. A sum of Rupees One Crore has been allocated in the Budget for this purpose. 10,000 students will benefit from this scheme (Tamil Nadu Budget, 2008). A separate mechanism is to be evolved if the state government/corporations/local bodies and district administration want to establish community colleges. Develop a Governance Model, with well-defined, administrative structures to monitor the entire movement. Government of India, ICRDCE, Board of Management Society or Trust Governing Body with representatives from various Boards, will identify teachers, supervisors and supportive staff. They will be helped by members of the Board of Studies (work skill programmes) conducted by the college to help in the updating the curriculum and skills. Train Faculty and Staff prior to teaching. All full-and part-time instructors and guest lecturers and experts in the field will receive a12-week special training with a Diploma in Community College teaching, conducted by ICRDCE. Periodical performance appraisal and on-going training will be conducted for full-time instructors who work for a minimum of 8 h a day. The Committee also urges the standardization of the salary of the teaching and non-teaching staff of the Community Colleges. Student selection is based on qualified post-graduates and under-graduates are selected on the basis of Aptitude test and are chosen on the basis of their competence and commitment to the Community College mission. Partial training cost of Rs. 5,000 per student for the diploma programme could be awarded to poor and deserving students belonging to socially and economically backward classes, on the recommendation of the Community Colleges by way of special assistance. 88 S.J.X. Alphonse and E. Valeau

This will help promote inclusiveness by giving preference to SC, ST, BC, MBC, women and other minority communities. Conveyance facilities for students will be arranged through passes recognized by UGC on trains and buses. Hostel facilities will provide access to rural, tribal, urban and poor students; hence the Committee recommends to the UGC to devise a funding scheme to equip Community Colleges with hostel facilities. Finally, Diploma holders should be allowed to register in the government employment exchanges and should be recruited for government jobs and the salary for the employed diploma holders should be standardized.

Lessons Learnt and Future Directions

This chapter presents a 3-year process by which Indian Community Colleges are achieving national recognition. The Community College is a national phenomenon with 213 colleges in 19 States of India. When included in the XI Five Year Plan, eventual recognition will be a revolutionary measure in the history of Higher Education in India. The following are some lessons learned in the transformation process: 1. Opportunity is the key to success. The urban and rural poor, women and those from marginalized groups and castes, school dropouts, and those affected by disasters like the tsunami, can come up in life if they are given opportunities. Through Community Colleges, also called “Opportunity Colleges”, these people are given a chance to enter mainstream society, go up the social ladder, and are no longer the left-outs of society. 2. The course should be holistic. The training process should not be limited to trade skills but should include life-coping skills in terms of personal skills, coping mechanisms, preparation for employment, interview skills and communication skills. 3. There is the urgent need to open the doors of Higher Education to all by building a system of vertical mobility through Open Universities and Distance Learning to make a lateral entry into the Second Year degree programme in their respective disciplines. 4. Skills development in both trade and soft skills will fetch employment in the context of globalization and privatization, thus making the Community College a democratic response to globalization. In conclusion, these issues connected with the large number of students coming out of our Secondary Schools and University Colleges are unable to find suitable employment and are not fully equipped to face life and its challenges. This demonstrates the urgency to support a viable community college system in India. Admittedly other initiates are helping India’s community colleges to become a democratic response to globalization that then may serve as a model throughout the region. The prospects are very bright for the system to be recognized and to benefit the poor and the marginalized. 6 Indian Community College System 89

References

The Hindu July 1, 1996. “Press Interview of His Grace Arul Das James, the Archbishop of Madras Mylapore at the launching of the Madras Community College.” Sunday, March 2, 2008 February 11, 2008. “Exacts from Education Plus.” p. 14 Kaw, Mr. M. K. “Comments.” IAS, Secretary, Department of Education, Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD), New Delhi, March 2001. Tamilnadu Budget 2008–2009 – Higher Education – Announcement No.48 Tenth Five Year Plan (2002–2007), Chapter 2.4 Vocational Education p. 51 Swaminathan, Professor. “Recommendations of the UGC Committee.” Business Editor of the Hindu. January 4, 1999. Xavier, Fr. Louis. Director, Loyola Institute of Business Administration (LIBA), Madras (July 1997).

Appendix 6.1 Student profile General Male (25%); Female (75%); Unmarried (92%) Age 16–18 (39%); 19–21 (40%); 22–25 (13%); 26 and above (8%) Qualification Below 10th (17%); 10th Passed (26%); 12th Passed (50%); Degree (7%) Caste SC (Schedule Caste) (27%); ST (Schedule Tribe) (9%); MBC (Most Backward Caste) (14%); BC (Backward Caste) (39%); OC (Other Caste) (11%) Religions Hindu (55%); Christian (41%); Muslim (3%); Buddhist (1%); Sikhs (1%) Monthly family Below Rs. 1,000 (34%); Rs. 1,001–2,000 (37%); Rs. 2,001–Rs. 3,000 (18%); income: Rs. 3,001–above (11%)

Appendix 6.2 Total number of students (Taken from Year Total no. of students 184 colleges on March 18, 2008) 1996–1997 174 1997–1998 204 1998–1999 577 1999–2000 1,815 2000–2001 2,282 2001–2002 2,933 2002–2003 3,840 2003–2004 4,815 2004–2005 6,969 2005–2006 10,244 2006–2007 11,303 2007–2008 9,363 Total 54,519

Appendix 6.3 Levels, standards and diplomas Level I Below 10th standard – 6 months (school dropouts) certificate programme with 16 credits. Bridge course to complete equivalent to 10 standard. Eligibility into 1 year diploma programme – Community College. (continued) 90 S.J.X. Alphonse and E. Valeau

Appendix 6.3 (continued) Level II 10th standard passed – 1 year diploma programme 32 credits. Bridge course to complete equivalent to 12th standard. Entry into 1st year UG course in the Conventional Universities, Open Universities and Institutions of correspondence courses. Level III 12th passed diploma programme – 32 credits. Entry into the second year Undergraduate Programme – IInd year into Conventional Universities, Open Universities and Distance Education. Level IV The Community College can also offer associate degree programme of 2 years (64 Credits) which will lead to entry into third degree programme. Suggested – Equivalent Course/Diploma: Health Assistant (32 Credits): B.Sc. Nursing II Year DTP Operator (32 Credits): BCA (or) B.Sc. Computer Science II Year Catering Assistant (32 Credits): B.Sc. Hotel Management II Year Sales and Marketing (32 Credits): B.B.A. or B.A. Corporate Secretary ship II Year Office Management (32 Credits): B.Com (or) B.A. Corporate Secretary ship II Year Electrical and Electronics (32 Credits): B.Sc. Electronics II Year Early Childhood Care Education (32 Credits): B.A. Education II Year Eco Farming Enterprises (32 Credits): B.Sc. Agriculture II Year Chapter 7 The Development of the Community College Model in Vietnam at the Time of the Country’s Reorganization and International Integration

Dang Ba Lam and Nguyen Huy Vi

Introduction

The birth, as well as the rise and fall, of community colleges in Vietnam has its roots in the radical changes in the country in the last 60 years. At the end of the Second World War, Vietnam successfully carried out the August Revolution (1945) by seizing power from the Japanese army, and establishing the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. However, not long after that, the France–Vietnam War broke out and lasted from 1946 to 1954. From 1954 Vietnam was temporarily divided into two zones – North and South. The North existed under the control of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, followed the way to socialism, and participated in the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CEV). The education system was constructed according to the Soviet model. South Vietnam operated under the control of the Saigon government set up by France. The French influence on politics, military affairs, economy and education was gradually replaced by the influence of United States. Thus, the first community college in the South was established in that context. In 1975 the Liberation War in South Vietnam came to a successful end and Vietnam became reunified. From 1975 to 1986, Vietnam followed the Soviet model of socialism and suffered a crisis in economic development. To overcome this crisis, in 1986 Vietnam began implementing the innovative policy of charging from a centrally planned, command and subsidized system to a market economy and implementing an open policy in foreign relations. Thanks to this innovation, for the last 20 years, the economy of the country has been growing steadily with 7.5% year on average. The Human Development Index has also gradually increased, from 0.456, ranked 121/174 in 1990 to 0.704, ranked 108/177 in 2005. [2]. Today, educational goals include educating and training people with relevance to the market economy in the context of globalization, so that they will be able to actively make people rich, the country strong, and the society equal, democratic, and civilized. In this effort, the community colleges are once again reestablishing themselves.

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 91 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 92 D.B. Lam and N.H. Vi

Community Colleges in South Vietnam Before National Unification

Before the establishment of community colleges, training for technicians at the higher education level was provided by central institutions such as Phu Tho University of Technology, National Agriculture Center and Can Tho University, while the training of technicians at the secondary level was carried out by secondary technical and agricultural schools. Realizing that the USA is the place where the model of community colleges was invented, in 1968 the Saigon government invited US consultants and specialists to help them in transforming the Vietnamese education system from elitiet to mass education. In primary education, the names of all schools included “community school” and the name of the locality. In secondary education, different kinds of schools, such as comprehensive schools, technical schools, and agriculture-forestry-veterinary schools, were established. In these schools professional orientation and vocational training were provided for students. In order to change higher education, the Ministry of Education and the Saigon government sent faculty to the USA to get training and practice in the management of community colleges. So the model of community colleges in South Vietnam and their organizational structures, framework and activities were directly influenced by the USA, with changes to make it suitable for the social and economic conditions of the country as a whole. During this time, South Vietnam was under the control of the Saigon government, which was under the influence of the USA, and a community college was first built in 1971. In the temporarily occupied area in the South, the system of higher education was organized into an autonomous unit called the university according to the French model and later gradually transferred to the US model. According to the 1974/75 statistics of the educational management agency, there were four public universities with 130,000 students: Saigon, Hue, Can Tho, and Thu Duc Polytechnic; three community colleges (2-year colleges) based on the US model with 2,600 students: Nha Trang, Da Nang, and My Tho, and 12 Private Universities with 30,000 students. [6] To meet the demand of localities for semi-skilled technicians, Decree 503-TT/ SL of August 8th 1971 of the Saigon government declared its aim to form community colleges under articles: 2, 3, 4 and 7 [7] (Annex 1). In accordance with this Decree, each community college aims to promote general higher education with transfer opportunities to a university program, develop professional higher education with special programs and satisfy the needs of the communities, accepting sponsorship for a community college. The following duties were included: To train middle-ranking specialists to assist the economic development of the community To prepare and guide students and enable them to transfer to a National University after a 2-year basic program to continue studies in university programs To help veterans, civil servants and, youth a in the community to enhance their education level 7 The Development of the Community College Model in Vietnam 93

To test and guide students to choose the field of learning suited to their ability To promote cultural, educational and social activities to usefully foster the spiritual life of the people in the community To promote mutual cooperation among primary, secondary and higher education institutions in the area of the community college Organizationally, each community college has only two faculties: The Faculty of 2-year General Higher Education and The Faculty of Career Education. Thus, according to the regulations, community colleges in South Vietnam had missions, tasks, organizations and sources of finance similar to the US community colleges.

Starting Operations of Community Colleges in South Vietnam

Shortly after issuing the Decree, on August 15th 1971 the Saigon Government issued “the Decree 504-TT/SL” 15/8/1971 thus establishing Tien Giang Community College (Annex 2). The provinces and towns that directly sponsored, and contributed in building and developing Tien Giang Community College were, Dinh Tuong Province, Go Cong Province, Kien Hoa Province, Kien Phong Province, Kien Tuong Province, Long An Province and My Tho Town. Tien Giang Community College was linked to Saigon University, which helped to organize and administer its educational affairs. Basic principles of training regulations were fixed by the Edict of the Ministry of Education, pursuant to the suggestion of the Education Affairs Council of Inter-Saigon University and Tien Giang Community College. Similar relationships emerged with the Community College of Coastal Nha Trang, founded in 1971, with Saigon University, and Da Nang Community College, founded in 1973, with Hue University. An extremely important problem in the establishment of community colleges was the investment needed for infrastructure, equipment, library and the management structure. In the beginning, the Saigon government covered almost all expenditure and tuition was free. Over a period of time, investment for property development and to build, equip, administrate, and develop each community college came from the continual contribution of the community; tuition fees from students; government funds (national and local budget) equivalent to the contribution of the people; and donations, bequests, aid and funds from individuals, agencies or private organizations, and government agencies in and outside the country. International support came mainly from USA, and included visiting professors, the majority of whom taught English in the colleges. Tien Giang, Nha Trang and Da Nang were developed provinces and thus for about 4 years, (August 1971–March 1975) these three communities carried out operations of training, science and technology inside the college and outside linkage with other universities as well as with the community that the college had a mission to serve. This is similar to the model of North American community colleges. 94 D.B. Lam and N.H. Vi

Community colleges had six specific tasks as stipulated in the “Decree” of formation. However, until March, 1975, community colleges had only one department, with two professions: training teachers of lower secondary schools and training middle-ranking specialists in practical agriculture. In addition, Saigon and Hue Universities had no regulations to support the transfer of students who had graduated from 2-year community college courses.

Main Features of the College Model in South Vietnam

Community colleges in South Vietnam before 1975 had several similar features. First, each had the name “community college” plus the name of the place where it was located. Secondly, they were public higher educational institutions formed and aided by the government (both central and local) with a 50% budget for building and operating; the other 50% was from the continual contribution of the people in the community, together with other contributions, under different forms, from individuals, organizations in and outside of the country, such as: tuition, donation, bequest, funds and aid. Third, the organization of each college consisted only of two faculties: the first 2-year university faculty (providing the first 2 years of general education of the 4-year university program) and career education faculty (training middle-ranking specialists to assist the economic development of the community). Finally, operations had two aims: to provide the general academic program for the first 2 years of the 4 year university course for transferring to the Bachelor’s degree program of the National University; and career programs at the higher education level and other special programs to serve the manpower need of the community. These aims were to be achieved through six tasks: 1) Train junior high school teachers and middle-ranking specialists of the fields, meeting the need of socio-economic development of the community. 2) Provide the first 2 years of the university program for transferring students to the 4-year university course. 3) Organize training courses of complementary education or upgrade science – technology knowledge to enhance the education level for adults in the community. 4) Advise and guide students to choose the correct fields of learning or profession, appropriate to their ability, in order to help them succeed in learning and setting themselves up in business. 5) Be a cultural and educational center to help in enhancing the spiritual life of the community. 6) Be a bridge to promote and direct cooperation in education development among primary and high schools and universities in localities that the college has missions to serve. During the 4 years of their existence, the Community Colleges focused on career training to meet the demand of communities in several labor forces. Graduates from Tien Giang and Nha Trang Community Colleges got placement as teachers in lower 7 The Development of the Community College Model in Vietnam 95 secondary schools or as technicians in farms or in rural offices in these provinces. After national unification, education in the South was reformed according to the model of the North so as to serve the highly centralized, planned economy. What was non-socialistic in the education of the South, i.e., private education, was abolished. Interdisciplinary universities were divided into mono-disciplinary universities to train manpower for sectors of the state-run economy. Community colleges cease to exist as these models did not exist in the education of socialist countries at that time. Moreover, Vietnamese political and educational leaders considered this form of education a tool to propagate American culture and education. For these reasons, the three community colleges in the South were closed.

Community Colleges in Vietnam After Revnification

Not long after national reunification (1975), Vietnam experienced a severe economic crisis. During this time, Vietnam maintained an old-fashioned socialism model which abolished private ownership and maintained a centrally planned and subsidized system. This economic structure also impacted education.

Socio-Economic Background of Educational Reform

The Education and Human Resources Sector Analysis implemented by the UNESCO team drew the following conclusions on Vietnamese education in this period: (a) decrease in quantity and deterioration in quality of all levels of education including pre-school and higher education; (b) poor linkage between vocational/ technical education and production and employment; (c) inadequate provision and network in higher education and poor linkage with research, production and employment; (d) inabilities in and constraints upon teaching staff; (e) inappropriate system of organization, management and legislation in education and training; (f) irrelevance of education and training to the society in transition; and (g) severe lack of and low efficiency in the use of resources for education and training. [10] To lead the nation out of the crisis, the 6th National Congress of the Vietnamese Communist Party (1986) initiated a socio -economic reform plan that included shifting from a centrally planned economy to socialism-oriented market economy, approving the existence of individual ownership, facilitating the enlargement of goods and services production, and implementing an open policy in international relationship. Since then, the reform has been continuous and has intensified. Thanks to this correct orientation, Vietnam has overcome the socio-economic crisis. Table 1 (Annex 4) lists the chronological development of national policies that helped to support the creation and subsequent expansion of community colleges in Vietnam. In 2006, the 10th National Congress of the Party evaluated the achievements of 20 years of Reform [15]. The Economy reached a rather high rate of growth, higher 96 D.B. Lam and N.H. Vi each year than the previous year. Gross domestic product (GDP) in 5 years (2001– 2005) increased on average 7.51%/year. The local economic structure was adjusted to give each locality a comparative advantage, which contributed importantly to the growth of the economy. The economic structure continued to support industrialization and modernization by interweaving many forms of ownership. Private economy developed quickly, operated effectively in many fields, occupied 45.7% GDP, and contributed importantly to socio-economic growth. Cooperatives and local cooperative economies contributed 6.8% GDP, and formed an important bridge between technology and international trade. In the sector structure, the proportion of industry and construction sectors in GDP significantly increased as did the proportion of agriculture, forestry and aquaculture sectors. The face of the countryside and rural life, including mountainous and ethnic areas, made progress. Industry and construction continually had a surplus value and made considerable advances towards modernization. The Services introduced pay scale, career apportunities, and market and became effective with the participation of many economic classes. Finally, integrating international economy and foreign trade was a very important new measure and an effort was made to implement the commitments on the ASEAN Free Trade Area agreement. The U.S.-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement, joining the World Trade Organization (WTO) and implementing other multilateral agreements to help to create new advances were very important to foreign and export trade. Education and training also progressed and at the end of 2005, there were 31 provinces that achieved the standards of universal lower secondary education. 97.5% of students attended primary school and the education scale continued to expand and people’s cultural level was clearly raised. The number of professional school students increased 15.1%/year, long-term vocational school students 12%/ year, university and junior college students 8.4%/year. The national investment in education increased considerably as the goal was to develop the economy along with social progress. In 2005, government funds for education and training occupied 18% of the total national budget, and many other sources of funds for the development of education were mobilized. Thus, there were many policies aimed at stabilizing and improving people’s lives, building a healthy, spiritual and cultural environment, developing health-care, restraining social-evils and developing education.

Reform of Education and Training in Vietnam

To make the education system relevant to a changing socio-economic system, an all round reform of higher education began in 1987. At the Conference of University Rectors in Nha Trang, in the summer of 1987, the Ministry of Higher, Vocational and Professional Education identified the key points of reform; (a) Targets. Shift higher education targets from serving a centrally-planned economy to serving a multi-component economy in the state-managed market mechanism, with socialist orientation; (b) Financial sources. Higher education institutions not only rely on state budget but also on other mobilized sources such as tuition fee, training contracts, 7 The Development of the Community College Model in Vietnam 97 contributions from socio-economic organizations, research / implementation / serving contracts, international and national projects, donations from organizations and individuals, contributions from employers, etc; (c) Planning. Higher education follows not only governmental education and training plans but also explores social needs, and foreseas and actively satisfies education and training needs outside the government plan; and (d) Management. The government reduces its administrative interventions in education through its administrative organs; promotes rights and duties of universities for student enrollment, selection of leaders, co-ordination with domestic and foreign universities, locating investing resources, and structure and program identification. The government encourages the foundation of private universities, expansion of non-formal education and training. In addition, the government has promulgated the policy that regulates the training scale and structure to meet the demands of socio-economic development, overcome the imbalance; and abolished the policy of appointing students to posts after their graduation. The Fourth Central Congress of the Vietnam Communist Party (VII Term) (1993) promulgated the Resolution of “Continuing Education–Training Reform” and the Government endorsed Decree 90/CP (1993) of the National Education and Diploma of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. According to both the Resolution and Decree, education–training is the first-ranked national policy and socioeconomic motivation for development. Investing in education means investing in development and all social forces have to be mobilized to make financial contributions towards education–training. Students have to pay tuition fee and employers of trained labor forces have to pay towards training expenditure. This ensures a social balance in education–training that helps the poor, especially talented poor students in socio-economically-backward localities, who find opportunities to access higher education. According to Decree 90/CP (1993), the system of higher and vocational education, a part of national education, is established on two principles: (a) that everybody is allowed to learn and learn all through life; and (b) that dividing learning periods and modularizing knowledge is possible, so that all people in any circumstance of either economic conditions or learning capacity can find an appropriate learning stage, provided they have an aspiration to learn. On the basis of these principles and orientation, four modes of organizing institutions appeared in the system of higher and vocational education: (1) multi-disciplinary university, belonging to the nation or region; (2) mono-disciplinary university and college; (3) open university; and (4) community college.

New Directions in Community College Policy

With the end of the period of cold war and profound opposition between socialism and capitalism, and stepping into the concept of globalization, cooperation in education and training between Vietnam and other countries became widespread. The achievements and educational experiences of western countries and how to apply them to benefit Vietnamese educational development were considered more objectively. 98 D.B. Lam and N.H. Vi

To meet the demands of increasing manpower, the Vietnamese government created opportunities for higher education for anyone with the necessary capacity, particularly for those living far from big cities. With this aim in mind, on 17th March 1992 the Ministry of Education are Training (MOET) submitted to the Government the proposal of establishing the community college model in cities and provinces. Four years later, MOET submitted Report No 8195/DH dated 4th November 1996 to the Prime Minister for directions to set up community colleges in Vietnam as a means to offer local education to meet the demands of local manpower training (including teacher training). The Vietnamese community college offered various programs from 1 month to 2 years of training that taught basic syllabuses of higher education, and gave opportunities for local students to transfer to higher education at universities for their baccalaureate. Community colleges were also entrusted with developing programs for professional training, training careers, supplementary education, computer applications and foreign languages [11] It took almost 10 years to implement these directives. In 2000–2002, the first nine community colleges came into existence in north, south and central Vietnam: Hai Phong, Ha Tay, Quang Ngai, Ba Ria- Vung Tau, Tien Giang, Dong Thap, Tra Vinh, Vinh Long and Kien Giang community colleges. In 2006, Hanoi, An Giang and Soc Trang community colleges were founded, regardless of some diversified local colleges such as Can Tho and Ben Tre colleges which had been set up in 2005–2006. Although the local colleges are not officially called community colleges, the intensive activities are full of the community spirit. Moreover, a growing tendency of local colleges is changing the training target step by step to a community college, upgrading local colleges to diversified local higher education institutions.

International Influences on the New Direction of the Vietnam Community Colleges

Since the directions for the reform of higher and vocational education, particularly the Decree 90/CP dated 24th November 1993 were established, several theories and principles of research on community college models have come into existence and been carried out by national scientists and educational managers, and received cooperation and support from international agencies. The study tour of the Vietnamese Higher Education Delegation to North America in the early 1990s had a positive impact on the policy decisions on the development of community colleges in Vietnam. The Delegation consisted of Vu Ngoc Hai, Director of Organization and Personnel, (MOET), Lam Quang Thiep, Director of Higher Education, MOET, Dang Ba Lam, Director General of MOET’s Research Institute for Higher and Vocational Education, and Tran Phuoc Duong, Rector of Can Tho University. The Study Tour was supported and sponsored by The US Committee for Scientific Cooperation with Vietnam and the American Association of Community Colleges and included visits to community colleges in Wisconsin and Illinois (USA) and the province of British Columbia (Canada). Before going to USA, the delegation spent 1 week in Thailand, visiting Thai higher education institutions, 7 The Development of the Community College Model in Vietnam 99 including the research university Chulalongkorn and Mahedon, Kasesat, the open admission University Rakhamheng, Sukhothai Thammathirat Open University. Since that visit, several international influences have been instrumental in reforming Vietnamese higher education. These institutions played an important role in developing the economy of the local community.

Australian Influences

Cooperation in education between Australia and Vietnam developed rapidly. The Australian government provided a lot of scholarship for Vietnamese students to be trained and Vietnamese specialists to be upgraded in Australia. Many conferences and workshops were organized, where the Australian education system was represented and Vietnamese educators and policy makers learnt a lot from Australian experiences. They were greatly impressed by the Australian TAFE and tried to apply Australian vocational training experiences to the Community College model in Vietnam.

Thai Influences

The government first established community colleges in 1970, after participating in a Conference of the American Association of Junior Colleges International in Honolulu. Presently, there are 17 community colleges, with 13,000 students at the junior college level and 30,000 students participating in short term programs for community service. In accordance with the regulation, these institutions aim at responding to the learning needs of the community and provide programs of two kinds: (1) diploma programs in the fields of nursing, community development, local administration, tourism, accounting, computing in business, electronics, animal husbandry, and agriculture; (2) certificate programs, short term courses in tourist guide, English for sportsmen, Khmer language for commerce, and Thai traditional massage,

Japanese Influences

In 1949, Japan changed the traditional 3 year professional schools to 2 year colleges, called Tanki-daigaku, similar to the US model of Community College. Thanks to the reduction of training time, Japanese education was able to provide a trained labor force in time for rebuilding the country after the Second World War.

Korean Influences

In 1993, Korea changed its post-secondary vocational training system by establishing 2-year colleges called Jeonmun Taehack or Chonmun Taehack. This kind of college provides a 2-year university program in various fields of study for students graduating from general education or secondary vocational schools. 100 D.B. Lam and N.H. Vi

Taiwanese Influences

Taiwan has a system of 2–3 year college courses called local learning institutions to train the labor force in specialized fields, following the US model of Community College, with some changes.

Canadian Influences

Collaboration with the Association of Canada Community Colleges (ACCC) with CIDA’s sponsorship had a profound impact on Vietnamese reform efforts. On 1st January 1995, in Hanoi, Mr. Tom Norton, the representative of ACCC and Dr. Le Viet Khuyen, the Vice Director of the Higher Education Department of Vietnam, MOET, signed a memorandum of cooperation between Vietnam MOET and ACCC, in which ACCC would support Vietnam to develop community colleges, with the first piloted college at Hai Phong city in Thanh Hoa province. The goals of the cooperation [14] included plans for a national policy framework, including a strategic plan to develop manpower with professional skills offered by piloted community colleges. Establishing such a college model became an integrated component in planning a new economic zone aiming at stimulating foreign investment and creating the condition for enhancing the intellectual level of the industrial zone that would be relevant to an economy in transition. As known, due to both subjec- tive and objective causes, the plan gained rather limited achievements. However, the plan’s activities helped managers to get valuable experiences. Overall, it was learned that set conditions should be prepared prior to applying the community college model in Vietnam, including (a) an awareness and knowledge among policy makers and people at central and local levels; (b) willingness of readiness or different education units at the locality to be combined in a new education institution such as a community college; and (c) skills of education specialists in designing the transfer from community colleges to university programs.

The Research Institute of Higher and Vocational Education

In the early 1990s MOET’s Research Institute for Higher and Vocational Education, sponsored by Asian Development Bank, implemented a project on the community college model and the possibility of its application in five provinces of Vietnam: Ha Tay, Hai Phong, Thanh Hoa, Phu Yen and Dong Thap. According to Dr. Dang Ba Lam, the director general of this Institute and the Project leader, the main motivation to establish the community college model in Vietnam is the awareness of the government, local administration and institutions of the positive impact of the community college on national socio-economic development. However, until 1995, no accredited educational law supported this development. The Research Institution of Higher and Vocational Education studied these issues and suggested that MOET 7 The Development of the Community College Model in Vietnam 101 positively supervise all the activities of community colleges without any direct control and gave detailed instructions for the management and the government for activities of community colleges. A legal foundation was thus set. The study also noted the difficulties facing the new community colleges, especially in merging local professional and training institutions and continuing education centers, which were unfamiliar with the community college model. Moreover, as each community college depends on the socio-economic situation of the locality, the models must be viable and relevant to each locality, which makes it impossible to have a single model [12,13]. Hence, defining “community college” became an issue. In Vietnamese terminology, “COLLEGE” has two meanings: a junior college (a professional higher education institution) or a member institution of a university. According to the Law of Education, the establishment of community colleges must be approved by the MOET; they operate by the Temporary Regulations on the organization and operation of community colleges, framed by the Decision 04/1999/QD-BGD&DT dated 11 February by the MOET’s Minister. The temporary regulation of a community college, by Resolution No 37/2000/QD-BGD&DT dated 29th August 2000 of the Minister of MOET (Annex-3) Article 1 on the position of community college states: “Community college is a diversified public educational institution of the national education system; The local authority takes the responsibility for establishing, organizing, and operating training activities as well as scientific research on the basis of the regulation, aiming at meeting the demand of the local human force at the level of junior college or lower.” This definition led to the development of the first nine community colleges (from 2001–2005). The flexible schedule, combined with academic training units, regulate the training modules for full-time colleges and universities according to order numbered 25/2006/QD-BGDDT, dated 26/6/2005 of MOET. Community colleges have been defined as public educational institutions, for which local authorities take the responsibility of establishing, organizing, and operating training activities as well as science-technology research aiming at meeting the demand for human force in the community. They have a legal position like other colleges in the national education system and offer training in diversification, linking between learning levels inside and outside the college in a wide variety of forms, connecting training to applying, creating a firm relationship between the college and factories and enterprises, in particular supporting technology for farms, small and medium-scale processing mills of products of agriculture, forestry and fishery. Regulation number 37/2000/QD_BGD&DT reframed the social responsibilities of the community colleges by articles 30, 31 and 32, which can be briefly stated as follows: Community colleges have to take advantage of the cooperation of families, the community, local authorities, unions and cultural, economic, and social organizations in the local areas in order to fulfill successfully tasks in different fields such as enrollment, selection, publicizing learners’ rights and obligations; setting up a healthy educational environment for training in professional skills, combining theory and practice and apprenticeship for students, aiming at bridging training and Vocation; and mobilizing sources for community development. The organization of 102 D.B. Lam and N.H. Vi each community college is different, depending on the professional training available in the particular province/city. Tables 1 and 2 (Annex 4) define four characteristics of the current Vietnamese community colleges. First, most are set up in the Mekong River Delta due to the fact that while this region is thickly populated, the education network is less developed in comparison with other regions in Vietnam, so the need for new established institutions is very urgent. Moreover, this region is located in South Vietnam where people are familiar with the model of community college and are willing to accept it. Secondly, the number of pilot community colleges has increased slowly: five community colleges were created in Hai Phong, Quang Ngai, Ba Ria-Vung Tau, Tien Giang and Dong Thap; two more were founded in 2001 in Ha Tay and Tra Vinh; and another two colleges were founded in 2002 in Kien Giang and Vinh Long. Finally, in 2006, three colleges were founded in Hanoi, Hau Giang and Soc Trang.. The slow growth may be due to the time it takes for education policy makers to understand and accept the new concept of community colleges and for the society to accept a different kind of higher education institution. The difficult problem to be resolved is the relationship between the community college and the provincial teacher training institution: whether two kinds of institutions can exist in parallel or the first one will include the second. The third characteristic is the gradually increasing enrollment at these colleges. The total quota for college-level enrollment at the community colleges until 2007, has gone up as much as four times since 2002. Ha Tay Community College has taken charge of doing part of the training for kindergarten, primary and secondary education teachers for the province. Finally, considering the total enrollment quota for non-teacher training areas at the local teachers training colleges, in 2007, with 10,975 students, there were 23 non-teacher specialized training areas at the colleges in comparison with 30 specialized training areas. It is seen that the total number of students who are studying at the community colleges in 2007–2008 adds up to 18,415. Local teachers training colleges are regarded as community colleges as they have a single-focus, which is a characteristic of the community college. Local teachers training colleges, like community colleges, have a tendency of redirecting strategic targets towards training activities. The 12 community colleges mentioned earlier, share some similarities: the community college is founded on the basis of either an in-service training center, or a professional technical secondary school, or a continuing education center. Such an organization has strong possibilities for the following reasons. First of all, it suits the training goals and duties of the community colleges. Next, the local authorities come together in forming a community college. Finally, the integrated institutions have the pride of being upgraded in terms of qualifications and governing. Unlike the traditional university with long-term undergraduate courses, community college models embrace all the elements desired by Vietnamese higher education reforms. The establishment of community colleges will decrease the tense pressure of getting financing from the central budget, speed up the initiative and responsibility of local authorities; and in particular, create opportunities 7 The Development of the Community College Model in Vietnam 103 for international organizations and universities, as well as foreign and domestic enterprises to participate in manpower training and local economy development. In reforming the Vietnamese higher education network, MOET plans to transform local higher and vocational education institutions into community colleges. In this spirit, the Chairpersons of People’s Committees in the provinces and cities such as Vinh Long, Dong, Thap, Ba Ria-Vung Tau, Thanh Hoa, HAi Phong, and Quang Ngai, submitted reports to the Prime Minister for permission to establish pilot community colleges to reform the system of local professional and vocational educational institutions. MOET supported the proposals and gave permission to set up a community college, for integrating, reorganizing and upgrading the network of local higher and vocational institutions in the provinces and big cities.

Tien Giang Community College: A Case Study

In order to present a clear view of the formation process, the hierarchical structure of administration, training activities, and the trend in the development of community colleges in Vietnam, let us take the community college in the Mekong River Delta as an example. This college has been highly evaluated for its significant effectiveness in development and training activities, and has now been upgraded as a local multi-level, multi-subject, multi-field university. Tien Giang (My Tho before) is an agricultural province in the Mekong River Delta and has an area of 2,236.63 km2, with a population of 1 750 000 people. It is considered a prosperous land, with a high output of crops, marine products and fruits. It has all the typical characteristics of the river and garden civilization of South Vietnam. It is one of the very few provinces, in the Mekong River Delta that have a tradition of educational development. As regards university education, Tien Giang was one of the first to adopt the community college model, in 1971. Tien Giang Community College was founded on August 30, 2000 through the integration of two training institutions: The Inter-provincial Center for In-service Training of Tien Giang-Long An-Ben Tre and Tien Giang Technical Workers School. After several years of building and development, Tien Giang Community College was evaluated in the report “Evaluation of 5 year operating process” (August 30, 2005) as follows: “During the process of formation and development, the College always got dynamic leadership and instructions from the Provincial Party’s Committee, People’s Committee, and the effective support of governmental organizations at all levels.” Since then, the model of community colleges has been continually developing, with considerable achievements, which can be multiplied in the near future. Tien Giang Community College has successfully built up the training model for multi-levels, multi-subjects, and multi-fields, meeting the initial demands for manpower for the industrialization and modernization of the country. The presence of Tien Giang Community College has not only increased the proportion of the qualified labor force but also contributed to correcting the imbalance in the structure of occupations and qualifications. From the year 2003, the College has provided the 104 D.B. Lam and N.H. Vi society with over 1,000 laborers qualified in several specialized areas, from technical workers (professional qualification grade 3/7, 4/7) to university graduates. In the last few years, if the College had been fully equipped for training, practice, and apprenticeship, it is likely that the number of people needed for industrialization and modernization of agriculture would have been available. The model of Tien Giang Community College has proved that there are many advantages in organizing a reasonable system of schools, which eliminates investment in construction, utilizes teaching efficiency, infrastructure, equipment and trained manpower sources. Also, it has contributed to the restriction of impulsive choice of subjects, following currently popular trends, directing students to select relevant subjects and courses. The availability of multiple subjects and multiple levels of study is promoting the community college model, encouraging students to pursue their studies. This has created a learning society and lifelong learning. [18] Tien Giang Community College has declared its mission as follows: “Our presence is to serve the learning needs of the people in the community, to bring them progress and job opportunities to improve their living, and also train the manpower for Tien Giang province and neighboring provinces in order to meet the higher and higher demands of industrialization and modernization.” Tien Giang Community College encourages learners with the following systems: (1) multi-levels (training for an occupation with professional qualification grade from 3/7; particularly for the 4 year or lorger university programs, joint-venture training is provided only for in-service training); (2) multi-subjects (industry; construction; agriculture and service); (3) multi-forms (in-service and full-time); (4) transferring (move from one training level to another, accumulating credits, or taking supplementary courses for the credits required); and (5) specific training and research: training for professions, connecting and transferring training; continuing education and joint venture training; basic education; community response; research, applying and developing technologies to bridge training, research and work experience. In the Administration department, there are five offices, including the Office of Personnel Administration Management; Office of Training; Office of Financial Affairs; Office of Students’ Affairs; and Office of Research & International Cooperation. In the Academic section, there are four departments and two centers, including the Department of Fundamental Sciences; Department of Engineering and Technology; Department of Economics and Social Sciences; Department of Professional and Vocational Training; Center for Information Technology and Foreign Languages; and Center for Examination Skills Training.

List of Training Courses (Both Full-Time and In-Service Training)

University degree: joint training (5 years in-service training): Biological Technology; Information Technology; Finance and Accounting; Construction; Machinery- Electronics; Laws; Marine Products Cultivation; Accounting-Auditing; Electricity and Electronics; Veterinary Science; Land Management. 7 The Development of the Community College Model in Vietnam 105

College degree: 3 years (Full-time): Information Technology; Accounting; Food Technology; Rural Development; Engineering; Construction. High school diploma: 2 years (Full-time): Information Technology; Industrial and Civil Electricity; Engineering and Dynamics; Construction. Workers: 2 years (professional qualification grade 3/7): Industrial and Civil Electricity; Electronics; Auto Repairing; Construction; Latching; Welding; Industrial Sewing; Engineering and Electrical Services; Refrigeration. Short-term supplementary programs to meet community demands: Accounting, Finance and Tax Management; Human Resources Management; Manufacturing and Operating Management; Marketing Management; Enterprise Expenses Auditing; Customer Care; Creating and Managing Enterprise Budget. Training results of the 5-year-period (2000–2005) of Tien Giang Community College are given in Table 4 (Annexure 4) In the future, the higher education network in the Mekong River Delta including Tien Giang Province, will be expanded according to the potential of this region. In Tien Giang a local university will be established, with Tien Giang Community College as a member institution. In 2005–2010 the focus will be on training at the junior college level. In 2010–2015 university programs will be provided for transferred students. The university will have some community college characteristics in that it will respond to local needs and trains human resources for the local province. Tien Giang University which will be multi-disciplinary and multi-level, has the mission to serve the population in the North Mekong River Delta in education and training opportunities for improving the quality of life and sustainable development of the region. The tasks of Tien Giang University include: 1) Training skilled workers at the level of 3/7 and above 2) Providing the programs for transferring to university level 3) Providing basic and supplementary education for adults 4) Continuing education by different modes of delivery such as in-service training, distance education, and E-learning 5) Community service through technology dissemination and agriculture promotion 6) Scientific research and application and international cooperation 7) Advising and counseling for learning and choosing a career. Tien Giang University will be founded on the basis of Tien Giang Community College and Tien Giang Teacher Training College, and Tien Giang Community College will be the main institution.

Current Profile of Community Colleges in Vietnam

Reviewing the first nine pilot community colleges in 2000–2002, the Ministry of Education and Training has not yet made a complete evaluation of the effectiveness, advantages and short comings of this model. However, the system of the community 106 D.B. Lam and N.H. Vi colleges itself has revealed these features in the course of the 5 years, and the model of community colleges in Vietnam can be developed from this experience. Community colleges are the model for multi-level training (from vocational training to college), multi-disciplinary training; flexible, direct service to meet local training demands and aid in community development. The training programs provide relevant application and practice, have links with manufacturing Companies and develop local enterprises. Its flexibility (transferring between training grades and levels), the programs designed for multi-area, multi-level training, the effectiveness of utilizing teaching staff and equipment, are all highly valued. Mekong River Delta has had good models, and it has been shown that this model is considerably flexible and effective (saving resources such as teaching staff and equipment) which is very suitable for the Vietnamese context, especially the particularly difficult regions. This model needs to be quickly multiplied in the Mekong River Delta and other regions. Each province and city should have a community college.

Advantages

Considering the advantages, this model is an effective method to provide quick and quality training in the most economic way to the Mekong River Delta in particular and other areas throughout the country in general. developing the community college model are still affirmed by The Government is in favour of developing community colleges to reorganize education in the country in 2006–2010; community colleges are regarded as one of the primary solutions for increasing the scope of higher education and training, with the guarantee of quality. They meet the community’s demands, for man power for the socio-economic development of the community. At the same time, the community colleges can easily make a profit thanks to the abundant and endless number of candidates. While the country is fostering the formation of an educated society and socialist ideals, if community colleges are treated as centers for providing academic linkages and support to the community at specific communes or wards, it is likely that the success will benefit both education and the community. The demand for higher education in the localities are increasing due to the higher requirements of highly qualified human power for socioeconomic development and for the successful integration of the country into the world’s economy. In the network of professional training institutions, the advantages of the community colleges when compared to other professional training institutions are clearly in three areas: training goals, an environment for conducting training activities, and the legal permission to train. This can be easily seen in the provinces, where there are not only teacher training college but also community colleges. If the leaders acknowledge this, it will be easy to establish a community college. At present in every province there is a teachers training college, a continuing education center, and a vocational training center which is authorized by the provincial government. At the local teachers training colleges there is adequate infrastructure, equipment, and library, with qualified teaching staff, but there are very few students 7 The Development of the Community College Model in Vietnam 107 who attend teachers training programs as the local demands for teachers are already satisfied. This is a great extravagance! The Ministry of Education and Training has a policy which is as follows: “It is the responsibility of the local province to see that, depending on the local demands of manpower training and practical conditions, the People’s Committee of the province or the city decides the relevant training, which may be either specialized or general.” This policy can be recognized as an avenue to improve the current situation in teachers training colleges. There is no doubt that advantages have been created for the development of community colleges by converting local teachers training colleges. The international exchange in higher education, which is being widely practised, is also a good opportunity for the development of the community college, model in Vietnam.

Difficulties

Because the model of community colleges is still in the pilot stage, the challenges are many. For example, the legal terms that reframe the management mechanisms and development of these colleges, as well as providing information about the positions, roles, and goals of the model, have certain limitations. The advantages and disadvantages in operating each community college depend on the approval of the local authorities for the model. Furthermore, the sponsoring sources for the pilot community colleges are too modest. The legal frame work relating to vocational training at the community colleges is still left open as there is no state contribution. These difficulties have slowed down the rate of development of the nine pilot community colleges, making them different because the investment rate is different for each locality, and the organization of the training institutions within the community may have an impact on their development. Flexibility and openness, are found at almost all of colleges (except some specialized colleges such as medicine, culture and arts, gymnastics and sports). It is possible to find such “community” characteristics in some universities that share the areas, subjects, levels and grades in training. As a result, it is difficult to differentiate between the community colleges and non-community colleges, even though there are some non-community colleges, which offer single-subject training or some specific subjects. Furthermore, flexibility and transferring can be performed by any college, whereas some community colleges are not allowed to carry out transferring in training for the areas in which they have offered multi-levels for many years. All these issues have put the community colleges under the pressure of severe competition, which takes place for the yearly enrollment. This is because the central college has great potential and has invested much more than a provincial community college. The mechanisms of transfer in training and transition for students still exist in principle, but particular instances are still not established firmly with regard to the overall educational system of university and professional colleges. Moreover, the mechanism of enrollment quotas is very rigid, and organizing a common entrance exam for all universities and colleges is not suitable for community colleges. 108 D.B. Lam and N.H. Vi

This has restricted the performance of basic duties in particular and the philosophy of the community college model in general. It is necessary to allow the community colleges to carry out transfer in training and establish the training for students from community colleges to 4-year university courses, as well as to give community colleges autonomy so that they can decide about admissions. The current batch of teachers and lecturers in community colleges is in general less in number and low in qualifications. The infrastructure is also inadequate; some colleges are slow to adapt new training programs. Furthermore, the management of a multi-level, multi-subject educational organization is still new for almost all the managing members at the universities and professional colleges in Vietnam. This is why some colleges are confused about the design of their training programs. This has created the poor training quality of the community colleges. This limitation was assessed by the Ministry of Education and Training at the Conference of university and college leaders held in 8/2006: “The block of community colleges and local colleges which perform the training model towards the community has initially promoted the effectiveness and contributed to the enhancement of training quality, bridging training with utilizing the manpower of the society. However, there have not been many such models, which can make it popular and systematic, and they are all related to the abilities of the colleges, not the needs of the community. The training programs have not met the requirements of the employers. There have not been specific contracts from the enterprises or the local authorities for specific requirements of manpower after graduating. Many enterprises have employed graduates but they have to send them for supplementary training courses before they start work. Community colleges do not have certain criteria to be met, according to the requirements of the community for graduates. As a result, it is necessary to create a model for student training, in accordance with employers, in terms of training program, skills to be achieved, and investment from the enterprises/ employers for the training process. There should be an organization that performs the duties of forecasting the needs of human power to help colleges orient their training and improve their programs” [16,17].

Recommendations and Conclusion

For the existing community colleges and the model of community college in Vietnam to keep developing, some proposals should be made. First, the community colleges have to improve the quality of teachers and lecturers, and make them acceptable to the new requirements of Vietnamese higher education. Secondly, the Ministry of Education and Training has to quickly release a relevant legal frame work to solve the problems relating to management mechanisms in a multi-level training institution; transferring and transitioning training; fostering the investment from the central sources; into the community colleges and giving autonomy to the community colleges regarding admissions. 7 The Development of the Community College Model in Vietnam 109

Third, the Ministry of Labor, War Invalids and Social Affairs, which manages the vocational system in Vietnam, has to release soon a relevant legal frame work relating to the transfer of authority from governmental organizations to the local government so that the cooperation on infrastructure investment as well as vocational programs can be made. This aims at avoiding additional expenditure due to separate investment, and autonomy in organizing the vocational system in community colleges and other local training institutions. Fourth, the local authorities in the province or city should quickly build a community college in their area, integrating educational institutions in the network of professional education in the locality, namely teachers training colleges, continuing education center, and vocational training center/ school. The integration results in three advantages. Firstly, it creates a training institution in the locality, which has the necessary teaching staff, infrastructures, and permission for training. This can be set as the premise for the indispensable growth of the local higher education institution in the future. Secondly, it is convenient to have quality management in in-service training to effectively build an educated society. Thirdly, it is not only budget saving but also significant effectiveness in investment in constructing and developing the university and professional education in the locality. Finally, the government should give permission to community colleges to widen their exchange opportunities, share the experience of constructing and developing the model of community college/university with neighboring countries in the region as well as in the world, and create conducive conditions for the development of the system of community colleges in the coming years. In summary, even if it has been 6 years since the first nine community colleges started operating under the national reforms and integration in Vietnam, the assessment of their operations has not yet been completed by the Government. Because the whole educational system is significantly dynamic, especially the new model of pilot community colleges in Vietnam, the fruitful achievements of this pilot model have been confirmed by the appearance of three new community colleges and two local colleges (actually they have the same community college model) in 2006. It can be said that the community college model in Vietnam has been successful, and highlight the prospects for this model in the socio-economic conditions that suit Vietnamese culture. The application of this model would bring significant possibilities if the necessary conditions are satisfied. Based on the primary results and the pilot performance of the nine community colleges in the post unification era & of the country, we can conclude that: – Community colleges are the best training model to serve the needs of learning, professional upgrading, occupation transitioning for people and for making a strong community. Also, the development of the model is the best project that is totally possible and suitable within the specific contexts of each area in order to develop higher education, to achieve the developing targets in quantity along with quality assurance in higher education in the time of international integration. – The community colleges need to set up training plans that follow up with the local needs through several flexible programs which suit the various needs of 110 D.B. Lam and N.H. Vi

learners in order to help them gain good results as well as the best effectiveness of labor utilization post-training. – Particularly, community colleges have to perform transfer between training levels, and to the 4-year universities. By doing this they will accomplish the mission to popularize higher education in accordance with the philosophy of the community colleges.

References

1. Nguyen Khac Vien, (1993), Vietnam - a Long History, Publishing House the World, Hanoi (English) 2. UNDP, Development Report (English) 3. Nguyen Van Thuy, Tran Ngoc Loi, (1996), An overview of American Community Universities (Vietnamese) Nguyen Van Thuy, (1994), About Community Colleges, Okemos, Michigan.Okemos, Michigan (Vietnamese) 4. Thu tuong Chinh phu, Prime Minister, Decision No 47/ 2001/ QD-TTG dated 4/ 4/ 2001, approving Master Plan of the Universities and Colleges in the Period 2001-2010 (Vietnamese) 5. Liny Toender, (1996), Community College-Missions and Challenges, Workshop on the Development of 6 Community Universities in Vietnam(Vietnamese) 6. Bo GD-DT (2004), Ministry of Education and Training, 2004, Higher Education in Vietnam, Education Publishing House, Hanoi (Vietnamese) 7. Edict No 503-TT/ SL dated 15/ 8/ 1971 and The Edict No 504-TT/ SL dated 17/ 8/ 1971 of The President of Republic of Vietnam on the Foundation of Universities in the South of Vietnam; The documents are currently archived at Tien Giang Community College(Vietnamese) 8. Socio-Economic Statistics (annually), Statistical Publishing House (Vietnamese) 9. Vietnam’s Communist Party, 2001, Strategic Plan for Socio-Economic Development in the Period 2001-2010 (Vietnamese) 10. UNESCO- MoET (1992), Vietnam Education and Human Resources Sector Analysis (Synthesis Report) (English) 11. Dang Ba Lam (2003), Vietnamese Education in the First Decades of the 21st Century, Strategies for Development, Education Publishing House, Hanoi (Vietnamese) 12. Dang Ba Lam, Project Director (9/1995), Report on Study of the Setting up of the Community College Model in Vietnamese Socio – economic Conditions (Project under the Sponsorship of ERSPAP- IDRC), National Institute for Educational Development, Hanoi. (English) 13. Dang Ba Lam (1995), Setting Up a Community College Model in the Vietnamese Socio- economic Setting, Case Studies in Education Research and Policy, Asian Development Bank, (English) 14. Ministry of Education and Training, 1995, Project for Developing Network of Community Colleges in Vietnam. Accomplished by Association of Canadian CC under the Sponsor of CIDA, Canada (Vietnamese) 15. Vietnam’s Communist Party, Documents of National Representative Congresses of the Party, Terms VI (1986), VII (1991),VIII (1996), IX(2001), X (2006), National Politics Publishing House (Vietnamese) 16. Nguyen Huy Vi, On the Model of Community Universities and Colleges in Vietnam, Education Magazine, Ministry of Education and Training, April 2004, Hanoi (Vietnamese) 17. Nguyen Huy Vi, Expanding Training Tasks of the Local Teachers Training Colleges, Educational Sciences Magazine, Institute for Education Strategy and Curriculum, Ministry of Education and Training, October 2006 (Vietnamese) 18. Tien Giang Community College, August 2005, Special Issue on the 5th Anniversary of the College Foundation, 30 August 2000 - 30 August 2005 (Vietnamese) 7 The Development of the Community College Model in Vietnam 111

Annexures

Annex 1 The Decree 503-TT/SL of Saigon government August, 8th 1971 about establishing community colleges: Article 2: Each community college has these aims: (1) To promote general higher education with transfer to university programs, and (2) To develop professional higher education with special programs and really satisfying the needs of the community accepting sponsorship for the community college Article 3: Each community college has these duties: (1) To train middle-ranking specialists to assist the economic development of the community (2) To prepare and guide students and make them studying basic programs after 2-year to transfer to a National University to continue studying for university programs (3) To help veterans, civil servants and youth in the community to enhance their education level (4) To test and guide students to choose the field of learning suitable to their ability (5) To promote cultural, educational and social activities to usefully foster the spiritual life of the people in the community (6) To guide mutual cooperation among primary, secondary and higher education institutions in the provinces belonging to the area of the community college Article 4: The establishment of community colleges will be enabled by a decree specifying the provinces and towns that will support and contribute in the construction and development of the college. Each community college is a center of higher education, directly linked and dependent for academic affairs on a National University. Article 7: Each community college has only 2 faculties: – The Faculty of 2-year General Higher Education – The Faculty of Career Education Article 8: Property and donations to build, equip, administrate, and develop each community college are from: (1) Continual contribution of the people in the community (2) Fees and tuition of students (3) Government funds (national and local budget) equivalent to the contribution of the people (4) Donation, bequest, aid and funds from individuals, agencies or private organizations, and government agencies in and outside the country

Annex 2 The Decree 504-TT/SL 15/8/1971 of Saigon Government on August, 15th 1971 about establishing Tien Giang Community College: 112 D.B. Lam and N.H. Vi

Article 2: Tien Giang Community College is organized according to the model of a community college as fixed in the Decree 503-TT/SL August 15th 1971 about establishing community colleges. Article 3: The Provinces and Towns below will directly sponsor, contribute in building and developing Tien Giang Community College, according to the content of the articles 4 and 8 of the Decree 503-TT/SL August 15th 1971: Dinh Tuong Province, Go Cong Province, Kien Hoa Province, Kien Phong Province, Kien Tuong Province, Long An Province and My Tho Town. Article 4: Tien Giang Community College is linked to Saigon University for organizing and administrating educational affairs, especially for the first 2-year university program.

Annex 3 Decision No 37/2000/QD-BGD&DT of MOET, August 29th 2000 on temporary regulations of position, function and duty of the community college: Article 1: On the position of the community college: “Community college is a multidisciplinary, multilevel educational institution in the national education system, at which the locality takes responsibility for building, organizing and operating activities of training, science research, on the bases of the regulations aiming at training local manpower at the level of junior college and lower.” Article 2: on training target: “The objective of community college is to train a labor force with acceptable political quality, good morals, good health, knowledge, and awareness of serving the community as well as professional skills at the junior college level or lower; and to create opportunities for working people to enhance the educational and professional levels required for jobs, meeting the demand of socio-economic development, consolidating national defense and local security.” Article 18: On program and learning fields: 1. The program of the community college consists of Program of junior college Program of professional secondary education and other technical and vocational education Program of supplementing and updating professional knowledge and skills 2. Learning fields together with the corresponding diplomas of community college are in accordance with “The Nomenclature of Training Fields of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam” and actually meeting demands of local socio-economic development. 3. Expanding training fields with other programs is carried out in accordance with the corresponding regulations of the community college. 4. In addition to the above-mentioned regulations of program, MOET is allowed to assign community colleges to implement the transfer of higher education programs in order to help good students to transfer to universities. 7 The Development of the Community College Model in Vietnam 113

Article 19: On training mode: The community college implements programs in accordance with formal and nonformal training modes.

Annex 4:

Table 1 Chronological Decrees that set the foundation for community college expansion Date Name Consequences 1995 Conference of Teacher Training Teacher training institutions do not have Colleges, Hanoi. MOET to merely train teachers. Nucleus to establish community colleges resulted September The Report, submitted by Set base for higher education reform adop- 1995 MOET to Government of tion by defining community college Socialist Republic of Vietnam characteristics at Donors Meeting for Education-Training in Hanoi February 4, Report No. 8195/DH. Submitted “Provincial teacher training colleges will 1996 by MOET, signed by Minister be transformed into diversified col- Tran Hong Quan leges in near future in order to be able to carry out the function of community college by one step.” February 5, Vice Minister of MOET, Tran 1996 Xuan Nhi Letter to Provincial People’s Committee December Second Plenary (VIII Term) of Rearrange higher education, including 1996 Party Central Committee. community colleges Resolution on strategic orientation of education-training development in the period of industrialization and modernization up to 2010 1997 Resolution by MOET to coordi- Coordination resulted in Vinh Long, Dong nate with international organi- Thap, Tien Giang, Ba Ria-Vung Tau, zations and pilot community Quang Ngai, Ha Tay, Hai Phong, Ho colleges in selected cities. Chi Minh City August 23, Decision No. 37/2000/ Regulations that govern description of 2000 QD-BGD&DT – MOET (see community colleges Annex 3) April 4, Resolution No 47/2001/ Community college is recognized as a 2001 QD-TTg submitted by Prime higher education institution Minister “Master Planning of University and College Network for 2001–2010” April 19, 9th Central Congress of Vietnam Targeted increase in students; increase in 2001 Communist Party “Directions colleges of higher education development: 2001–2010” (continued) 114 D.B. Lam and N.H. Vi

Table 1 (continued) Date Name Consequences December “Vietnamese Education Set network and standards for higher edu- 28, Development Strategic Plan cation reforms 2001 for 2001–2010” approved by Prime Minister 2004 International Forum of Higher Minister of MOET, Nguyen Minh Hien Education Renovation, Hanoi presented MOET’s view on community college model development. Saw community colleges as means to solve problems of higher education access and vocational education need 2005–2006 Directions of the Education and Minister of Moet mentions role of com- Training School-Year Duties munication colleges and sets a target increase by 10% May 18, Resolution No 112/2005/QD-TTg Defined problems of functions and duty of 2005 “Plan Building Learning community colleges Society for 2005–2010. Promulgated by Prime Minister November Resolution No. 14/2005/NQ-CP Reaffirms role and mission of communica- 2, 2005 “Fundamental and Thorough tion colleges. Helped pilot 12 commu- Renovation of Vietnamese nity colleges throughout the country Higher Education for 2006–2020” Promulgated by Government

Table 2 Statistics of enrollment at college level in community colleges for 2002–2007 Enrolled students of formal junior college No Community college Foundation year 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 1 Hai Phong 2000 380 450 550 650 1,055 1,115 2 Quang Ngai 2000 290 250 200 400 250 300 3 Tien Giang 2000 200 350 400 400 540 825* 4 Ba Ria-Vung Tau 2000 350 350 350 500 600 600 5 Ðong Thap 2000 200 210 300 300 380 400 6 Ha Tay 2001 150 60 510 650 780 1,000 7 Tra Vinh 2001 200 250 300 450 700 900* 8 Kien Giang 2002 250 260 250 260 340 9 Vinh Long 2002 270 320 320 560 560 10 Ha Noi 2006 500 11 Hau Giang 2006 440 12 Soc Trang 2006 460 Total 1,770 2,440 3,190 3,920 5,125 7,440 (Cited from Information on University and College Enrollment in 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006, 2007, MOET) 7 The Development of the Community College Model in Vietnam 115

Table 3 Table for non-teacher training areas at local teachers’ training colleges and specialized training areas at the current community colleges (From Extracted statistics from Things to Know About the Entrance Exams for Colleges and Universities 2002; 2003; 2004; 2005; 2006; 2007, Ministry of Education and Training) Non-pedagogical training subjects at Specialized training subjects at the community teachers’ training colleges colleges 1. English 1. English 2. Chinese 2. Computer sciences 3. French 3. Food technology 4. Computer sciences 4. Hydraulics – soil improvement 5. Library – information 5. Rural development 6. Vietnamese studies 6. Marine products cultivation 7. Accounting 7. Engineering 8. Technology electrical engineering 8. Electrical engineering 9. Office management 9. Tourism Business Administration 10. English for tourism 10. Agriculture 11. French for tourism 11. Veterinary Medicine – husbandry 12. Tourism business administration 12. Office management 13. Social work 13. Post-harvesting technology 14. Culture-tourism 14. Housewifery 15. Culture management 15. Finance-credit 16. Environmental sciences 16. Agricultural products preservation and processing 17. Geography –tourism 17. Work construction 18. Electrical engineering 18. Accounting – auditing 19. Forestry 19. Agricultural economics 20. Cultivation 20. Land management 21. Husbandry 21. Industrial and Civil construction 22. Marine products cultivation 22. Tailoring technology 23. Network management 23. Forestry 24. Plants protection 25. Hydraulics 26. Entrepreneur management 27. Electronic telecommunication technology 28. Materials and building components 29. Refrigerating electricity techniques and technology 30. Kindergarten, primary, secondary Education Notes: 1) In 2006, Tien Giang Community College and Tra Vinh Community College were upgraded by the Government to University of Tien Giang and University of Tra Vinh. These universities still have the training quotas at college level as they did when they used to be community colleges. 2) There are two local colleges that changed their training goals from teachers training (which is single-subject training for secondary teachers or lower for the local schools) to multi-subject training in 2006, which share the same training program as community colleges. These are Ben Tre College and Can Tho College. Consequently, by the year 2007 the presence of these two colleges has made up the total number of 14 community colleges in Vietnam since unification. The local university, which provides multi-training, multi-level areas has not been included yet. Upgrading local teacher training colleges, which also share primary characteristics of community colleges, primarily formed community colleges. 3) Not included here is the training quotas for the lower education levels of the community colleges like professional, long-term or short-term vocational secondary schools. 116 D.B. Lam and N.H. Vi

Table 4 Table for the synthetic indexes for the first nine community colleges (From extracted statistics from Vietnamese University Education, pp. 475–491, Education Publishing House, Ministry of Education and Training, Hanoi, 2003) Number of teachers with post- Number graduate Number Number of stu- Current qualifica- of training Number of profes- dents at number tions subjects, of college, sional sec- vocational Community of teachers, (master’s, profes- university ondary secondary colleges lecturers doctor’s) sions students schools schools Ba Ria-Vung 23 8 7 350 600 0 Tau Ðong Thap 26 2 8 1,235 200 0 Ha Tay 110 19 6 1,244 2,550 0 Hai Phong 91 6 15 1,071 860 194 Kien Giang 71 4 18 2,480 1,752 0 Quang Ngai 89 3 14 1,700 600 600 Tien Giang 67 10 15 3,367 169 406 Tra Vinh 134 17 20 3,133 291 1,373 Vinh Long 45 10 7 3,139 162 0 Total: 656 79 17,719 7,184 2,573

Table 5 Training results of 5-year-period (2000–2005) of Tien Giang Community College (From data extracted from a special issue of Tien Giang Community College on the occasion of 5th Foundation Anniversary, 30/8/2000) Practical Training forms Candidate won participation Graduation Long-term training 8.874 7.267 3.100 Technical workers 1.770 1.770 763 Professional secondary schools 869 869 351 Full-time college 3.395 2.045 778 In-service college 77 77 In-service university 2.763 2.503 1.208 Short-term training 5.947 Business administration 696 English 876 Auto Cad 52 Computer sciences 1.079 Worker professional upgrading 195 Industrial sewing 455 Examination skills training 2.400 Accounting professional skills 154 Total 13.211 Chapter 8 Modeling Social Justice Through the Community College

Robert DeBard and Tamara Rice

Introduction

The thesis of this chapter is that the mission of the comprehensive community college that has evolved in the United States represents a model of social justice that can be utilized by the postsecondary systems of emerging Third World countries to improve their social and economic well-being. In order to test this thesis, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has been chosen as a case in point. The reason for this choice is not one of convenience or ex post facto reporting of its success. Admittedly, Mainland China still faces enormous problems as it attempts to use higher education to advance its economic engine and positively impact the social standard of living of its citizens as well as advance social justice among them. The viability of comparing the elements of social justice found in the mission and methods of community colleges in the United States and those of China is threefold. First of all, the basis of the study of comparative education is to seek out thematic elements that can be transferred so as to inform an emerging system of the prospects for improvement in implementation by studying the models of more established educational systems (Kubow and Fossum, 2003). Second, such cross-cultural consideration can help illustrate how educational systems can bring global communities together in a common goal of developing human capital even when the political systems remain fundamentally opposed. Finally, the evolution of the comprehensive community college in the United States represents a blend of centralized social engineering and decentralized community involvement that holds promise for what is taking place in the PRC as it strives to provide the necessary components to align educational opportunity with economic growth. This argument does not dismiss the political differences between the United States and China. There is no question that the democracy in the United States has facilitated the local initiatives that have traditionally generated educational opportunity, whereas the strong centralized control within the PRC has actually limited such opportunity. However, this chapter is more about the future than the past. The market-driven economic reform policies now creating massive change in China have created the need for educational reform and the creation of opportunity.

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 117 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 118 R. DeBard and T. Rice

It is asserted that a movement toward the development of community colleges is now shaping this change, and will accelerate it in the future. The two thematic forces driving this consideration will be the contributions the community college can make to affording opportunity to the historically disenfranchised sectors of a society and the importance of promoting such social justice to the progression of a society. The model being advanced is more one of the spirit behind the mission than the bricks and mortar that demonstrate it. Just as community colleges can be large or small, urban or rural, state-supported or locally funded in the United States, the transfer of their potential to China evolves more as a concept than as a set pattern. In like manner, defining social justice need not be limited to the political rhetoric of an “ism” that would work more easily in Chicago than Shanghai. The community college model is agile in adapting educational opportunity to political reality. The dynamic need for opportunity can cut across geographic and political borders. Appreciating the conceptual contribution of the community college movement to its larger society requires going beyond considering it as merely part of the higher education matrix (Levin, 2001). Levin captured the conceptual base in which this chapter is using the community college as a model of social justice that can be transferred to other countries: To view the community college as only an educational institution is to miss or misunder- stand the interactions and relationships between the institution and its milieu; its environment, such as state government, social agencies, cultural and political institutions; and the economy, locally, nationally, and globally. (p. xii) What is essential for the reader to appreciate is that the “movement” being referred to is not to be viewed from a political view, but rather a sociological one. It is not being suggested that the American community college is to be transferred to China in a wave of globalization. The truth is that China is already well acquainted with the potential sociological benefits of the mission of the community college. Ten years ago, the Chinese government passed the Vocational Education Act in order to develop a workforce more adaptable to a market-driven economy. It was predicted that the number of high-school-educated young people in China who would be seeking higher education would far outstrip the limited seats and arbitrary cutoff line of the National Standard Higher Education Examinations (Hu et al., 1996). What is being asserted is that the sociological avatar of the community college movement springs from local need rather than national policy. The success of the community college movement in the United States has been based on the ability of individual colleges to adapt to societal needs rather than determine them. State systems were formed to organize and support local community colleges, but grew out of local socioeconomic need (Cohen and Brawer, 2003). This has been the source of its vitality as it has emerged as a mighty educational force for change in the United States and the application of the concept holds promise for a developing country such as China. Although it might be assumed that central authority would dominate and determine any such emergence in the PRC, it is the economic competition between sectors of Chinese society that are gaining in terms of standard 8 Modeling Social Justice Through the Community College 119 of living versus those who would wish to do so that is creating a dynamic tension leading to educational reform within the provinces. Admittedly, it can seem strange to attempt to attach the concept of social justice to the educational system of a country such as China, whose political system has been so undemocratic. However, that is the point in doing so. It is the premise of this chapter that the concept of social justice, as various as its practice in different contexts might be, represents globalization that seeks common human themes that bring people together. It does so because of the human need for opportunity, quest for progress, and desire for justice in the face of class stratification, political repression, and economic deprivation. Just as it would be naive to assume that social stratification in the United States has not skewed the educational attainments of its citizenry, it would be cynical to dismiss social justice as a political artifact of democracy that cannot be related to a country like China. Admittedly, the definition of social justice in the PRC is more economically pragmatic than philosophical at this point. Indeed, it has been advanced regarding higher education that “[China’s] main disadvantage reflects the time-honored legacy of conformity, discouraging innovation and lack of academic freedom” (Shichor, 2006). On the other hand, a recently issued report by the Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China (2007) asserted that “[a]ll citizens should enjoy the legally equal right of receiving higher education in light of local economic development” (p. 1). A careful consideration of the synergy between social justice and the community college will reveal that such educational opportunity can be compared rather than contrasted. This chapter will now consider how the need for social justice in the United States can help inform a global society, including a politically diverse country like the PRC. It will explore the prominent role social justice has taken in the development of the community college. Once this connection has been established, the unique challenges of applying this model to the PRC will be considered. The goal is to establish the worth of trying to do so as comparative education pushes the cause of cooperation and understanding among cultures.

Aligning Social Justice with Higher Education Opportunity

It might seem natural to equate the provision of higher education with the practice of social justice, but the history of higher education in the United States gives testimony to the tension between the desire for exclusivity and the need for inclusiveness (Thelin, 2004). The great expansion of the number of private colleges during the nineteenth century can be connected to the perspective of towns and communities needing their own college in order to compete for human capital and advance as part of the industrial revolution by producing leaders, managers, and professional workers. In much the same way, the great expansion of community colleges close to one century later grew out of the need of local communities to train 120 R. DeBard and T. Rice workers for a postindustrial society that demanded various levels of higher education (Cohen and Brawer, 2003). Throughout this history, this need for opportunity has been coupled with the desire to identify excellence by using higher education as a gatekeeper of access and a purveyor of success. At times such excellence has been defined in meritocratic ways and at others through the practice of socioeconomic classism. The result has been the creation of educational tiers in which educational preparation, economic accommodation, and familial motivation have separated those who are to have from those who are not to have. The residue of this privilege has been the emergence of the need for social justice as a cause and higher education as a vehicle for provision of such justice. Indeed, even though higher education has been credited as being central to upward mobility within American society, no less a conservative reform document as the Spelling’s Commission report entitled A Test of Leadership (Oldham, 2007) indicated that access to American higher education is unduly limited by the complex interplay of inadequate preparation, lack of information about college opportunities, and persistent financial barriers. Moreover there is a troubling and persistent gap between the college attendance and graduation rates of low-income Americans and their affluent peers. (p. 1) It would be a mistake to assume that our democratic society is aligned with social justice whereas a communist state could not be. In truth, social justice has been a problematic quest for all political realms. The inherent problem faced by advocates of social justice is that societies have tended to turn privilege into an entitlement for those who are privileged. As Allan Johnson (1997) wrote in Privilege, Power, and Difference: The simple truth is that the trouble we’re in can’t be solved unless people who are hetero- sexual or male or Anglo or white or economically comfortable feel obligated to make the problem of privilege their problem and do something about it. (p. 10) When the assumption is that privilege is earned through adherence to normative expectations of how people should look, think, and act, dominance within a culture entitles certain groups to the privileges of the culture. The problem has less to do with the ascendance of those of privilege, than the oppression of those who fail to meet the normative expectations of any meritocratic competition. In discussing the conceptual foundations for social justice education, Rita Hardiman and Bailey Jackson (2007) provided a clear description of oppression: Social oppression perpetuates the belief that some social groups are superior or normal and establishes systems of advantage and privilege for these groups while simultaneously defining other social groups as inferior and deserving disenfranchisement, exploitation, and marginalization. The oppressors are members of dominant social groups privileged by birth or acquisition, who knowingly or unknowingly exploit and reap unfair advantage over members of oppressed groups. (p. 37) Although this oppression, at its worst, can be a malevolent act of discrimination, far more often it takes on the aura of benign dominance. As it has been described: [P]rivilege exists when one group has something of value that it denies to others simply because of the groups they belong to, rather than because of anything they’ve done or failed to do. (McIntosh, 1993) 8 Modeling Social Justice Through the Community College 121

The insidious part of privilege is how individuals receive what they are led to believe is their just reward for performance when it is, in fact, their membership within the system of privilege that has facilitated this performance. Just as there are systems of privilege, there are systems of oppression. When members of oppressed groups incorporate negative images of themselves asserted by the dominant society, they affirm the privilege of the oppressor (Freire, 1970). Privileged groups collude in maintaining systems of oppression when they internalize the false belief that the system is correct or inevitable because they have been convinced that those people of privilege are more capable and so more deserving (Pheterson, 1990). Unfortunately, there are economic costs that exacerbate the moral price society must pay. As social justice educator Lee Ann Bell (2007) stated, “[t]he productive and creative contributions of people who are shut out of the system are lost to all of us” (p. 13). It is hard to deny that socioeconomic status impacts the practice of higher education in the United States. For instance, in 2003, 80% of students from families with incomes in the top quartile enrolled in college immediately after high school. Only 49% of the 2003 high school graduates from the lowest 40% of family income enrolled in college immediately after high school graduation. Conversely, in the private 4-year sector, 30% of full-time first-year students are from families with incomes of US$90,000 or higher and only 19% are from families with incomes below US$30,000. Most telling, by age 24, only 10% of students from the lowest socioeconomic quartile have earned bachelor’s degrees compared to 71% of those in the top quartile (Selingo and Brainard, 2006). Something else is going on and it can be associated with social justice. Sara Goldrick-Rab, a scholar for the Wisconsin Center for the Advancement of Postsecondary Education, asserted: Of the three primary demographic characteristics shaping the college transition (race, gender, and class), a student’s socioeconomic status – or social class – produces the greatest difference in his or her outcomes. (2007, p. 6) She added: The structure of social and economic disadvantage in the broader society clearly act to limit the resources and information that students have when considering entrance to higher education, and delineates the early educational opportunities available to some and not others. (p. 25) Even though higher education has been advanced as a driver of social mobility in this country (Johnstone, 1986), the reality is that privilege is still a dominant aspect of schooling in this country. Despite the fact that community colleges have been denigrated by those from the highest socioeconomic sector (Cohen and Brawer, 2003), the mission espoused by community colleges is aligned with that of social justice and represents the best opportunity for higher education to create access. The fact that more than four out of every ten students entering higher education in the fall of 2007 did so through the doors of a community college indicates the inroads that have been made in creating opportunity. The model that has emerged is not of an ancillary option, but an integral component of higher education in this country. When state planning 122 R. DeBard and T. Rice

commission look toward the economic development of their state, the need for increased enrollment of high school graduates in higher education carried with it the need for an expansion of the community college sector (Condition of Higher Education in Ohio: Meeting the State’s Future Needs, 2007). This merging of social justice with economic imperative has built a synergy of interest in the community college sector of this country. This model can be instructive to the PRC. Although it might be assumed that the Communist party ruling China would dis- regard the social justice concerns in the United States, recent changes have resulted in China changing its attitudes to western culture and education from one of rejection and opposition to one of study and cooperation. Whereas, before 1978, higher education in China was regarded as a weapon of the revolution and the method of opposition against bourgeois influences, more recently the aim of Chinese higher education is one of educating and cultivating (Kang, 2004). The movement from revolution to economic construction has placed emphasis on modernization, diversification, and cultivation – all of which can be served by the concept of the community college.

The Community College as a Model of Social Justice

This section advances the proposition that the driving forces behind the development of the community college in this country are not disconnected to those forces that are causing massive change in the approach the PRC is experiencing. It is not supposed that the two political systems are thus connected. In fact, because they are so different, the premise of using education to advance social justice is actually strengthened because it is not dependent on a political system. Providing some backdrop to the development of the community college in the United States will demonstrate how the social and economic forces currently impacting China can be informed by this history. It would be wrong to assume that the development of the community college in the United States was without cultural challenges tied to tradition that attempted to stifle change just as China has been experiencing. It is acknowledged that the progress that has occurred in the United States has also been tied to the pragmatic need for economic development as much as the philosophical call for social justice. This is where the two countries come together in using the community college as a generator of progress. The mission of the comprehensive community college in the United States grew out of a social justice agenda that was advanced by the 1947 President’s Commission on Higher Education, popularly known as the Truman Commission. According to Kim and Rury (2007), the Truman Commission recommendations “offered a remarkable vision, one of an expansive, inclusive and diverse system of postsecondary education in the United States” (p. 302). There were two forces working against a massive expansion of postsecondary opportunity that can inform Chinese higher education. First of all, the secondary school graduation rates were relatively low, particularly among African-Americans and Latinos. In 1940, just 8 Modeling Social Justice Through the Community College 123 less than half of Caucasians graduated from high school (48%), but only 13% of African-American 19- and 20-year-olds were high school graduates while 16% of Latinos were high school graduates. The result was that only 2% of African- American and 1% of Latino 19- and 20-year-olds attended any form of postsecondary education compared to 16% of Caucasians. Regional differences were even more pronounced between Caucasians and minority enrollments. In 1940, high school graduations rates among 19- and 20-year-olds in the South were about 30% lower than elsewhere in the country (Margo, 1990). In like manner, China has seen the movement from rural communes to urban centers that has resulted in a dramatic increase in the number of high school graduates who are looking for opportunities for personal advancement. The growth of those entering Chinese higher education is staggering. In a 3-year period between 1998 and 2001, attendance more than doubled from 6.43 million to 12.14 million students (Duan, 2003). However, the urban–rural societal divide has resulted in a form of class differentiation that is potentially disruptive in China in a way not dissimilar to social justice issues experienced in the United States. A second force working against significant expansion in line with the vision of the Truman Commission was the underdevelopment of the American community college. The Truman Commission, under the leadership of George Zook, envisioned a great expansion of “grades thirteen and fourteen” with no tuition in order to encourage access. In 1948, less than one in five first-time students enrolled in what were predominantly called “junior colleges.” Although the growth of what was to come to be known as the community college was slower than the Truman Commission had hoped, eventually its members’ vision was realized through a combination of bricks and mortar and baby boom generation birth rates. In 1940, there were 456 public and private 2-year colleges making up 21% of all institutions of postsecondary education in the United States. However, in 1960, this number had grown to 651 or one in four institutions of higher learning and 1,265 in 1980 or close to 30%. Not coincidentally, the South, which historically has been the poorest region of this nation, experienced a significant surge in the number of 2-year institutions between 1960 and 1980, doubling its number. In 1960, the junior colleges claimed 23% of first-year students, and by 1970 this number had increased to 30%. At the start of the 1980s, more than 40% of college enrollments were in 2-year institutions (Brint and Karabel, 1989). Today, the percentage of first-time students beginning their postsecondary education at a community college has risen to 46% (Chronicle Almanac, 2004–2005). Once again, the need for a new form of higher education has also come to light in China. In commenting on pressing needs in the PRC, McBreen et al. (1996) indicated: The most pressing issue is to create a different type of institution that can deal with a variety of programs to meet the immediate and long-term needs of a dynamic marketplace as well as the needs of individual workers. (p. 261) One of the social justice imperatives of the Truman Commission was to increase minority enrollment, even though this did lead to dissention among its members (Kim and Rury, 2007). In fact, four of its members signed a dissenting statement 124 R. DeBard and T. Rice upholding the principle of racial segregation. Overall, there could have been little debate as to the need for improvement in minority college attendance since it was less than 4% of the nation’s 19- and 20-year-old college students in 1940. The eventual increase in the number of minorities attending college can be tied to the improvement in the number of them graduating from high school by 1960. Secondary school graduation rates for African-Americans had increased to 33% while Latinos had increased to 24%, although both lagged behind those of the Caucasian population, which was 60%. However, the real progress in college-going rates for minorities can be tied to the growth of community college between 1960 and 1980. The openness of the community college entrance requirements, and relatively low cost and comprehensiveness of its mission aligned with the needs of minority students helped boost minority enrollment to an all-time high of 31% as of 2005 (Chronicle of Higher Education, Almanac, 2005). In China, students from poor families face many of the same access to higher education problems as those in the United States and the trend seems to be on the increase. Disparities are widening in China between the thriving export-oriented coastal zones and the interior provinces (Yang, 2002). The community college, more than any other institutional type, has changed the demographic profile of what it means to be a college student. Although these changes took longer than the Truman Commission intended, the result today has had a telling impact on social justice in higher education: College came to mean many different things, permitting students to address a great assort- ment of needs and goals. And this helped make the nation’s democratic heritage both more meaningful and expansive. With so many Americans realizing the benefits of higher education, the possibilities for individuals to enjoy improved prospects for personal growth, and the realization of their life goals, a broad definition of democracy, were enhanced considerably. (Kim and Rury, 2007) The need for the affordable and accessible community colleges as a point of entry continues in the United States. There is little question that financing college, or the fear of the inability to do so, has the greatest impact on attendance patterns and educational attainment. According to a Report of the Advisory Committee on Student Financial Assistance created by the Higher Education Amendments of 1986, over 400,000 students fully prepared to attend 4-year college were unable to do so in 2002 and 170,000 of these students attended no college at all. Over the decade, it was projected that 4.4 million of these students would not attend a 4-year institution and over 2 million would attend no college at all. Most egregiously, it was projected that financial barriers would cause close to half (48%) of college-qualified, low-income high school graduates from attending college within 2 years of high school graduation and more than one in five (22%) from attending any college at all (Empty Promises, 2002). Not unlike the United States, historically, higher education in China was regarded as a privilege for the elite, as participation was a sheer fraction of the nation’s population (Duan, 2003; Kang, 2004; Kong, 1999). The premise of this section is that the community college has helped activate social justice within higher education in the United States and holds similar promise in the PRC despite its obviously different history of education and political system. 8 Modeling Social Justice Through the Community College 125

The next section will consider the current challenges in implementing the community college model in the PRC in order to advance social justice in this emerging world power.

The Challenge of Implementation

One of the first challenges to the full realization of the potential of community colleges in China is the issue of selectivity giving way to opportunity in Chinese higher education. This limitation to access had been the product of centralized government financing of higher learning (Ministry of Education, 2004). Although this system has traditionally been marked by low or no fees charged to students, the result has been that access has been directly tied to governmental funding. For instance, back in 1977, 5.7 million people took part in the national college entrance examination and only 273,000 students were admitted to attend higher education. By 1998, 2,846,700 new students were admitted to Chinese higher education, and by 2001, it had jumped up to 4,807,100 new students, bringing the total enrollment in higher education to 12,143,800. It is projected that the figure could hit 23,000,000 students by 2010 (Mohrman, 2003). This staggering growth has been fueled by the expanding economy of China. With this economic growth, the need for a more educated population has merged with the desire for upward mobility in a way that is not foreign to that which occurred after World War II in the United States. The question of who benefits and who should pay for higher education remains a complex equation for all higher education policymakers. There is little doubt that the answer is that both society and the individual collectively benefit to varying degrees depending on what the individual does with the education received. What remains an issue is the extent to which an individual is expected to invest in paying for an education given the wide range of accrual that is to be earned from such an education. It should not surprise anyone that, in the United States, young people whose family income is in the top quartile are 12 times more likely to earn a bachelor’s degree than those from the bottom quartile (National Center for Education Statistics, 2007). Despite the fact that the PRC remains communist in its political structure, the economic reforms have unleashed a combination of prosperity and poverty, opportunity and oppression that need reconciliation (Ma, 2003). Currently, China has a population of over 1.3 billion people with an average education level of 8 years. In terms of income per year, the person living in Shanghai makes 12 times more than the person living in Guizhou Province of the far southwest (Ma, 2003). One of the educational vehicles that is being advanced to bridge the economic divide is the development of community colleges. Postiglione, in his chapter entitled “Chinese Higher Education for the Twenty-First Century: Expansion, Consolidation, and Globalization” (2002) summarized the movement well stating that [i]t is clear that China, like an increasing number of countries including Mexico, Brazil, South Africa, and elsewhere, has adopted community college models to produce an alternative form of tertiary education for a growing number of secondary school graduates. (p. 156) 126 R. DeBard and T. Rice

Responding to growth fits the community college model as long as there is the presence of local authority to initiate educational opportunity. There is some evidence that such decentralization is taking place (Yang, 2005). One of the ways that this growth in enrollment has been fueled should be considered ironic to those in the United States who are currently looking at educational reform. Since the mid-1990s, reforms in China’s educational system have revolved around the theme of “quality education.” However, instead of moving toward standardized testing as appears to be the case in the United States, China is moving away from it (Cheng, 2004). Historically, China has a cultural respect for education and scholars. At the same time, what has been called a “cult of examinations” started during the Shui dynasty in AD 603 and remained largely intact until the last quarter of the twentieth century (Huang, 1992). The quality education movement in China has paralleled the economic reforms of the country. There have been three primary results of this economic reform so far that directly impact the development of higher education in general and the emergence of a community college system in particular. First, there has been a fundamental decentralization of both the economic and educational systems. Although there remains strong centralized “themes” of political adherence, initiatives in the rural areas of the country have allowed farmers to keep most of their output that provided resources to provide a better education for their children and to encourage social mobility (Cheng, 2004). This decentralization has also placed responsibility for the development of educational opportunity at the provincial level much like state systems have been developed in the United States. Indeed, Chinese officials are looking at the best state systems in this country to inform the development of the community college movement in the PRC. Second, the achievement of decentralization also brought about unprecedented diversity of opportunity and disparity of educational and economic outcome. In the words of Kai-ming Cheng (2004): “[T]he manpower pyramid in the economic sector was matched by the pyramid of student populations and graduates in the education system” (p. 7). The result has been that there are gaps, most particularly in the higher education sector of the country, that need to be filled. This is not unlike what was faced by the United States after World War II when the quest for social mobility could not be accommodated totally within the university systems of the various states. The creation of the concept of grades 13 and 14 was seen as both a bridge to the university and an augmentation of the preparatory secondary education (Cohen and Brawer, 2003). The third and final result of decentralization is that the finance of higher education in China has been altered by making funding of it more dependent on local sources and thus local economies. In much the same fashion as has been found in the United States, economically advanced provinces and their urban centers have developed their community college sectors more quickly than the less economically advantaged states and their rural areas. Just as centralized state community college systems have emerged in the United States to create greater opportunity for historically disenfranchised students, one of the current challenges facing the PRC is the need to balance the need for educational expansion within the context of an increasingly market-driven economy (Epstein, 2000). 8 Modeling Social Justice Through the Community College 127

This synergy between economic development and the emergence of community college opportunity has been a prominent part of postsecondary education in the United States and promises to be in China. In this country, it is difficult to find a statewide and national strategic planning document for economic development that does not make the community colleges of the state a primary link to the productive use of human capital. An example of this would be a report of the Governor’s Commission on Higher Education and the Economy document entitled Building on Knowledge; Investing in People: Higher Education and the Future of Ohio’s Economy (2004) that stated: There is a broad understanding that achieving higher education’s full potential to create jobs and to fuel economic growth is a big job. Commission members know that it will not be easy, nor will it be done overnight. (p. 29) This report placed special emphasis on the role the state’s 2-year colleges will need to play in helping to make this linkage. The same sort of thinking is going on in China. In a prophetic planning document entitled The long-range development program toward the year 2010 that was issued in 1996, the government explicitly identified the need to focus on undergraduate education, especially in sub-degree programs in community colleges (Kong, 1999). Hu et al. (1996) suggested that the Chinese 2-year college should be given maximum autonomy in decision making and policymaking in terms of curricular content in order to better serve local needs and to raise funds from local sources. Once again, the model used in the United States is being played out in China. There is no doubt that such a decentralized approach will still represent a challenge because of the social justice issue of poor provinces versus the booming coastal cities. Just as state systems of community colleges have emerged in the United States to address statewide issues of access and success, so too should China consider a model that protects the disenfranchised as it encourages self-support by the rich. Still another challenge to the implementation of the community college model in China is the need for retooling adult members of the Chinese society who missed out on the opportunity so recently developed. The community college model can assist by providing opportunities to workers who lose their jobs or need to be retrained in order to keep them. Moreover, community colleges can be established in rural areas where workers who are geographically bound, find it difficult to attend college because institutions are often located in urban centers (Yang, 2002). Another challenge China is facing that parallels the need for community colleges in the United States is the rising cost of higher education. As stated earlier, the central government historically covered all costs. However, with multiple education reforms since the Soviet model of funding has been deposed, central support has decreased resulting in institutions needing to charge tuition to students. Currently, the Chinese government invests 3.3% of its annual budget to higher education, compared to a global average of 4.2% (Hartmann, 2006). Additionally, Yang (2002) reported that the price of tuition is 20 times its amount from 10 years ago. The development of community colleges can assist with the rising cost of higher education by providing low-cost tuition. Community colleges are less 128 R. DeBard and T. Rice

expensive to manage than 4-year universities. Students can commute and cooperative arrangements can be made with local businesses to cut down on costs of equipment and other items (Hu et al., 1996). In summary, the challenges facing China can be informed by those that have been faced in the United States. The need to balance a decentralized sense of ownership with a centralized sense of planning, the need to emphasize access within a system of higher education that has traditionally been based upon exclusion, the need for affordable education, the need to build respect between community college and universities for the sake of social mobility and transfer, and the need to have academic programs that respond to local employment needs and future economic opportunities have been a natural part of the evolution of the community college. The final element of cooperative linkage between the community colleges in the United States and those of China that will be considered in this chapter will be whether the motivation for social justice that has helped to drive the development of the community college in the United States can be applied to China.

Social Justice in the Community Colleges of China

An interesting aspect of the history of the development of the PRC has been the tension between elitism and the common class. One of the historical realities of Chinese higher education has been that it is highly restrictive in its openness. The role that the Cultural Revolution played in the history of higher education in this country is difficult to reconcile with social justice. One of the intentions of Chinese leadership during the Cultural Revolution was to reform and expand education to the common class (Hu et al., 1996). During this time, the Communist Party declared the following aim: “To change the educational ethos from one of middle class privilege to one of egalitarian socialism” (Hunt, 1975, p. 51). Unfortunately, when it came to social justice, this is considered a dark period in Chinese history riddled with massacres performed by the Red Guards, as part of the movement to cleanse society in general and higher education in particular of the bourgeoisie elements of elitism. A more enlightened strategy took place after China opened its door to reform in 1978 (Mooney, 2007). Based on the concepts of access and opportunity, the Ministry of Education (2004) declared such aims as a priority with the statement that “[a]ll citizens should enjoy the legally equal right of receiving higher education” (p. 7). Moreover, in 2001, China abolished its limits on who can sit for the national entrance exam by allowing students who were older than 25 and/or married to take the exam (Duan, 2003). Although it appears that the Chinese leadership is sincere about making the transition from elite participation to mass participation in higher education, it does not come without criticism. Similar to other developed countries, access does not 8 Modeling Social Justice Through the Community College 129 necessarily yield to equity. Yang (2002) argued that students from poor families continue to be underrepresented in enrollments and the implementation of charging students tuition in 1997 has only widened the gap. In addition, the author asserted that there is limited access to higher education in rural areas, as it is difficult to compete with the thriving export-oriented coastal zones and provinces. Lastly, Yang accused Chinese universities of favoring local students, which places students from rural areas at a further disadvantage. As occurred in the United States, one of the greatest challenges faced by Chinese officials has been to confront the issue of selectivity that had so long been associated with higher education. What Chinese education officials have come to realize is something that has evolved in the United States over its history of higher education: selectivity can create limited excellence, but it also precludes societal growth. Chinese education officials are beginning to realize that broader admissions standards open doors to those who demonstrate competencies other than those that can be displayed through standardized tests. The community college curriculum in the United States is distinguished not by its ability to winnow out students, but rather to provide practicality, flexibility, accessibility, and convenience to them. Instead of precluding students from progressing from community college education to university-level work, transfer has become evermore common as part of the educational pipeline that helps make the United States the finest higher education system in the world. In China, a document entitled An Action Plan for Developing Education in the Twenty-First Century, announced by the Ministry of Education in early 1999, proposed that the participation rate for 18–22-year-olds be increased from what was then 9% to 11% by 2000 and 15% by 2010 (Tian, 1999). Although this is far from the 68% of American youth who go on to college within 18 months of graduating high school, it does indicate the ambition of the Chinese and their perception of the importance of creating educational opportunity for social advancement. Another social justice concern is the lack of positive relationship between China’s universities and its community colleges. In an even more fundamental way than has been found in the United States, transfer of education is a major problem in China. Although, students who enter community colleges can acquire mid- to low-level jobs (Kong, 1999), many reformers have argued for the need of providing students the opportunity to transfer to 4-year universities (Benyi, 2001; Duan, 2003; Hu et al., 1996; Kong, 1999; McBreen et al., 1996; Wu, 1999). However, the promotion of the transfer function is going up against some firmly held beliefs about higher education in China. McBreen et al. (1996) stated: The heavy reliance on national testing for admissions to higher education coupled with the intense competition for admission to higher education makes it somewhat doubtful that a transfer function would be acceptable in the near future. (p. 263) Moreover, the US-China Foundation (n.d.) asserted that “[t]he concept of broader education (as distinct from job training) for larger numbers of people is not easily conceptualized or accepted” (p. 9). Because of the traditional viewpoint that higher 130 R. DeBard and T. Rice education is for the “chosen few,” the citizens of the PRC are struggling to accept this “back-door” entrance into the elite universities. The answer to this challenge in China would appear to be not that different from what has occurred in this country. Instead of national policy, it will be local initiative that spurs the growth of opportunity. A hallmark of the comprehensive community college mission in the United States has been the agility of community colleges to respond to distinct local needs. China’s economic growth has created pockets of prosperity and poverty that defy national policy. Using education as a vehicle for upward mobility is in the self-interest of local communities. Using the model of the community college is the most feasible way to take such initiative. Related to the acceptance of the transfer function, community colleges are also pressed to gain acceptance as providers of quality education. A tradition of Chinese society has been parental concern about their child’s educational well-being. Duan (2003) stated that “[i]n the traditional Chinese view, a good education for children is the first priority for a family” (p. 15). Because community colleges are not able to issue their own certificates and graduates can only enter mid- to lower positions, there is strong potential for the worth of a community college education to be denigrated. Additionally, the lack of funding and support for community colleges impede their ability to maintain facilities and retain quality instructors. Currently vocational institutions are grappling with such issues. Ding (2002) stated that “[d] ue to their lower status in the system and to the traditional ideology about vocation- alism, the VUs were discriminated against by people at large” (p. 4). Community colleges in the United States have faced similar issues, but due to the transfer function and ultimate success of transfer students at 4-year universities, they have gained credibility over the years. There is no quick fix for the PRC. The history of the community college in the United States speaks to the need for iterative improvements, but it also indicates the power of numbers. With the number of students needing and wanting higher education in China, any thought that community colleges can be dismissed is unrealistic in the face of economic and educational reform taking place. There can be no doubt that social justice is a major issue in China. However, the argument being advanced is not what China currently lacks in terms of social justice, but how the emergence of the community college can advance the cause. Many of the same complaints about quality and the relegation of students to a limited future have been, and continue to be, made about community colleges in the United States (Clark, 1960; Brint and Karabel, 1989; Bailey and Alfonso, 2005). One only needs to contemplate the elimination of this sector to quickly appreciate its ultimate contribution to the provision of needed education in this country. The way to encourage access, to accommodate diversity and to build equity is not through traditional forms of excellence or parochial definitions of quality. It is to take students where they are and add value to their lives by giving them opportunities to continue their learning, develop their skills and mature their attitudes. This is where education comes together with social justice and social justice comes together with the mission of the community college. This has been true in the United States and can become true in China. 8 Modeling Social Justice Through the Community College 131

Conclusion

The growth of the American community college could well pale in comparison to what is needed in China, but there are still transferable issues that can both inspire and inform Chinese educators who would envision a higher education system as robust as the growing economy of their country. China’s Education Ministry has been backing efforts to build a network of community colleges, primarily by converting many of its 1,241 vocational higher-education institutions so that they will more closely resemble community colleges in developed countries (Lin-Liu, 2001). This emphasis is being placed on the economic development needs of local cities and regions in a manner that is not dissimilar to that experienced in the 1960s and 1970s in the United States. Any reading of the history of the community college movement in the United States reveals that such a connection was most important in gaining local tax support and eventual state funding. There is no question that the issue of social justice is a growing concern among Chinese policymakers (Jacab, 2006). The boundaries have been both geographical and historical. The movement into the urban areas by ever-larger numbers of historically neglected populations has stirred unrest in the cities and has resulted in blighted rural areas. Again, there are lessons to be learned from the experience of the United States. The primary way higher education opportunity has been provided to rural areas of this country has been the development of state systems of community colleges (Cohen and Brawer, 2003). Enfranchisement has been one of the primary themes of the development of the community college in this country and promises to be so in China. Offering citizens the chance to learn the knowledge, skills, and attitudes of productivity represents the common variable that can help bring diverse societies together. This evolvement of educational opportunity in the United States has not stifled individual potential, but helped to realize it. Back in 1986, Bruce Jonestone articulated the backbone of the mission of the comprehensive community college in writing about higher education in the United States in general: America’s egalitarian ethic and its great faith in education, coupled with special programs to enhance college-going among minorities and motivated by the financial need to maintain enrollments, combine to encourage students with a very wide range of abilities to try to find a place in American higher education. (p. 228) Providing new chances for first-generation college students and, yes, second chances for adult learners, has affirmatively impacted American society and the cause of justice. China’s potential for growth and progress are not just grounded in its population, but what is done with its population. It is difficult to transfer cultures, just as it is to align political systems, but the human need for hope and quest for self- determination are at the heart of social justice. In this regard, the practices of the community college can be viewed as a shared value between the United States and China. This value is one of educational opportunity that serves to make the greater society at once more just and more productive. It also invites the ability to compare 132 R. DeBard and T. Rice educational models so as to see the convergence of human development that is not limited to nationality or political system.

References

Bailey, T. R. & Alfonso, M. (2005). Paths to persistence: an analysis of research on program effectiveness at community colleges. New Agenda Series, Indianapolis, IN: Lumina Foundation. Bailey, T. R. & Smith Morest, V. (2006). Defending the community college equity agenda. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Press. Bell, L. A. (2007). Theoretical foundations for social justice. In M. Adams, L. A. Bell, & P. Griffin (Eds.), Teaching for diversity and social justice (pp. 1–14). New York: Routledge. Benyi, T. (2001, April). Community colleges in Shanghai. Paper presented at the meeting of the American Association of Community Colleges, Chicago, IL. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 462102). Brint, S. & Karabel, J. (1989). The diverted dream: community college and the promise of educational opportunity. New York: Oxford University Press. Building on knowledge; investing in people: higher education and Ohio’s economy (2004). Retrieved August 16, 2007 from www.chee.ohio.gov/ Cheng, K. (2004). China: turning the bad master into a good servant. In I. C. Rotberg (Ed.), Balancing change and tradition in global education reform (pp. 3–19). Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Education. Chronicle of Higher Education Almanac (52)1, 14. (2005a). Retrieved August 26, 2007 from http://chronicle.com Chronicle of Higher Education, Almanac (52)1. (2005b). Students Projected Enrollments, 2004– 2014. Retrieved August 26, 2007 from http://chronicle.com Clark, B. R. (1960). The open door college: a case study. New York: McGraw Hill. Cohen, A. M. & Brawer, F. B. (2003). The American community college. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Ding, A. (2002). China’s vocational universities. ERIC Digest. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED467848). Duan, X. (2003, November–December). Chinese higher education enters a new era. Academe. Retrieved August 2, 2007 from www.aaup.org/AAUP/pubsres/academe/2003/ND/Feat/duan.htm Eisenmann, L. (2005). Higher education for women in postwar America, 1945–1965. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Press. Empty promises: the myth of college access in America. (2002). Washington, DC. A Report of the Advisory Committee on Student Financial Assistance. Epstein, I. (2000). Reflections upon issues of class and inequality. In A. R. Welch (Ed.), Third world education: quality and equality (pp. 107–133). New York: Garland. Freire, P. (1970). Pedagogy of the oppressed. New York: Continuum. Goldrick-Rab, S. (2007). Promoting academic momentum at community colleges: challenges and opportunities (CCRC Working Paper No.5). New York: Columbia University, Teachers College, Community College Research Center. Hardiman, R. & Jackson, B. (2007). Conceptual foundations for social justice education. In M. Adams, L. A. Bell, & P. Griffin (Eds.), Teaching for diversity and social justice (pp. 35–66). New York: Routledge. Hartmann, R. (2006). Chinese higher education fails the test. China Times, Retrieved from: http:// www.atimes.com Hu, N. B., Watkins, K., Shao, T., Belaief, L., & Kehl, F. (1996, August). Planning and developing community colleges in China. Paper presented at the conference “Toward the 21st Century: the Trends in World Education Development and China’s Education Reform,” Washington, DC. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 405020). 8 Modeling Social Justice Through the Community College 133

Huang, X. (1992). A brief history of the development of examinations in China. Fuzhou: Fujian People’s Press. Hunt, R. C. (1975). Change in higher education in the People’s Republic of China. Higher Education, 4, 45–59. Jacab, J. W. (2006, March). Social justice in Chinese higher education: regional issues of equity and access. International Review of Education 52(1), 149–169. Johnson, A. G. (1997). Privilege, power, and difference. New York: McGraw-Hill. Johnstone, B. (1986). Sharing the cost of higher education. Reprinted in D. Breneman, L. Leslie, & R. E. Anderson (Eds.), Finance in higher education (ASHE Reader Series, 1996, pp. 227–246). Needham Heights, MA: Simon & Schuster. Kang, O. (2004). Higher education reform in China today. Policy Futures in Education, 2, 141–149. Kim, D. & Rury, J. L. (2007). The changing profile of college access: the Truman Commission and enrollment patterns in the postwar era. History of Education Quarterly, 47(3), 302–327. Kong, X. (1999, Winter). ERIC review U.S. community colleges and China’s counterpart institutions. Community College Review, 27(3), 77–92. Kubow, P. K. & Fossum, P. R. (2003). Comparative education: exploring issues in international context. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Merrill Prentice Hall. Lazerson, M. (1998). The disappointments of success: higher education in the postwar era. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 559, 64–76. Levin, J. S. (2001). Globalizing the community college. New York: Palgrave. Lianging, Q. (1996). China’s higher education under reform. International Journal of Educational Management, 10(2), 17–20. Lin-Liu, J. (2001, November 14). China plans to build network of community colleges. Chronicle of Higher Education. Retrieved September 14, 2007 from http://chronicle.com/ daily/2001/11/2001111408n.htm Ma, Wan-hua. (2003). Economic reform and higher education in China. CIDE Occasional Papers. Center for International & Developmental Education. UCLA Graduate School of Education. Margo, R. A. (1990). Race and schooling in the South 1880–1950: an economic history. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. McBreen, D. P., McBreen, E. L., & Wu, Z. (1996). China’s economic and education reform: a role for community colleges. Community College Journal of Research and Practice, 20, 253–268. McIntosh, P. (1993). White privilege and male privilege: a personal account of coming to see cor- respondences through work in Women’s Studies. In A. Minas (Ed.), Gender basics: feminist perspectives in women and men (pp. 30–38). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. Ministry of Education of the PRC. (2004). Higher education in China. Retrieved August 1, 2007 from http://www.moe.edu.cn/english/higher_h.htm Mooney, P. (2007, February 9). China limits growth of universities. The Chronicle of Higher Education, 53(23), A39. Retrieved August 30, 2007 from http://www.chronicle.com Mohrman, K. (2003). Chaodang. Z. (2006). Higher education reform in mainland Chinese universities: an American’s perspective. Chinese University of Hong Kong America Center. National Center for Education Statistics (2007). Retrieved from www.fedstats.gov/key_stats/ index.php?id=nces Oldham, C. (2007). A test of leadership: charting the future of U.S. higher education. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education. Pheterson, G. (1990). Alliances between women: overcoming internalized oppression and internalized domination. In L. Albrecht & R. Brewer (Eds.), Bridges of power: women’s multicultural alliances (pp. 34–48). Philadelphia, PA: New Society. Postiglione, G. A. (2002). Chinese higher education for the Twenty-First Century: expansion, consolidation, and globalization. In D. W. Chapman & A. E. Austin (Eds.), Higher education in the developing world: changing contexts and institutional responses (pp. 149–166). Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. 134 R. DeBard and T. Rice

Selingo, J. & Brainard, J. (2006, April 7). The rich-poor gap widens in colleges and students. The Chronicle of Higher Education, 52(31), A1. Retrieved August 12, 2007 from http://chronicle. com/weekly/v52/i31/31a00101.htm Shichor, Y. (2006). China’s Revolution in Higher Education. AFAR, publication of the Association of Asia Research. Retrieved August 8, 2007 www.asiaresearch.org/articles/2843.html. The condition of higher education in Ohio: meeting the State’s future needs (2007). Retrieved January 21, 2008 from: http://regents.ohio.gov/board_meetings/report/index.php Thelin, J. R. (2004). A history of American higher education. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. Tian, H. (1999, July 2). Higher education: how to meet the demand. People Daily, p. A4. U.S.-China Education Foundation. (n.d.) Community colleges in China project. Retrieved August 28, 2007 from http://www.soc.losrios.edu/~feders/china/proposal.html Wu, R. (1999, December). Moving toward community colleges: a new alternative in postsecondary technical education in Taiwan, Republic of China. Paper presented at the meeting of the Association for Career and Technical Education, Orlando, FL. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED441550). Yang, R. (2002, Summer). Lost opportunities in the massification of higher education in China. International Higher Education 28(9). Retrieved August 2, 2007 from http://www.bc.edu/ bc_org/avp/soe/cihe/newsletter/News28/text009.htm Chapter 9 A Study of Community College Synchronization with the Educational Needs of Local People in Thailand

Pattanida Punthumasen and Takayoshi Maki

Emergence of the Community College in Thailand

In the academic year (AY) 2002, the first ten community colleges, known as Withayalai Chumchon in Thai language, were established, one in each of ten provinces across the country. The aim was to improve the quality of life of the local people by enhancing opportunities to higher education, providing both education and training. Community College in Thailand was defined as an educational institution that provided two kinds of programs: 2-year associates degree programs and intensive short training or short-term programs. These programs are in areas relevant to local economic and social development. Education and training in the community colleges emphasize variety in terms of both management and courses offered in order to respond to the needs of people from various walks of life. The programs are designed to ensure that graduates will have the knowledge and skills necessary for their careers, further education, and improved quality of life. The establishment of Community Colleges in Thailand resulted from the 1999 National Education Act which focuses on “Lifelong education for all”, “Equality,” and “Participatory development.” Following the implementation of this Act, it was estimated that high school graduates would increase from 511,000 in AY 2001 to 692,000 in AY 2006 and 919,000 in AY 2011, respectively. In contrast, the higher education institutions across the country would be able to intake only 420,000 students, and most of those institutions were located in Bangkok and urban areas. With lack of higher education institutions in rural areas, Thailand was facing problems in relation to expansion of educational opportunity. Therefore, the Office of the Education Council (OEC; known at that time as the Office of the National Education Commission (ONEC) ), which was the educational policymaking body under the Ministry of Education, initiated research to find models of lower-than- degree education so as to provide more educational opportunities to meet the needs of students, particularly those in rural areas. This research was entitled “Community College: A Model of Lower-than-Degree Education Institutions,” and was one of the research projects under the umbrella of the Thai–US Roundtable project organized by OEC in cooperation with Pennsylvania University. This study of lower-than-degree education institutions’ models and experiences from four

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 135 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 136 P. Punthumasen and T. Maki countries (Canada, Japan, Republic of Korea, and the United States of America) found the common characteristics of lower-than-degree-level programs. The results of the study revealed that the educational provision and curricula at this level should be diverse, flexible, and participatory with various segments of society so as to meet the needs of community, promote their job skills, and improve the quality of life. In addition, the result of this study also indicated that the potential advantages of community colleges could be significant, and that this advantageous model could be systematically established for higher education in Thailand. It also pointed out that, in accordance with the National Education Act, based on the “Lifelong education for all,” “Equality,” and “Participatory development,” community-based self-help initiatives should be developed in conjunction with these community colleges. The government at that time recognized the potential impact of such community colleges in narrowing the education opportunity gap between urban and rural communities. Consequently, the Prime Minister, advised by the Minister of Education, Professor Emeritus Kasem Watanachai M.D. (at present, Privy Councilor to His Majesty King of Thailand), announced the “Community College” project as one of the government policies in 2001. According to Section 4 of National Educational Policy, it is stated that community colleges shall be established, particularly in provinces where institutions of higher education are still needed (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2007). Strengthened by cooperation with the American system of community colleges, the Minister of Education decided to initiate this project supported by the United States via the American Embassy in Thailand (Kasem Watanachai, 2008). Under the project called “East–West Community College,” carried out in collaboration with American community college leaders, a group of representatives from Thailand led by the Minister of Education traveled to Hawaii in the United States for a seminar and training, as well as observations of community college programs. As a result, the East–West Community College Consortium (EWCCC) was formed, led by the North Carolina Community College System and the State of Hawaii Community College system, to provide technical assistance to Thailand’s Office of the Community College. The Thai cabinet subsequently approved various laws and regulations relevant to community college establishment, management, and administration. In addition, the Ministry of Education appointed a committee to initiate the first ten Community Colleges. All these community college programs are under the supervision of the Bureau of Community College Administration in the Office of Higher Education Commission. This Office is responsible for developing the sustainability of the project through decentralization from central government administration to local community administration, for example, the decentralization of academic matters, financial affairs, personnel and general affairs administration following the stipula- tion of Section 39 of the 1999 National Education Act. Due to the agreement between the US group of community colleges and Thai Ministry of Education as mentioned above, the United States continues to have an impact on Thai Community Colleges. At the early stages of the project, three 2-day workshops were held in Thailand in order for international experts from the East–West Community College Partnership to train the new Thai leaders of community colleges. 9 A Study of Community College Synchronization 137

In reality, this community college project is not really the first one in Thailand. Many kinds of community college models had been established but the concepts were very different; some examples would be: 1. The establishment of the first community college in 1986, the Prince of Songkhla University in Phuket province, which later expanded with a branch at Surat Thani province. Its purpose was to solve the problems related to lack of professional courses which met the needs of community. However, these faculties were abolished in 1988 due to lack of interested students. 2. The establishment of Community Learning Centre (CLC) in the northern part of Thailand such as Mae Fa Luang CLC in Chiang Rai and Mae Jam CLC in Chiang Mai. The aim of the CLC was to promote literacy among the hill tribes, managed by Non-formal Department of Ministry of Education in coordination with various ministries and organizations. The differences between these older projects and the new community college project is the degree of local involvement related to objectives of its founding, the status of organization, decentralization, mobilization of local resources, and participation of all parts of society. As for the new one, during a few years at the beginning of the project, the EWCCC had provided some technical assistance to Thailand. Moreover, The Kenan Institute of Asia (K.I.Asia) had leveraged the resources and funding support from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and private sector to provide capacity-building for Thai community colleges as well. The rise of present Community College in Thailand will be explored in three dimensions: Higher Education Reform as a Response to Globalization, Increasing Demand to Expand Opportunities for Higher Education, and Differentiation of the Roles of Higher Education Institutions. Each of these various dimensions are examined in detail in order to define clearly the context and objectives for the establishment of the community colleges. The first dimension examined is “higher education reform as a response to globalization.” Education reform in Thailand began and was based upon the first systematic and foundational laws for education, namely the Thai Government’s National Education Act (NEA) promulgated in 1999. The Thai NEA consists of nine chapters: Objectives and Principles (Chapter One); Educational Rights and Duties (Chapter Two); Educational System (Chapter Three); National Education Guidelines (Chapter Four); Education Administration and Management (Chapter Five); Educational Standards and Quality Assurance (Chapter Six); Teachers, Faculty Staff, and Education Personnel (Chapter Seven); Resources and Investment for Education (Chapter Eight); and Technologies for Education (Chapter Nine). Consideration of the articles included in NEA shows a clear switch in the emphasis of the educational policy and measures from the quantitative expansion of education (pursued since the late 1950s) to a definitive new focus on the improvement of quality of education, ushering in a new era of national development. In short, Thai education reform based on the NEA aims to accomplish the objective of education: “Education shall aim at the full development of the Thai people in all aspects: physical and mental health; intellect; knowledge; morality; integrity; 138 P. Punthumasen and T. Maki and desirable way of life so as to be able to live in harmony with other people,” as stipulated in Article 6 of the NEA. The whole structure of education reform (as illustrated in Fig. 9.1) confirms that the heart of Thai education reform is learning reform. The other reform policies and measures aim to support this core of reform. The NEA also includes several relevant articles concerning higher education that are relevant to our study of community colleges. Firstly, Chapter Three, Articles 15 and 16 define higher education as a part of formal education that continues beyond the 12 years of basic education and includes educational programs of study at levels less than the bachelor’s degree, the bachelor’s degree level, and advanced studies beyond the bachelor’s degree. This was an important foundational element for the initiation of community colleges granting associates degrees as a part of the formal education system. Secondly, Chapter Four, Articles 22 and 24 call for the transformation of teaching methodology from teacher-centered to a learner-centered approach. Thirdly, Chapter Four, Article 28 stipulates that curriculum should reflect and support the diversity of learners as individuals, particularly the curriculum for higher education, providing a curriculum with educational programs and research that will contribute to social, academic, and professional development. Fourthly, Chapter Five, Article 34 refers to the establishment of the Office of the Higher Education Commission, which deliberates and makes suggestions on higher education plans and policies as well as supervises and evaluates higher education institutions. This Office of the Higher Education Commission was placed under the Ministry of Education, resulting in the consolidation of formal education under one ministry (higher education was formerly under a separate Ministry of University Education). This was an important element facilitating the development of education programs and institutions that were “higher education” but not necessarily “university” programs. Fifthly, Chapter Five, Article 36 prescribes the autonomy of higher education institutions, enabling them to develop their own system of administration and management. Sixthly, Chapter Six, Articles 47 to 51 establish a quality assurance system with an annual internal evaluation and external evaluation every 5 years by

Education Reform

Objective and Principles

Learning Reform

Educational Right for All Educational Administration Quality Assurance Educational System

Teaching Profession Educational Resource

Educational Technology

Fig. 9.1 The structure of education reform in Thailand 9 A Study of Community College Synchronization 139 the independent organization, namely the Office for National Education Standards and Quality Assessment (ONESQA). These higher education reforms mentioned above enabled the transformation of higher education institutions as well as the education systems to provide “high quality education services” for learners. The second dimension to be considered is the increasing demand for expanding opportunities for higher education. In educational development in Thailand, especially during the era of national development since the late 1950s, education has been recognized as a strong weapon to develop nation-states (Watson, 1980). This seems consonant with the human capital theory or manpower theory which was the world trend at that time. Consequently, there was a rush to establish higher education institutions as the centers of development of each region in Thailand such as founding of Chiangmai University in northern Thailand, Khonkaen University in northeastern Thailand in 1964, and Prince of Songkhla University in southern Thailand in 1967. With the subsequent expansion of secondary education during 1990s, the higher education gross enrollment rate became 41% in the academic year 2004. The development of higher education in Thailand had reached the mass level. The third important dimension was the differentiation in the roles of higher education institutions. Initially, as the history of Chulalongkorn University shows, the role of higher education in Thailand was to provide the national elites who would serve as the navigators of the modern nation state. As a result of the era of national development and expansion of higher education institutions, the number of both public and private higher education institutions throughout the country reached almost 700 in total. With the increasing numbers of students and institutions, the role of higher education was shifted and broadened in 1974 with the introduction of core of general education curriculum amounting to 30 units. The aim was to ensure that educated men and women would have a common and basic knowledge and understanding of society, nationally and worldwide (Sinlarat, 2004). In addition, an oversupply of primary and secondary teachers in the 1980s resulted in the addition of more faculties to each of the 36 teachers’ colleges in order to transform them into comprehensive universities, including such as social sciences, science, and management degree programs.

Features of Community College Administration and Management

Consistent with the spirit of the Thai government, “Education for nation, human resources and profession,” the guiding principles of community colleges are: 1. Openness and easy access for community people to education and training 2. Variety in curriculum or programs 3. Contribution to community economic development 4. Content and outcome focused teaching and instruction 5. Low expense burden 6. Collaboration with government as well as private sector 7. Flexible administration and management with quick response to social change 8. Ownership by community 140 P. Punthumasen and T. Maki

According to the Ministry of Education, the founding of community colleges is based on: (1) decentralization, with focus on needs of the local communities and local people playing an important role in all management procedures; (2) reliance on available resources of government and private sector as well as local communities, (3) benefits from cooperation with private sector and local communities in creating workforce for labor markets and improving quality of life in the communities. The resulting administrative structure of community college (as shown in Fig. 9.2) is as follows.

Fig. 9.2 Administrative structure of community college (Bureau of Community College Administration, 2004) 9 A Study of Community College Synchronization 141

At the central government level, according to the Ministry of Education Ordinance, the Bureau of Community College Administration is a government agency that reports to the Office of Higher Education Commission, working under the supervision of the Higher Education Commission, in the Ministry of Education. It is the center of several government, private sector, and independent bodies related to community colleges. It also serves as the secretariat for the Community College Commission, an independent body which is responsible for regulating the overall community colleges’ policies and plans, monitoring their progress, as well as approving the proposals submitted by the Bureau of Community College Administration. The Community College Commission comprises 20 members, selected from various parts of society, under the chairmanship of the Deputy Minister of Education. At local level, the Office of Community Colleges of each of ten provinces of Thailand works in alliance with governmental and private sectors, especially the Bureau of the Community College Administration. It works in cooperation with two councils and four divisions. One of the councils is for its management and is called the Council of the Community Colleges, the members of which consist of representatives from government and private sectors, local communities, educational institutions, and associated organizations. It is responsible for setting up policies and plans at the provincial level, monitoring the progress of community colleges, providing advice and recommendations, as well as making final decisions concerning all matters submitted by the Office of Community Colleges. The second council, known as the Academic Council of Community Colleges, has responsibility for examining the contents of curriculum, providing views and recommendations to the Community College Council and institutions, as well as assisting in the appointment of the teaching force. The members of this council consist of local experts, those with local wisdom, school teachers and/or faculty and staff who are knowledgeable and have long experience in the relevant areas of academic, curriculum, and instruction. In addition, the four divisions of community college have the following roles and responsibilities: 1. The Division of Learning and Academics, responsible for students’ guidance, curriculum and instruction, teacher or lecturer selection, curriculum research and development, registration, supervision, monitoring, assessment and evaluation, as well as student services regarding learning and academics. 2. The Division of Administration and Activities oversees student services in general, student activities, arrangements for student graduation and assistance provided to students in securing employment. 3. The Division of Administration and Support is responsible for correspondence and secretarial work, administration, accounting and financial management, personnel and services management. 4. The Division of Network Systems is responsible for the analysis of teaching and learning services, community relationships and services, as well as establishment of educational management units. In order to put policy into implementation, it is important that many educational management units be founded in the different districts throughout every province, to serve as the crucial places for students to enroll and study in areas of their 142 P. Punthumasen and T. Maki interests and needs. Every educational management unit also has its own commission to provide advice and recommendations to improve the quality of teaching and learning and other matters. In short, the features of community college management are: 1. The management structure shows very close relationships between each unit, enabling smooth communication between the units. 2. They do not have their own campus with buildings but they utilize the existing community buildings such as secondary schools, offices, or factory building of private companies and sometimes even private homes as educational management units, the classrooms of community college. It might be said that community college is in the community rather than close to the community. As a result of 6 years (2002–2006) of community college establishments, there are now 18 community colleges in 18 provinces throughout all regions of Thailand, with 17 major fields of associate degrees and 189 short-term courses. As of 2006, the total number of students who had completed associate degree certificates and diplomas was 4,902, and a total of 85,666 students, learners, or trainees had completed various short-term courses (Bureau of Community College Administration, 2007). Each year the Ministry of Education submits to the Cabinet of Ministers a proposed budget, and the Government allocates the amount of the Community Colleges budget. Initially, in 2002, it began as B| 50 million; the current 2007 budget is B| 500 million, distributed to the various community colleges according to each college’s approved plan. In consideration of the above data and information, this chapter will examine how the community college has reflected and met local needs, through reviewing fieldwork conducted regarding the Nong Bualumpu (hereafter referred to as NB) Community College. It is significant to note that the NB Community College is located in one of the northeastern provinces where poverty has been chronic since the late 1950s. Interviews were conducted with approximately 25 people including NB officers, teachers of the 2-year associate degree and short-term program, and former and current students at the NB Community College. These interviews explored the questions of how NB Community College undertakes compliance with the spirit of the National Education Act as well as the principles of community college, whether it addresses the needs of the people in community, and how the local people benefit from NB Community College. In addition, the study includes information collected from the documents of the Bureau of the Community College Administration, NB Community College, Office for National Education Standards and Quality Assessments (ONESQA), and other organizations concerned.

Nong Bualumpu Community College Case Study

The NB Community College is one of the initial ten community colleges established in 2002. It is located in the downtown area, in the compound of Nong Bualumpu Provincial Office, in northeastern Thailand Similar to other community colleges, it operates under the supervision of the Council of NB Community 9 A Study of Community College Synchronization 143

College as well as NB Academic Council. Following the regulations of the Office of the Higher Education, NB Community College works in partnership with 16 educational management units established in educational institutions in different districts throughout the province. Examples of these educational institutions are basic education schools, nonformal educational centers, and vocational colleges that are ready to use the existing resources together. In order to have guidelines for the success of its goals, NB Community College has set out its philosophy, vision, as well as mission as follows: Philosophy: “NB Community College is a lifelong-learning center, by community, and for community.” Vision: “Nong Bualumpu Community College belongs to its community, for providing professional development, educational opportunities, technological academics as well as transmitting local wisdom so as to promote this community to be a learning society and provide sustainable happiness to the people.” Mission: Comprises six factors as follows: (1) to provide education to the people in community in order to develop their knowledge; (2) to build professions and promote local wisdom; (3) to build a learning society and use the community college as the learning center of community; (4) to manage community college education as a bridge between the Office of Basic Education Commission and the Office of Higher Education Commission in various ways responding to the needs of learners; (5) to manage education with quality and standards in compliance with the National Education Act of 1999; and (6) to strengthen the people’s organization and encourage them to be the networks of educational management. From the interviews conducted with some NB Community College officers, it is indicated that, in 2007, in NB province, only 5% of high school graduates were able to pursue further education in a university. Thus, the founding of NB community college provides the remaining students with a chance for further education. We noted that a significant goal of NB Community College was and is to provide education in accordance with the needs of the local people by using the existing resources in local community, such as some public school buildings and classrooms as well as facilities of local factories which are ready to be educational management units in different districts in order to serve the people and work closely with the people for the betterment of their quality of life.

Curriculum Formation and Preparation of Teaching Force

Curricula Provided in NB Community College

Like the other nine community colleges, the NB Community College has two large types of curricula: 2-year associate degree curricula and short-term curricula. The 2-year associate program is the first 2 years of higher education level. Its aim is to provide the opportunities to high school graduates to study in higher education level and 144 P. Punthumasen and T. Maki can further their study in a 4-year university to get a bachelor’s degree. On the other hand, the short-term curricula can be divided into three categories: (1) short-term courses to produce or build their professional skills and develop their quality of life; (2) Professional Certificates of Vocational Education and High Professional Certificates of Vocational Education courses which focus on providing knowledge and professional skills in order to develop their vocation; (3) basic education-adapted courses to enable each student’s learning in basic education to the full effectiveness. The curricula of 2-year associate degree programs are set at the central level, the Bureau of the Community College Administration and approved by the Community College Board, in order to keep the same educational standards that will benefit students to further study in the university. However, almost all short-term programs, such as the 5–250 h-courses and less-than-1-year courses of Professional Certificate of Vocational Education, are still set by central level like the 2-year associate degree program, with the only exception being some short-term programs that can be set by local community and approved by the community college council in each area in order to address the needs of each local community, such as the “Handmade Herbal Blouse Program” of NB Community College. Some of the short-term programs are unique from college to college, such as Thai massage, cooking Thai sweets, English language teaching, agriculture, etc. In the 2-year associate degree program, students can choose to enroll in the major field they want to study. NB Community College offers six major areas of study: local governance (Associate Degree of Arts: A.A.), early childhood education (Associate Degree of Education: A.Ed.), business computer, general management, auto-mechanics technology, general and agricultural industrial technology (High Professional Certificate of Vocational Education). In 2007, there were 810 students enrolled in these degree programs. It is required that each student take at least 90 overall units within five semesters, or two and a half years. The cost of enrollment at community college is only B| 20 per unit, which is very inexpensive in comparison to that of the unit cost of general universities or colleges which offer degree programs in the same areas of study. Approximately 99% of all students were concurrently employed in positions such as police officers, government and private company officers, village leaders, and early childhood caretakers. In interviews with students, programs they indicated as most interesting were business computer, local governance, early childhood education, auto-mechanics technology, and general management, respectively. When questioned regarding subjects of most interest, one student employed as a private company officer explained: The ability to use computer skills is very necessary for everyone in the era of globalization. The people who can not use computers seem to live in another world or in the old days. They will miss access to new knowledge and information which is communicated mostly by the internet. Also, if we cannot use computers, we may miss the opportunity to get a good job or good salary. A police officer who was enrolled in local governance studies as his major subjects explained his interest and need: I am a police officer and it is necessary for the police profession to know about laws. Actually, I completed only a high school education; I do not have enough knowledge about the laws as I should. Fortunately, NB community college has an Associates Degree 9 A Study of Community College Synchronization 145

program on local governance, which provides law courses. I expect that when I complete this program and receive a certificate of higher degree, I will be sure of my knowledge and experience and confident to work. Besides that, I think I will be promoted to a higher position and get a better salary. That would help my quality of life in the future. An early childhood caretaker said: According to the recent new Act on early childhood education, every early childhood caretaker must have at least an associate degree certificate or they will be losing their job. So, this program helps me so very much, to maintain my job status and help my family too. In addition, it is fortunate that the employers of all interviewees granted them time and opportunity to study further in order to promote human resource development both personally and professionally. Often studying in the community college has not affected their work because all subjects are available on the weekend. Some special classes may be set on a work day or during the working time, and in such cases they will need the cooperation of their colleagues to work in their place. It should be noted that the 2-year associate degree program is a form of formal education with a degree conferred upon completion. Associates degree graduates can transfer into a 4-year baccalaureate in university. Therefore, all curricula related to this program are set up by the Bureau of Community College at the central level based on the regulations of the Ministry of Education. This is also another reason that all curricula of the 2-year associate degree have the same standard. Consequently, the community can bring only those curricula granted approval by the Office of the Higher Education Commission to propose the local people, who will be able then to choose some of the approved curricula that respond and address their needs and satisfaction. All the 2-year associate degree curricula are the same at each of the ten colleges and are part of formal higher education as well. The local community organization has the freedom to choose topics they will teach from the approved curriculum topics only, selecting those that they feel would best address the needs of their community. On the other hand, the 17 curricula for short-term programs or short intensive course curricula are provided following the certified topics, such as communicative basic English language, Chinese language for basic communication, basic of Web site creation, project planning and writing, production of the biological fertilizer, electrical equipment repairing, bio-diesel oil production, home stay projects, basic Thai dessert making, beauty salon, artificial-flower making, handmade herbal blouse, “kit” silk weaving, “Mudmee” herbal silk weaving, bamboo-made basketwork, souvenir making, and dressmaking. The total number of students or learners in 2007 was 814, with all students or learners or trainers between age 18 and 72 years. All the learners were NB residents living in this rural community, including housewives, farmers, gardeners, ordinary villagers, and local administrative officers. There are many courses from which the learners can choose to be trained such as a 30-h course of Thai dessert making, a 60-h course of artificial-flower making, or a 100-h course of handmade herbal blouse. It depends on what kind of course they want to learn. The cost is very cheap because students pay only B| 1 per hour. In addition, the government supports other expenses, for example hiring a teacher who charges B| 150 per hour. This level of cost for learning is acceptable and within reach for almost all people who have enthusiasm for learning. 146 P. Punthumasen and T. Maki

The people in rural areas continue to face problems related to poverty and lack of knowledge as well as professional skills. Therefore, they need access to lifelong learning to improve their quality of life by enabling them to solve their economic problems through manufacturing products that will earn money. Such lifelong learning opportunities combined with government policies such as the “One Tambon (subdistrict), One Product” (known as OTOP) project foster innovations and new products that offer employment in their home communities and result in improved quality of life for the people. One of the interviewees, an elderly and very ordinary villager, told us: I enrolled in a short intensive course called artificial flower making because I wanted to know how to make them. I want to be able to produce a lot of them and hope that I can sell them as an OTOP product. This can help me earn more money and enjoy working. I completed only primary school. I think I am not educated enough to have a good job. If I did not have opportunity to learn this course, certainly I could not find a job to do and can not earn money at all. Another interviewee who is an officer of NB subdistrict administrative organization explained: “I love short intensive training because our community people can come and join together in learning. There are many activities to practice from the real life and we can benefit from them as well as maintain the Thai traditions in many dimensions. I enjoyed the learning so much.” A farmer also pointed out: “We have some people with local wisdom; they have long experience in an old traditional work such as making handmade herbal blouses which are good quality. These experts can transmit their knowledge and professional skills to us. Besides that, the cost of training is cheap.” It should be noted that the central organization delegates power to the local organizations and residents through decentralization of curriculum formation. Consequently, each community college has its own different short-term curricula that have been designed by the local people. Designing short-term curricula or short-term programs is very interesting when we as researchers consider it in relation to the philosophy of the community college. It is clear that the process of such curriculum formation actually does depend upon and originate from the needs of the local people.

Process of Short-Term Curriculum Formation

As mentioned previously, most community college curricula were set by the central organization except some that are needed by community itself. Each local organization may choose some short-term curricula from the central list as well as prepare their own curricula. In the process of formulating short-term curricula, each community must follow the main ideas at central level while focusing on responding to the local needs. In any case, the focus and final content will depend on the local experts and local wisdom in their community. A concrete and unique example, the NB Community College, follows (as presented in Fig. 9.3): 9 A Study of Community College Synchronization 147

Fig. 9.3 Process of curriculum formation (Based on interviews and documents provide by the office of community college)

1. In a regular meeting of a village or community, participants may propose suggestions that they feel would set a short-term curriculum that would be interesting to them and relevant to the things they need to learn so as to improve and gain new professional skills, resulting in a better quality of life: • Following discussion and conclusions, the minutes of the meeting with the name list and signatures of the people attending the meeting will be recorded. • The head of the village then submits a request letter for new curriculum topics to the Director of NB Community College, attaching the minutes and participants name list of the community meeting. 2. Following the official regulations and procedures, the Director assigns the Chief of the Division of Learning and Academics and the division’s staff to consider the community’s requests with the NB Academic Council. 3. If the result of meetings between NB Academic Council members and NB Community College officers of the Learning and Academics Division is positive and there is the possibility to set the requested curriculum, the Chief of the Learning and Academic Division reports the positive recommendation and conclusions on the possibility of the proposed curriculum design to the Director. 148 P. Punthumasen and T. Maki

4. The Director of NB Community College submits the curriculum recommendations to the Academic Council which will be responsible for designing that curriculum. The Academic Council in coordination with the local experts to make a draft of curriculum, pilot test the draft curriculum and finalize it as a suitable curriculum. 5. The NB Academic Council then submits that curriculum to the Council of NB Community College to approve and announce it to the public. In short, the process of short-term curriculum formation of the NB Community College shows local people taking a strong initiative from the beginning, which enabled them to synchronize the content of learning with the local needs. Usually, it takes about 2–3 months before a course is announced to the public, depending on each different course in different areas.

Process of Teaching Force Appointment

In the process of interviews, it was stated that, in 2007, the total number of teachers or instructors in NB Community College was 183. They are classified into three groups: 1. Government teachers. This group of teachers serves as government officers engaged in managing the college as well as full-time teaching in some subjects of the associate degree program. Each of them must be qualified according to the criteria of the Office of Higher Education Commission (OHEC) and teach the subjects in which they have majored. The selection process for this group of teachers is as follows: (a) OHEC announces to the general public the opening for submitting applications for teaching positions in community colleges nationwide. This process is orchestrated at the central level. (b) The applications are accepted from teachers who are qualified according to the criteria for the position, such as having obtained at least a master’s degree corresponding to the subject areas needed by each community college. (c) The applicants have to pass an examination and an interview prepared by the Bureau of Community College Administration. (d) OHEC will publicly announce the results of the examination and interviews and the names of selected teachers. (e) The selected teachers will report to work at the Community College as indicated in the announcement paper. As government teachers serve as government officials, their salary starts at a salary scale similar to that of other teachers in public schools, in accordance to the Act on Administrative Procedures for Teachers and Educational Personnel. Their salary would be annually increased, and they may also receive special increases based upon good performance. There are only 14 teachers of this group in NB Community 9 A Study of Community College Synchronization 149

College teaching in different educational management units. Most of them are not NB residents, so they have to learn to live with the local people. Some teachers enjoyed working at NB Community College, but some of them wanted to move to other provinces. So, the NB Community College must find their replacements by informing the central office about their moves. 2. Local teachers. This group of teachers is currently employed in NB province in positions such as government officials, private company officers, basic school teachers, and local experts. They serve as part-time teachers who teach in either the associate degree program or short-term program depending on the requirements of NB Community College. With the approval of NB Community College Council, the college distributes an announcement for applications for open recruitment at the local level. The individuals eligible to apply to be external teachers must be qualified with at least one of following criteria: (1) master’s degree graduates majoring in subjects as required by community college; or (2) bachelor’s degree graduates with at least 10 years of experience in teaching the subjects required by community college; or (3) no university degrees but accepted by the community as highly respected experts in the specialized areas required. The applicants may apply for such positions at any educational management unit that they choose. Each of these units will compile a list of the names and the qualifications of applicants and place them in what is called “The Bank of Teachers.” Currently there are about 180 teachers listed in this “Bank.” When NB Community College needs some more teachers, NB Academic Council will select the best qualified persons from the “Bank” and invite them to be external teachers of NB Community College. Those applicants who are not selected have to wait for future openings. They may or may not be local teachers of the college. If some community wants to have a short-term program that suits the skills of some teachers, NB Community College may set up a new curriculum and invite them from the “Bank” list to help plan and teach the curriculum. 3. Special instructors. This group of teachers must be highly respected in the community, and have much experience and demonstrated success in the profession. Also they should be sources of local wisdom, with good performance especially on some innovative products such as the “Kit” silk, a handmade herbal blouse. They are able to become lecturers or trainers only in short-term training programs. It is the responsibility of NB Community College to invite these experts to be trainers in correspondence with the community needs. Like other community colleges, NB Community College pays only B| 200 per person per hour to local teachers and special instructors. Concerning preparation of the teaching force, most teachers are people inside the community. This facilitates organic relationships between teacher and learners as well as the known quality of learning. In contrast, most of government teachers are outsiders to the community, and fruitful teaching and learning will be depend on each individual teacher’s relationship-building abilities, even though government teachers receive higher salaries than local or special instructors. 150 P. Punthumasen and T. Maki

An Example of Formation of Curriculum for a Short-Term and Intensive Program: “Handmade Herbal Blouse Program” of the NB Community College

This is the unique program of NB Community College. The content is different from other national curricula of the central office in that the people in the community build the curriculum themselves. The process of curriculum formation is as follows: 1. With approval of NB Community College Council to design this curriculum, the Academic Committee invites 12–15 local experts to make a draft of the curriculum. The local experts from the community include people with local wisdom and professional skills for making “Handmade Herbal Blouse.” 2. The Academic Committee and NB Community College staff discusses the proposed draft curriculum program, offering advice and recommendations for the revision of the curriculum. 3. Local experts are invited again to review and revise the curricula following the recommendations of the Academic Council and NB Community College. 4. The revised draft of curricula program is sent to the provincial experts and/or Faculty staff of Rajabhat Udornthanee in order to solicit additional advice and recommendations. 5. Local experts are invited to again revise the curricula following the recommendations of the provincial experts and/or faculty of Rajabhat University. 6. The curricula program is then submitted to the Community College Council in order to be approved. 7. The curricula program is tested out and evaluated by the Academic Division of the Community College, lasting approximately 2–3 months. In most cases the results of the experimental use of the curriculum are satisfactory. 8. The revised curricula program is submitted to the NB Community College Council. 9. After the approval of NB Community College Council, the curriculum must be submitted to the central Bureau of the Community College Administration for final approval. 10. Following this final approval, the curriculum can be used in NB Community College.

Highlight of ONESQA’s Evaluation and Special Qualities of Community College

ONESQA’s Assessment

In 2005, ONESQA’s Report on External Evaluation of NB Community College revealed that most of officers and people concerned were local residents and had made great efforts to operate their work in order to meet the needs of the 9 A Study of Community College Synchronization 151 local people. The relationship between teachers and students was positive and almost all of them were interested in maintaining their own tradition and culture. The experience of students in learning from NB Community College was satisfactory. Because of the good teacher and students ratio (1:20–1:30), teachers could take care of all students they taught. Besides that, NB Community College was able to provide enough resources as well as facilities to the teachers and students. On the other hand, the report also revealed that, in comparison with the other nine community colleges, the other community colleges had succeeded in offering various short-term courses more than NB Community College, especially courses with a High Professional Certificate of Vocational Education. Besides that, it seems that the officers did not succeed in making the community college project known to every village, or in finding ways to develop programs in partnership with other different organizations of both public and private sectors in the community.

Special Qualities of Community College

According to additional interviewees, both officers at the central level organization as well as those at various local ones, the Community College might also be defined as including all three forms of education: formal, nonformal, and informal. As a form of formal education, associate degree graduates will receive diploma or certificate, or others, and will be able to further their study in some 4-year university. In terms of the nonformal education, any person, even those who have already completed some higher degree, can continue lifelong learning by taking short-term training courses and obtaining other certificates. Some people want to take short-term curriculum just for their interest or because they need additional life skills. Compared to other educational institutions in the same areas, such as the nonformal education center, vocational college, or university, the community college is considered as the most effective institution for responding to the needs of local community. This is because these other institutions have their curricula fixed at the top central level, and their locations are also physically fixed, with the possible exception of some nonformal education centers. If people want to study in some vocational colleges, they must pay much more for travel expenses because it is also located in the town, far from the local community. After the establishment of community college, some universities have begun to set up a university branch in the local community, providing some of the same curricula as those of community college, but the cost per unit is a lot more expensive. Some have also said that most university programs are run for business aims only, rather than for community development, and this may result in a low quality of education. In contrast, the spirit of the community college is for community. They make great efforts to run education for their own community with pride and dignity so as to economically, socially, and culturally develop in accordance with the needs of their local people. 152 P. Punthumasen and T. Maki

Conclusion

In conclusion, we shall summarize the achievement and challenges of the community college in Thailand for improvement of the community college as well as to suggest further research and discussion as follows. A summary of the achievements of community colleges in Thailand: 1. Opportunities for higher education, vocational education, and lifelong learning has become more available for local people. 2. The community college is certainly the college of the community, for the community, and by the community in terms of utilizing local software and hardware recourses in short-term programs. 3. Low financial burden of learners has been made possible. The community colleges in Thailand also face several challenges as follows: 1. The community college bodies at central level should consider further decentralization at the provincial level, particularly with concern to the authority over curriculum formation as well as over teacher recruitment for both the 2-year degree programs and short-term programs in order to encourage community colleges to confidently and effectively work for their community. 2. The community college bodies at both central and local levels should have plans for effectively making the community college project known more widely, so that the people in every village in the targeted provinces are aware of this opportunity and are encouraged to access education as much as possible. In addition, the project should be expanded to other needy provinces as it seems that this project has been developed very slowly. 3. “Privatization” might be discussed in relation to lowering the financial burden for learners as well as improving salaries for external or special instructors. If the university or higher education institutions follow current trends, they will become more “autonomous.” This movement will likely mean a decrease in the budget for community colleges in the future. 4. In this privatization context, the government and Ministry of Education should seriously reconsider the universities that are trying to open their campuses all over Thailand in order to get more students; otherwise the community colleges will face more problems related to competition with these universities. Community colleges have been established and are operating in Thailand for only 5 years and therefore they are in an early phase of development. Although they are facing the above-mentioned challenges, the spirit of community college that says “the college of the community, the college by the community, and the college for the community” is the unique strength that creates a shared enthusiasm for learning amongst instructors and learners as well as officials at the local level. This spirit is a unifying force that will be the cornerstone of community college development as a local collaboration in learning, enhanced by the possibilities for decentralization of authority and ability to survive competition with other universities in the future. 9 A Study of Community College Synchronization 153

Bibliography

Commission on Higher Education, Bureau of Community College Administration (n.d.). Nayobai Lae Karn Damnoen-ngarn Wittayalai Chumchun. Bangkok: Commission on Higher Education, Bureau of Community College Administration. Commission on Higher Education, Bureau of Community College Administration (n.d.). Step to Sixth Year: Community College. Bangkok: Commission on Higher Education, Bureau of Community College Administration. Commission on Higher Education, Bureau of Community College Administration. Follow Up of Graduates in Lower-Than-Degree Level of Community College of Academic Year 2004. (Unpublished manuscript). Commission on Higher Education, Bureau of Community College Administration (2005a). Kwamkid Lae Rabob Karn Rrakan Khunnabhap Khong Wittayalai Chumchon. Bangkok: Express Transportation Organization of Thailand Press. Commission on Higher Education, Bureau of Community College Administration (2005b). Naewthang Karn Boriharn Jadkarn Wittayalai Chumchon. Bangkok: Express Transportation Organization of Thailand Press. Commission on Higher Education, Bureau of Community College Administration (2005c, August). Tonkla Chumchon, 1(1). Bangkok: Commission on Higher Education, Bureau of Community College Administration. Commission on Higher Education, Bureau of Community College Administration (2007, June 20). Announcement of Commission on Higher Education Titled Recruitment for Government Officials Level 4. (Unpublished manuscript) FAO Regional Representative for Asia and the Pacific. Case Study on Education Opportunities for Hill Tribes in Northern Thailand. Retrieved June 12, 2007, from http://www.fao.org/ DOCREP/004/AC383E/ac383e01a.htm K.I.Asia. Capacity Building for Community Colleges in Thailand. Retrieved June 19, 2007, from http://www.kiasia.org/EN/Group_Tier2.asp?GroupTierId=2&SubGroupTir_ID=175 Ministry of Education, Office of the Permanent Secretary, Office of Community College Promotion (n.d.). Community College Project Ministry of Education. Bangkok: Ministry of Education, Office of the Permanent Secretary, Office of Community College Promotion. Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Kingdom of Thailand: Education. Thailand’s Education Policy. Retrieved December 19, 2007, from http://www.mfa.go.th/web/17.php Nongbualumpoo Community College (n.d.). Karn Jad Karn Suksa Luksoot Raya Sun Sua Samoonprai Yebmue Wittayalai Chumchon Nongbualumpoo B.E. 2549 (Short-Course Curriculum: Handmade Herbal Blouse, Nongbualumpoo B.E. 2549). (Unpublished manuscript) Office for the National Education Standards and Quality Assessment (n.d.). External Assessment of Educational Institution Report: Nongbualumpoo Community College. Bangkok: Office for the National Education Standards and Quality Assessment. Office of Community College Administration. Retrieved June 19, 2007, from http://202.29.93.22/ about/organization.htm Office of Community College Administration. Nong Bualumpu Community College. Retrieved June 20, 2007, from http://www.nbcc.ac.th Office of Higher Education Commission. Office of Community College Administration. Retrieved June 20, 2007, from http://www.mua.go.th/default1.html Office of the Education Council (2004). National Education Act B.E. 2542 (1999) and Amendments (Second National Education Act B.E. 2545 (2002) ). Bangkok: Pimdeekarnpim. Office of the National Education Commission (n.d.). Pane Karn Suksa Haeng Chart Chabab Tee Paed (B.E. 2540–2544). Bangkok: Attaphonkarnpim. Office of the National Education Commission (2001). Community College: A Model of Lower- Than Degree Education Institutions (Thai Version). Bangkok: Pabpim. Phuket Community College. History of Phuket Community College. Retrieved June 24, 2007, from http://www.pcc.psu.ac.th/pcc/history/history.html 154 P. Punthumasen and T. Maki

Sangnapaboworn, Waraiporn (2005). Education Reform in Thailand During 1999–2004: Success, Failure, and Political Economy of the Implementation. Research Monograph on the Political Economy of Education Reforms and Capacity Development in Asia, 1, 24. Sinlarat, Paitoon (2004). Thai Universities: Past, present and future. In Philip G. Altbach & Toru Umakoshi (Eds.), Asian Universities: Historical Perspectives and Contemporary Challenges (pp. 201–219). Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Sub-committees on Learning Reform of the National Education Commission (NEC), Office of the Prime Minister and Ministry of Education Thailand (2000). Learning Reform: A Learner- Centered Approach. Bangkok: Office of the National Education Commission/Watna Panit. Torung, Kanjana (2006). Indicator Development and a Study of Educational Provision of Community College. Master’s thesis, Chulalongkorn University. Watson, Keith (1980). Educational Development in Thailand. Hong Kong: Hinemann Asia.

Interviews Boonmee Polsokchuek’s group, March 24, 2007 Kasem Watanachai, February 5, 2008 Lieutenant Colonel Santhi Mulichan, March 24, 2007 Luechai Kamklee, March 24, 2007 Mongkut Chamnongnit, March 24, 2007 Nipaporn Tua-muang’s group, March 24, 2007 Nittayaporn BoonSri, March 24, 2007 Paitoon Chandam, March 24, 2007 Pisan Choeykamhaeng, March 24, 2007 Prayong On-lamun’s group, March 24, 2007 Saisilp Sayuen, March 24, 2007 Sunantha Sangthong, January 25, 2008 Veerachai Kaweetheerawat, March 24, 2007 Part III Introduction: Economic Conditions Globally Shaping the Community College Models

The authors in this part provide examples that illustrate how a highly trained workforce can help nations to improve and sustain their economy. While the focus is the same cross-national, the responses to growing economic challenges are not. In some cases, authors explain how countries adopt community college models as a strategic inflection to facilitate economic and industrial growth. Examples illustrate just how strongly local and global economics are driving education and training across the world. In Mexico, Marisol Laya Silva depicts community college models as a vehicle to train a workforce for a global economy; while in Vietnam, Diane Oliver, Pham Xuan Thanh, Paul A. Elsner, Nguyen Thi Thanh Phuong, and Do Quoc Trung discuss the foundation for the market expansion of higher education which is driven by shifting and economic and global market forces. Gerard Postiglione compares how community college models in Hong Kong and Shanghai are used to weather a financial crisis in tertiary education and where the champion- ing of the values of democracy and equality, as seen in the humanitarian model in Part II, is not addressed. The second grouping of chapters offers a critical commentary on how internal and external constraints thwart community college models to realize economic reform. Laurence Wolff explores factors that enable and hinder human resource development in Barbados, Bahamas, Guyana, Jamaica, and Trinidad & Tobago. Barrel Gueye and Ibra Sene profile Regional University Centers in Senegal which are designed to counter growing socioeconomic problems facing the country, but illustrate that while opportunity may exist for some, access does not always facilitate direct connections to employment and economic reform. Finally, Rosita Tormala-Nita and Gilbert Cijintio explore a connection between work training, credentials, and higher education reform in Curaçao. The chapters in this part illustrate how community college models respond to conditions created by the market economy, and show how the thread of the survival of the economy and a trained workforce are entwined. Chapter 10 Community Colleges in China’s Two Systems*

Gerard Postiglione

Introduction

This chapter compares community college development in Mainland China and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the People’s Republic. Hong Kong is important because it is considered the most international and wealthiest part of China with two official languages, a common law system, and formidable global financial clout. Unlike the Mainland system with rich natural resources and large-scale industries, Hong Kong is a service economy that relies singularly upon human capital. China’s one-country and two-system policy provides Hong Kong with a high degree of autonomy, including in education. This helps to explain why community colleges in Hong Kong and Mainland China differ substantially. Thus, a comparison of the two Chinese experiences with community colleges can provide a perspective on how the concepts and features of community colleges are institutionalized within societies that share a common cultural heritage, but operate relatively autonomously from each other. For example, while the concept of community in Chinese culture may be similar in Hong Kong and Mainland China, each government has a different view about the control of civil society and its educational institutions. When we speak about Mainland China in this chapter, we are largely referring to the urban regions compatible with Hong Kong, especially major cities in the eastern coastal regions. This chapter argues that features of the American community college have been readily adapted to suit the rapidly changing needs of each Chinese system. In the case of Hong Kong, community colleges were used to weather a financial crisis in tertiary education but became a major component of the tertiary education system in a short time. The Chinese Mainland used community colleges to refine the features of its existing system of vocational–technical colleges. In the process, neither system saw the need to popularize the US view of community colleges as a means to champion the values of democracy and equality. In fact, the Mainland and Hong Kong took a multinational approach in studying and adapting innovations from many other counties.

* This paper acknowledged the support of the Committee of Research Grants of the University of Hong Kong.

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 157 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 158 G. Postiglione

However, Hong Kong came to rely largely on the American community college model, while the Mainland took a more synthetic approach, but paid particular attention to the American model for the development of its postsecondary vocational-technical education sector This chapter will also point out why the American community college model received a great deal of attention in each of the two Chinese systems.

Community Colleges in Mainland China

The main feature of the community college movement in Mainland China is the role it played in refining the postsecondary vocational–technical education for the transition from a planned to a market economy. China’s postsecondary vocational and technical education system, where community college concepts took hold, is primarily driven by economic imperatives laid down by the central government in Beijing. Nevertheless, while lower levels (provincial, municipal, city, district, and county) pay heed to central directives, they also have a space for innovation and experimentation. This chapter will stick to the general and more salient patterns and practices in the Mainland.

From a Planned to a Market Economy

After the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949, the socialist principle that values a close relationship between education and productive labor raised the status of vocational–technical education throughout the Chinese education system. Although the major educational challenge for the new regime during its first decades was to spread literacy and basic education, its postsecondary vocational–technical education sector developed rapidly under the influence of Soviet Union’s advisors. Eventually, various government ministries came to establish and maintain their own institutions of specialized training. Graduates of specialized secondary schools could be allocated directly to jobs under that particular ministry and some enrolled in a higher-level college of the ministry. This was a highly planned bureaucratic system in which ministries relating to textiles, railroads, postal service, energy resources, military, forestry, etc. would set curriculum for their colleges. These institutions represented largely separate fiefdoms and did not cross those of other ministries. The Ministry of Education also administered colleges and universities, including a system of adult education. The basic features of this central planning system survived the political twists and turns of the PRC’s first 3 decades. However, by 1979 China’s economic reforms and opening to the outside world began to take hold and ushered in changes that would continually affect postsecondary vocational and technical education for decades thereafter. 10 Community Colleges in China’s Two Systems 159

As market forces come to cause a questioning of practices developed under the centrally planned economy, the administration of senior secondary vocational– technical education was gradually removed from various ministries and transferred to the respective local governments. Some of the ministry-run specialized senior secondary schools (zhongzhuan) were merged with postsecondary technical institutes, while others became part of the expanding sector of regular regionally administered senior secondary vocational–technical schools (zhiye gaozhong or zhigao) that were to constitute nearly half of all senior secondary schools placed according to the Central government’s recommendations for reform of the education system launched in 1985. While senior secondary school enrollments grew rapidly in urban areas, the status of vocational–technical education remained low since it was not viewed as a path to enter regular institutions of higher education, and by the late 1990s the senior secondary vocational–technical sector in major urban areas began to shrink in favor of regular academic senior secondary education. This led to a higher demand for college and university places, as well as a demand for higher-level technical training. Yet, only those not scoring highly on the national college and university entrance examination would choose from among the expanding number of new professional–technical colleges. Moreover, a crisis of sorts arose as the market demand for general higher education increased and jobs were no longer guaranteed upon graduation from vocational–technical education institutions as they had been under the centrally planned economy. The rising cost of expanding higher education also become a burden for government and this led to increased privatization of the tertiary sector. This was accomplished by a variety of what was referred to as “social forces,” which might include one or more of the following: retired professors, nongovernment business enterprises, community-based organizations, or a combination of government and nongovernment educational organizations. The rapid economic changes and diverse needs of different communities in China, coupled with the government’s support for market forces to become an increasingly determinate force, together caused a questioning of the logic of the earlier practices. Moreover, as many state-owned enterprises became defunct, leaving massive numbers of unemployed workers in their wake, there was a need to find educational institutions that could help a large number of middle-aged workers to reenter the workforce. This group needed opportunities to gain new skills that could be used to quickly reenter an increasingly competitive labor market. Professional– technical colleges were one of the logical providers of this service, but they had to adapt themselves to the new clientele and become multipurpose institutions that could also offer short-time nondegree skills training as well as new fields increasingly in demand by changing economic conditions. Within this new environment, China began to explore many possible models to inform its efforts to manage postsecondary vocational and technical education in its burgeoning market economy. Among the models that gained a good deal of attention were those of successful market economies, including Germany, Japan, England, Australia, Korea, Canada, and the United States. Not surprisingly, China did not gravitate to take one model but instead studied and adapted features of different systems. 160 G. Postiglione

The noted success of the German and Japanese models of postsecondary vocational and technical education became important to China’s considerations of its own system reforms. As China’s leading trading partner, the United States was also studied. Its successful system of community colleges garnished a great deal of attention from China. The terminal nature of postsecondary vocational and technical education in Japan and Germany were more akin to practices in China’s system. However, the perspective on the status of vocational–technical education among Chinese households more closely resembled that among American households. Therefore, the associate degree and articulation with universities became an attractive option to increase the system’s popularity. Nevertheless, the government has chosen not to institutionalize the associate degree (though the University of Hong Kong’s Community College has set up a joint venture in the city of Suzhou, where it offers its associate degree). While China’s postsecondary education system remains a work in progress, the evidence to date is that the system has adapted a middle road for its postsecondary vocational– technical sector, one that maintains the possibility for continued resilience in the face of rapidly changing economic conditions. Hence, it is the transferability element of the US model that is an attractive feature for the Chinese system, more so in some ways that the terminal credential that is common in Japan and Germany. At present, Mainland China has 2- and 3-year postsecondary institutions that provide both school-leavers and adult learners with a program of vocational and technical education, but without associate degrees or system-wide articulation with degree-granting institutions. Nevertheless, articulation is not a dead issue and was mentioned in the Ministry of Education’s work report on postsecondary (higher) vocational–technical education in 2000. While such pathways do exist, they do not constitute a major feature of the system and have only experienced nominal development since 2000. Given the overwhelming demand for university places in China, most universities are not willing to give a great deal of attention to opening pathways from professional–technical colleges. Diplomas and skill certificates are awarded in a variety of postsecondary institutions that have developed as China searches for ways to handle the growing diversity of needs in both urban and rural areas, including building skilled labor capacity, retraining laid-off workers, and training unskilled rural migrants. Unlike Japan which has a shortage of skilled labor and imports many on contract, China only recruits at the very high end. In discussing community colleges in China, terminology can easily become mis- leading. The name of an institution and even its classification often fails to provide an indication of whether it is, what outsiders would refer to as, a “community college.” The broad definition used here is that a Chinese community college is tied to a specific geographical community; its study programs are determined more by the local educational and training needs than by academic disciplines; it is more closely associated with vocational–technical education than are other educational institutions; part-time study is a major component though full time programs of differing lengths also operate; more are public institutions, but private sector institutions are growing rapidly, as well as some that are a combination of both; it provides education and training to both adult learners and school-leavers; and, it offers preparation for national-level self-study examinations. Finally, there 10 Community Colleges in China’s Two Systems 161 is a great deal of overlap in its functions. For example, an increasing number of private (minban) colleges and universities that run degree programs will also have a diploma, certificate, or other nondegree course sector. Public colleges and universities have independent institutions or adult education sectors that may also provide nondegree vocational and technical education courses. General education (wenhua jiaoyu) courses also constitute a part, albeit a small part, of the community college sector. China has propagated a private education law that encouraged private education growth. Known as the Law for the Promotion of Private Education, it provides a legal framework to facilitate private growth and sets out a process to accredit, merge, dismantle, and change educational institutions. Most of the named community colleges in China originally grew out of the adult education institutions under state or local governments. In order to further develop adult education schools, city governments like Beijing and Shanghai borrowed the name community colleges from the United States, and opened them to the local community. Although it seemed like community colleges could develop well and meet the needs of urban residents in the 1990s, the central government did not accept the name community college, and still does not officially recognize some institutes that are so named as community colleges. Nomenclature changes can be complex affairs in China and often take time. Colleges that applied for name changes had various motivations, including relationships of cooperation with American community colleges that increased their attractiveness to students. Many also were motivated by the genuine belief in the viability of the American community college model for their own regions’ development needs. Because they were largely part-time adult education institutions, many of the institutions in China that began to be called community colleges could not recruit students who took part in the national college and university entrance examination. Thus, it became increasingly difficult for these institutions to admit students, even though many hoped that taking the name of community college would eventually help to raise their status. Nevertheless, some of the named community colleges and specialized vocational and technical colleges can provide a few bachelor’s degree programs (benke) and specialized technical (zhuanke) diplomas. Three notable examples are Haidian University in Beijing, Sanda College in Shanghai’s Pudong district, and Xian Translation College in Xian.1 Nevertheless, the sector of the Chinese education system that is most often referred to as being like the American community college is the sector known as “higher professional and technical colleges” (gaodeng zhiye jishu xueyuan or gaozhi). Though without the name community college, these maintain many of the same characteristics of community colleges familiar to Americans. Most have 2- and 3-years programs leading to a dazhuan credential (higher-level specialized diploma). They can accept students who have sat for the national college and university entrance examinations. These institutions offer multiple technical specializations as well as some general education. It is also their multifunctionality that resembles American community colleges. In short, this chapter’s discussion of China’s community colleges relates specifically to higher professional and technical colleges. 162 G. Postiglione

It does so because they most closely resemble those referred to as community colleges elsewhere. Yet, this is by far not a perfect fit. While most professional– technical colleges are government-funded, there is a growing number that rely on various social forces as a form of Chinese privately run institutions.

Mainland China’s Community College Movement in Perspective

China has paid enormous attention to the potential of American community colleges for modernizing its higher vocational–technical education, especially within its rapidly prospering urban areas. China’s interest in community colleges became evident in the 1980s during the early phase of China’s reform and opening to the outside world – a time when foreign innovations were being assessed for their potential contribution to China’s modernization drive. Among the international agencies aiding China’s efforts to learn about, and experiment with, community college models were the World Bank and the Ford Foundation. The Bank supported study of overseas visits and Ford continues to support capacity-building in particular colleges by the United States–China Education Foundation. Through hundreds of visits and two-way international exchanges, Chinese educators and officials explored a variety of models to determine the most effective ways to produce skilled labor and advanced professionals in accordance with their development needs. In addition to North American community colleges, German technical and dual-system vocational colleges, Australia’s technical and further education, and similar institutions in France, South Korea, and Japan have been considered. The scale and diversity of the Chinese system makes it difficult to rank the most admired characteristics from each system. Suffice it to say that decisions of which features to adapt and institutionalize were guided by highly pragmatic considerations. Because of the massive scope of expansion and the large number of Chinese students studying in American colleges, the community college models figured prominently in China’s thinking about its postsecondary education expansion. With the support of the American Association of Community Colleges and the United States–China Education Foundation, more than 80 US community colleges developed agreement affiliations and exchanges with Chinese counterparts. Among the most notable are Maricopa Community College, LaGuardia Community College, City University of New York, San Francisco City College, and Lorain County Community College. In these cases, the agreements were substantial and features such as student-learning centers, community social service curriculum development, and leadership skill training were sustained over a long period after the cooperation was completed. In fact, the vice-minister of education has stated: “We welcome foreign institutions and companies to co-operate with local governments and vocational schools in China so that a number of high-level vocational training institutes may be established” (Chuan 2002). 10 Community Colleges in China’s Two Systems 163

The Director of the Vocational–Technical Education Bureau of the Division of Higher Education, Ministry of Education, has emphasized China’s need for community colleges for regional economic development, to provide lifelong learning opportunities, and to meet the needs of an urbanizing rural sector. Among the prominent characteristics of the American community college model, he gave prominence to its openness by its lowering of the walls between the school and community, diversity in offering a wide range of educational opportunities and credentials, flexibility in programs and approaches, resource-sharing formats that rely on local and other existing sources of income, and social participation of all different groups in the community. Due to the diversity of the Chinese system, there are also characteristics of models from other countries that continue to be influential in China.

Community Colleges and China’s Human Resource Blueprint

The most important document affecting the planning of higher vocational–technical education in China is the human resource blueprint (Strategic Concepts for the Development of Chinese Education and Human Resources for the Next Fifty Years, hereafter referred to as the Blueprint) published in 2003. It was the first time that China organized scholars and experts, research institutions, and government organs in education, economics, population control, laws, finance, and agriculture to compose a large research report on education. The Blueprint calls for a 99% enrollment rate for 9-year compulsory education by 2020, when 100% of junior secondary school students will enter senior secondary education. The current 54% enrollment rate in senior secondary education will grow to 73% by 2010, 85% by 2020, and 100% by 2050. By 2050, China plans to invest 7.8% of its GDP in education (compared with the current 4%). Also by 2050, China will have more than half of secondary school graduates entering college or university. This includes both regular higher education colleges and universities (dazue) where students can earn a baccalaureate (benke xuewei) and specialized professional and technical higher education institutions (da zhuan), where students will earn a diploma or other professional certificate (zhuanke wenping or zhengshu). For convenience, we translate the latter as the junior college sector. 1. Up to 2010, out of 100,000 people, the numbers attending junior college (dazhuan) and above should increase from 3,611 in 2000 to around 7,700, and the total number receiving senior secondary education should increase from 11,000 in 2000 to around 16,000 (p. 255). 2. The proportion of employees receiving a junior college (dazhuan) education or above should increase from 4.66% in 2000 to over 10% in 2010 (p. 255). 3. By 2020, there should be 13,000 out of 100,000 people receiving a junior college (dazhuan) education or above, and there should be 20,000 out of 100,000 people 164 G. Postiglione

receiving a senior secondary education. People of working age (25–64 years) should have an average education of10 years; the level of education of the workforce should be increased up to 12 years; workers in the commercial and service sectors should on average receive approximately 11 years of schooling, 20% of whom would possess educational level of junior college (dazhuan) and above, basically reaching the level of Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) nations at the close of the twentieth century (p. 257). 4. By 2050, there should be 31,000 people out of every 100,000 who would have received a junior college (dajuan) education or above; those with senior secondary level should be about 30,000 people. Increase the amount of education of the workforce to near 14 years; the average years of education for workers in the commercial and service sectors should be 13.5 years, and of these 40% would have had an education of junior college (dazhuan)or above, reaching the level of developed countries at the beginning of the twenty-first century (p. 258). Thus, the so-called junior colleges or professional and technical colleges (gaodeng zhiye jishu xueyuan) will play a major role in raising the level of the workforce by 2050.

Institutionalizing the Community College in Hong Kong

This section examines Hong Kong’s experiment with community colleges and associate degrees at the beginning of the twenty-first century. It reviews the context, obstacles, and compelling factors underlying the unprecedented expansion. In particular, it sets out an explanation for why Hong Kong went about adopting the US community college model. In 1997, Hong Kong was handed back to the PRC after a long period of colonial rule by Britain. The emerging but relatively poor socialist market economy of the Chinese mainland contrasted with Hong Kong’s vibrancy within the global economy. However, after 1997 Hong Kong experienced an economic crisis that crippled many countries in the East Asian region, though it had less effect on the Mainland due to its larger and more sheltered economy at the time. This crisis left Hong Kong with a stagnant economy. Meanwhile, cities like Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou began to challenge Hong Kong’s vaunted position as China’s economic powerhouse. In this new equation, the Director General of the World Trade Organization identified the pressing role of educational reform in Hong Kong. [T]he rise of an increasingly skilled Chinese workforce, as well as direct transportation links with Taiwan, means that Hong Kong will have to fight to keep its privileged place. … If recently launched educational reforms have the intended effect of producing a more flexible, creative, and skilled workforce, Hong Kong will have a fighting chance to keep its vaunted position as China’s international window over a longer time period. (Panitchpakdi, 2002) It is within this context that the Hong Kong SAR imported the community college model from the United States and situated it within a postcolonial society that did not have the financial wherewithal to expand its modest system of higher education. 10 Community Colleges in China’s Two Systems 165

At the time, Hong Kong had a 9-year system of free compulsory education with most students remaining in school through senior secondary level. Degree places at university were limited to about of 18% of the relevant age group (18–22 years old). In all, only 25% of the relevant age group were studying in Hong Kong’s postsecondary sector of degree, diploma, and certificate programs at colleges, universities, and polytechnics. While weathering an economic crisis, Hong Kong became keenly aware of the urgent need to strengthen its knowledge economy in order to remain globally competitive. Since government was already shouldering the burden of an all-public system of universities, another way had to be found to expand higher education. After a visit to the United States, the Chief Executive of Hong Kong moved forward to support the development of community colleges. By that time, the University of Hong Kong School of Professional and Continuing Education had already introduced a community college initiative for school-leavers with an associate degree and a strategy to articulate that program with universities in Hong Kong and abroad. The visit helped to cement what was already taking place. Hong Kong had the UK model for decades. In fact, there is little concern about colonial residue or of importing American models vocational education, only a drive to move ahead and compete within the framework of economic globalization. This pragmatic approach adheres to the best of age-old Chinese values and strategies. In his 2000 Policy Address, the Chief Executive announced the government’s initiative to support the progressive increase in postsecondary education opportunities. The planning target was that by 2010, 60% of senior secondary school-leavers would have access to postsecondary education. To achieve this policy objective, the government introduced a series of support measures for both students and providers of postsecondary programs. These included the provision of student grants and loans, as well as an interest-free start-up loan to postsecondary institutions (EMB, 2005e). In this sense, Hong Kong has taken a bold initiative in pressing ahead since it never had community colleges or associate degree programs before this time. Since 2000, there was an unprecedented expansion of self-financed associate degree programs. The overall postsecondary participation rate in higher education rose to 53% in December 2004, and then to 66% in August 2005. In short, Hong Kong had overshot its 2010 target and it did so 5 years ahead of schedule, largely due to the popularity of the community college associate degree program (Takungpao Daily, June 2, 2005). Tuition fees of self-financed associate degree programs offered by the 20 local institutions ranged from $30,000 to $50,000 (US$3,800 to US$6,300) in academic year 2004/05. The government pledged “to ensure that no one would be deprived of further education opportunities because of the lack of means” (Li, 2005). Hence, the government provided a package of financial assistance schemes to aid eligible students. These included means-tested grant, low-interest loan (the ceiling of grant or low-interest loans for 2004/05 was $55,890 [US$7,800]), non-means-tested loans, and travel subsidies. Yet, students in self-financed programs paid a much higher tuition fee than did their counterparts in publicly funded bachelor’s degree programs at one of the eight public universities. Apparently, the value placed on education by Hong Kong households was enough to convince less academically gifted students to pay a higher fee for a semester at community college than that paid for a semester at 166 G. Postiglione university, even through an associate degree less valued less than a bachelor’s degree in the job market. The high fees required for studying at community colleges in comparison with universities remain a point of contention in Hong Kong. Yet, the fees are not out of reach for even the poorest families because the government guarantees loans for all students who pursue a postsecondary education in Hong Kong. The fact that community college fees are as high or higher than those of universities in Hong Kong is no consolation if students do not score high enough to gain access to a university place. The fact that many community colleges are subdivisions of existing universities helps raise their status and convince families that the high fees are justified.

Hong Kong’s Junior Colleges

Hong Kong’s private, independent junior colleges and the associate degree programs they offer are self-financed. In contrast, a very large majority of US community colleges are publicly funded (Kwok, 2004, p.387). In terms of functions, however, institutions that name themselves community colleges in Hong Kong closely resemble US 2-year junior colleges, especially those once popular in the first half of the twentieth century. Hong Kong’s associate degree programs are primarily provided for secondary school-leavers at ages 17–19 (Kwok, 2004, p. 387). In contrast, US multifunctional, comprehensive community colleges have a higher average student age with a large proportion of students being working adults. A typical US community college provides a great variety of courses and programs, award-bearing or not, at different levels, to meet varied learning and professional needs and personal interests of people from every walk of life. In fact, US community colleges are very akin to the familiar continuing education institutions in Hong Kong, such as University of Hong Kong School of Professional and Continuing Education (SPACE). Interestingly, HKU SPACE’s community college is in a subsidiary and subordinate relationship to its parent institution (Kwok, 2004, p. 387). Thus, Hong Kong’s best-known community colleges, while trumpeting their transfer function, are ensconced within larger institutions of adult education that are more like US community colleges. There are significant contrasts between the US public comprehensive community colleges and the Hong Kong-style, self-financed, independent, so-called community colleges, so much so that it is very sensible to regard the latter as “junior colleges.” The major characteristics of US community colleges include their easy access, inexpensive/publicly funded, and large part-time study programs (Cohen and Brawer, 2003).

The Hong Kong Formula

Hong Kong’s reputation as a willing participant in globalization has led it to adapt a McDonalization approach to many innovations. This may hold true for the community 10 Community Colleges in China’s Two Systems 167 college as well, for Hong Kong does provide an answer to how self-financed 2-year junior college-type community colleges with associate degree programs can be transport- able across national boundaries. Furthermore, they can be made to virtually transplant a former system of postsecondary nondegree institutions or be grafted on top of them. Hong Kong’s story includes a free market with no direct government involvement except a legal structure and the provision of loans for students. It also acts to regulate and facilitate. Moreover, since most community colleges which provide associate degree programs are extensions of their parent universities or their university’s division of continuing education they are self-accrediting. Finally, Hong Kong has long been known for its high standards. The accreditation mechanisms for associate degree programs in individual institutions is quite vigorous. More than 50 overseas universities have recognized Hong Kong’s associate degrees, and the number of second-year places in local universities increases fivefold in 2004 from 210 to 1,050 to accommodate transfer students from community colleges. In short, the successful transplantation of the American community college model can be attributed to a set of essential conditions, including a market economy with a government-initiated policy framework, sufficient demand among the immediate school-leaving population, a mature adult education delivery structure within which community colleges could be nested, a scheme of government-sponsored student loans, a rationale-stressing global competitiveness that can generate business and commercial support, and a mechanism for articulation with both local and overseas 4-year colleges and universities.

Conclusion

Hong Kong’s successful importation of community colleges and associate degrees contrasts with Mainland China’s grafting and adaptation of selected features of community colleges within the larger vocational–technical sector. The driving force of this latter movement has been the transition from a planned to a market economy, especially solving the emergent problems of increased demand for higher education by secondary school-leavers, massive layoffs of workers from state-owned enterprises, and migration of rural farmers seeking work in urban areas. The budding market economy was not able to absorb these workers. In 2006, China’s Ministry of Education earmarked 10 billion yuan (about 1.23 billion US dollars) to support vocational education, part of which was set aside specifically to develop 100 high quality professional-technical colleges (XNA 2005) Therefore, China’s community college movement, not unlike Hong Kong’s community college movement, focused less on the ideology of democracy through equality of educational opportunity. Mainland Chinaalso ignored the associate degree, as well as (to a great extent) the pathways to 4-year colleges and universities. The need in Mainland China was defined in terms of finding better ways to aid community economic development, to address education and training needs in the community not addressed elsewhere, to deliver vocational and technical skills to 168 G. Postiglione adults seeking or changing employment in a dynamic economy that needs more skilled workers in a variety of new fields, and to address in general the growing demands for higher education across regions.

Note

1 The number of higher professional and technical colleges in 2005 was 1,091, which was 2.5 times the number in 1998. The 2005 enrollment of 2,681,000 was an increase of 34% from the previous year and the total number of students was 7,130,000, 46% of which are in polytechnics. The average number of students per institution in 2002 was 2,523 and in 2005 was 3,909 (Xing, 2006).

Bibliography

Bender, F. A. (1978). A Historical Study of the Structural and Function of the Junior College in Japan. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Texas, Austin, TX. Chuan, Qin (2002) Foreign Input Sought for Vocational Education. China Daily. July 11. Accessed on 24 January 2009 at http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1P2-8793239.html Cohen, A. M. (2001). Governmental policies affecting community colleges: A historical perspectives. In B. Townsend & S. Twombly (Eds.), Community Colleges: Policy in the Future Context (pp. 3–22). London: Ablex. Cohen, A. M. & Brawer, F. B. (1987). The Collegiate Function of Community Colleges: Fostering Higher Learning Through Curriculum and Student Transfer. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Cohen, A. M. & Brawer, F. B. (2003). The American Community College, 4th edition. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Cribbin, J. & Kennedy, P. (Eds.) (2002). Lifelong Learning in Action: Hong Kong Practitioners’ Perspectives. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. Education Commission (1999, September). Review of Education System: Framework for Education Reform. Learning for Life. Hong Kong: Hong Kong SAR Government. Education Commission (2000a, May). Education Blueprint for the 21st Century. Review of Education System. Reform Proposals. Hong Kong: Hong Kong SAR Government. Education Commission (2000b, September). Reform Proposals for the Education System in Hong Kong: Learning for Life, Learning Through Life. Hong Kong: Hong Kong SAR Government. Education Commission (2002, January). Progress Report on the Education Reform (1). Hong Kong: Hong Kong SAR Government. Education Commission (2003, June). Progress Report on the Education Reform (2). Hong Kong: Hong Kong SAR Government. Education Commission (2004, December). Progress Report on the Education Reform (3). Hong Kong: Hong Kong SAR Government. EMB (Education and Manpower Bureau) (2001). A Paper Prepared for Legislative Council Panel on Education, Subcommittee on Increase in Post-secondary Education Opportunities, Paper No. CB (2) 1664/00-01 (02). Hong Kong: Hong Kong SAR Government. EMB (Education and Manpower Bureau) (2005a). Other Education and Training: Statistical Information. Retrieved March 3rd, 2005, from http://www.emb.gov.hk/index. aspx?langno=1&nodeid=1213 EMB (Education and Manpower Bureau) (2005b). Other Education and Training: Type of Full-Time Accredited Self-Financing Programmes by Institutions for Academic Year 2004/05. Retrieved March 3rd, 2005, from http://www.emb.gov.hk/index.aspx?langno=1&nodeID=2479 10 Community Colleges in China’s Two Systems 169

EMB (Education and Manpower Bureau) (2005c). Other Education and Training: Type of Full-Time Accredited Self-Financing Programmes by Institutions for Academic Year 2003/04. Retrieved April 17th, 2005, from http://www.emb.gov.hk/index.aspx?langno=1&nodeid=1231 EMB (Education and Manpower Bureau) (2005d). Replies to Written Questions in Legislative Council. LCQ9: Pre-associate Degree Programmes, with Annex I and Annex II, as of March 9th, 2005. Retrieved April 17th, 2005, from http://www.info.gov.hk/gia/general/200503/09/03090231.htm EMB (Education and Manpower Bureau) (2005e). Local Post-secondary Courses. Retrieved April 17th, 2005, from http://www.emb.gov.hk/index.aspx?nodeID=225&langno=1 EMB (Education and Manpower Bureau) (2005f). Local Post-secondary Courses. Retrieved August 8th, 2005, from http://www.emb.gov.hk/index.aspx?nodeID=225&langno=1 Federation for Continuing Education in Tertiary Institutions (2005). Facts and Figures. Retrieved March 3rd, 2005, from www.fce.org.hk/∼fceorg/facts.htm Floyd, D. L. & Skolnik, M. L. (2005). Perspectives on the baccalaureate. In D. L. Floyd et al. (Eds.), The Community College Baccalaureate: Emerging Trends and Policy Issues (pp. 1–8). Sterling, VA: Stylus. Gleazer, E. J., Jr. (1963). An introduction to junior colleges. In E. J. Gleaser, Jr. (Ed.) American Junior Colleges. Washington, DC: American Council of Education. Gleazer, E. J., Jr. (1994). Evolution of junior colleges into community colleges. In G. Baker, III (Ed.) A Handbook of the Community College in America: Its History, Mission, and Management. Westport, CO: Greenwood. HKU SPACE Community College (2005). Tuition and Other Fees. Retrieved March 3rd, 2005, from http://hkuspace.hku.hk/cc/eng/application/tuition.htm Hong Kong Yearbook 2002 (2002). Hong Kong Yearbook 2002. Retrieved March 3rd, 2005, from http://www.info.gov.hk/yearbook/2002/ehtml/e07-frame.htm Hong Kong Yearbook 2003 (2003) Hong Kong Yearbook 2003. Retrieved March 3rd, 2005, from http://www.info.gov.hk/yearbook/2003/english/chapter07/07_04.html Jalomo, R., Jr. (2001). Institutional policies that promote persistence among first-year community college students. In B. Townsend & S. Twombly (Eds.), Community Colleges: Policy in the Future Context (pp. 261–282). London: Ablex. Japan MEXT (Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology) (2004). Statistics: Universities and Junior Colleges. Retrieved April 16th, 2005, from http://www.mext.go.jp/ english/statist/index11.htm Japan MEXT (Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology) (2005). Higher Education. Retrieved April 16th, 2005, from http://www.mext.go.jp/english/org/f_ formal_22.htm Korea Ministry of Education & Human Resources Development (2004). Education in Korea, 2003–2004. Retrieved April 16th, 2005, from http://www.moe.go.kr/en/etc/education.html Kwok, S. S. K. (2004). Associate degree: The liberalization of Hong Kong higher education. In (no editor), 112 Scholars’ Collection (pp. 386–389). Hong Kong: CUP (in Chinese). Lee, E. W. C. & Young, E. (2003). Pioneering the community college movement in Hong Kong. International Journal of Lifelong Education, 22(2), 47–158. Lee, M. H. & Gopinathan, S. (2003). Reforming university education in Hong Kong and Singapore. Higher Education Research & Development, 22(2), 167–182. Lee, W. C. (2001, June). The Associate Degree in Hong Kong – A Consultancy Study Commissioned by the Education and Manpower Bureau and Undertaken by the Federation for Continuing Education in Tertiary Institutions. HKU SPACE Research Report No. 3. Levin, J. S. (2001). The buffered and the buffered institution: Globalization and the community college. In B. Townsend & S. Twombly (Eds.), Community Colleges: Policy in the Future Context (pp. 77–100). London: Ablex. Levine, A. (2003). Introduction. In M. Quigley & T. Bailey (Eds.), Community College Movement in Perspective: Teachers College Responds to the Truman Commission (pp. xi–xiv). Oxford: Scarecrow. Levinson, D. L. (2005). Community Colleges: A Reference Handbook. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC- CLIO. 170 G. Postiglione

Li, Arthur K. C. (2003). Press release: Replies to Oral Questions in the Legislative Council. LCQ6: Post-secondary Education in Hong Kong, with Annexes 1–4, as of July 9th, 2003. Retrieved April 17th, 2005, from http://www.emb.gov.hk/index.aspx?nodeID=137&langno= 1&UID=11119 Li, Arthur K. C. (2005). Press release: LCQ4: Operation of Self-Financing Programmes, with Annex, as of 25 May, 2005. Retrieved May 26th, 2005, from http://www.info.gov.hk/gia/ general/200505/25/05250130.htm Li, Lanqing (2004). Jiaoyu fangtanlu [Interviews on Education]. Beijing: People’s Education Press Lorenzo, A. L. (1994). The mission and functions of the community college: An overview. In G. Baker, III (Ed.) A Handbook of the Community College in America: Its History, Mission, and Management. Westport, CO: Greenwood. Min, Weifang (1997). China. In Asian Higher Education: An International Handbook and Reference Guide, eds. Gerard A. Postiglione and Grace C. L. Mak, 37–55. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Min, Weifang (2004). Chinese Higher Education: The Legacy of the Past and the Context of the Future. In Asian Universities: Historical Perspectives and Contemporary Challenges, eds. Philip Altbach and Toru Umakoshi, 53–84. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China (1996) Vocational Education law of the People’s Republic of China, accessed on 24 January 2009 at http://www.moe.edu.cn/english/ laws_v.htm Mok, K. H. (2003a). Globalization and higher education restructuring in Hong Kong, Taiwan and Mainland China. Higher Education Research & Development, 22(2), 117–129. Mok, K. H. (2003b). Similar trends, diverse agendas: Higher education reforms in East Asia. Globalization, Societies and Education, 1(2), 201–221. Mok, K. H. & Lee, M. (2001). Marketization and the changing governance in higher education: A comparative studies of Hong Kong and Taiwan. The International Conference on Marketization and Higher Education in East Asia, 7–8 April 2001, Shanghai. Panitchpakdi, S. (2002). China and the WTO. New York: Wiley. Pepper, Suzanne (1996). Radicalism and Education Reform in 20th Century Education: The Search for an Ideal Development Model. New York: Cambridge University Press. Postiglione, G. (2003). Universities for knowledge economies: Hong Kong and the Chinese mainland within globalization and decentralization. In K. H. Mok (Ed.), Centralization and Decentralization: Educational Reforms and Changing Governance in Chinese Societies (pp. 157–172). Hong Kong: Comparative Education Research Centre. Postiglione, Gerard A. (2002) Chinese Higher Education at the Turn of the Century: Expansion, Consolidation, and the Globalization. In Higher Education in the Developing World: Changing Contexts and Institutional Responses, eds. David Chapman and Ann Austin, 149–166. Westport, CT: Greenwood press. Postiglione, Gerard A. (2005). Higher Education in China: Perils and Promises for a New Century. Harvard China Review. Volume 5, Number 2: 138–143 Quigley, M. & Bailey, T. (2003). Community College Movement in Perspective: Teachers College Responds to the Truman Commission. Oxford: Scarecrow Press. Richardson, R. C., Jr. & Santos, G. E. de los (2001). Statewide governance structures and two-year colleges. In B. Townsend & S. Twombly (Eds.), Community Colleges: Policy in the Future Context (pp. 39–56). London: Ablex. Shive, Glenn (2003). Hong Kong’s New Post-Secondary Education Marketplace. Retrieved January 24, 2006, from: http://www.iiehongkong.org/fair/ADdayarticle.htm. Student Financial Assistance Agency (2005). Financial Assistance Scheme for Post-Secondary Students Summary Statistics. Retrieved April 18th, 2005, from http://www.info.gov.hk/sfaa/ en/statistics/fasp.htm Sutherland, S. (2002). Higher Education in Hong Kong. Report of the University Grants Committee, commissioned by the Secretary for Education and Manpower. Hong Kong: Government Printer, 1. 10 Community Colleges in China’s Two Systems 171

Townsend, B. (2002). Transfer rates: A problematic criterion for measuring the community college. New Directions for Community Colleges, 117(Spring), 13–24. Townsend, B. (2005). A cautionary view. In D. L. Floyd et al. (Eds.), The Community College Baccalaureate: Emerging Trends and Policy Issues (pp. 1–8). Sterling, VA: Stylus. Townsend, B. & Twombly, S. B. (2001). Introduction. In B. Townsend & S. Twombly (Eds.), Community Colleges: Policy in the Future Context (pp. ix–xiii). London: Ablex. Tsang, W. K. (2001). What Kind of Post-secondary Education Opportunities They Are? – Policy Critique of “Increase Post-secondary Education Opportunities” Education Policy Studies Series/Chinese University of Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Chinese University of Hong Kong. (In Chinese). Tung, C. W. (2000). Chief Executive’s Policy Address 2000. Retrieved May 16th, 2005, from http://www.policyaddress.gov.hk/pa00/eindex.htm Twombly, S. B. & Townsend, B. K. (2001). Conclusion: The future of community college policy in the 21st century. In B. Townsend & S. Twombly (Eds.), Community Colleges: Policy in the Future Context (pp. 283–298). London: Ablex. UGC (2002, March). Higher Education in Hong Kong – Report of the University Grants Committee, by Stewart R. Sutherland, Principal and Vice-Chancellor, University of Edinburgh. UGC (2004a, January). Hong Kong Higher Education: To Make a Difference, to Move with the Times. UGC (2004b, March). Hong Kong Higher Education: Integration Matters. A report of the institutional integration working party of the UGC (March 2004). UGC (2005). Student Numbers (Full-Time Equivalent). Retrieved April 17th, 2005, from http:// www.ugc.edu.hk/eng/ugc/stat/student_full.htm Xing Dan (2003). Zhongguo gaodeng jiaoyu guimo shouci chaoguo meiguo yueju shijie diyi (The Scale of Higher Education in China Surpasses the United States for the First Time, Leaping to First Position in the World) in Eastday News June 24, 2003. Accessed on December 23, 2007 at http://news.eastday.com/epublish/gb/paper148/20030624/class014800014/hwz968718. htm XNA Xinhua News Agency (2005, November 18) China To Develop 100 Quality Vocational Colleges Next Year. Accessed on 24 January 2009 at China Education and Research Network. http://www.edu.cn/introduction4_1427/20060323/t20060323_150062.shtml Yau, E. (2004). PowerPoint File: Internationalisation of lifelong education: Policy and issues. Higher education in Hong Kong: Review and prospects. The 10th Anniversary Conference of the Federation for Continuing Education in Tertiary Institutions, 3–4 December 2004, Hong Kong. Young, E. (2003). The Federation for Continuing Education in Tertiary Institutions Chairman’s Report 2002–03. Hong Kong: Federation for Continuing Education in Tertiary Institutions, dated December, 2003. Young, E. (2004a). PowerPoint File: Exportation of Higher Education: Policy Implications for Hong Kong’s Positioning as a Centre of Excellence. The 10th Anniversary Conference of the Federation for Continuing Education in Tertiary Institutions, 3–4 December 2004, Hong Kong. Young, E. (2004b). Paper: Exportation of Higher Education: Policy Implications for Hong Kong’s Positioning as a Centre of Excellence. The 10th Anniversary Conference of the Federation for Continuing Education in Tertiary Institutions, 3–4 December 2004, Hong Kong. Young, E. (2005). The Federation for Continuing Education in Tertiary Institutions Chairman’s Report 2003–04. Hong Kong: Federation for Continuing Education in Tertiary Institutions, dated January, 2005. Yung, M. S. (2002a). Community college: A new born baby of the Hong Kong education system for the new millennium. Hong Kong Teachers’ Centre Journal, 1(2000 Spring). Yung, M. S. (2002b). Hong Kong Higher Education: Policy and Ideas. Hong Kong: Joint (in Chinese). Zhou Ji (2006). Higher Education in China. Singapore: Thompson Publishers 2006. Chapter 11 Challenges and Opportunities for Postsecondary Education and Training in Barbados, Bahamas, Guyana, Jamaica, and Trinidad & Tobago

Laurence Wolff

Introduction1

The English-speaking Caribbean needs to keep pace with challenges of worldwide change in the development process. One fundamental requirement in this process is to build the area’s human resources. A well-educated and trained populace will enable countries in the Caribbean to grow, even under the conditions of uncertainty and change that now prevail. While certainly basic literacy and numeracy skills must be emphasized, human resource development must proceed at all levels. All countries need to build the quality of their skilled workers, technicians, managers, and professionals through a wide variety of expanded and higher-quality postsecondary institutions. A basic assumption of this chapter is that the region especially needs to strengthen the institutions that provide postsecondary education and training below the level of bachelor’s degrees. The need for “middle-level manpower” – skilled workers and technicians in industry, commerce, and services, especially those with communications, information technology (IT) and interpersonal skills – is increasing throughout the world, as much or more than the need for professionals and managers with a BA or higher degree. The changing world economic context, increasing global demand for higher-order skills, and the nature of the Caribbean’s options for economic growth will require a larger and more effective set of these postsecondary institutions. This chapter synthesizes the issues and possible policies and approaches needed to strengthen postsecondary institutions in five Caribbean countries – Bahamas, Barbados, Guyana, Jamaica, and Trinidad & Tobago. It is based mainly on country case studies examining the institutional framework for provision of this level of education. It examines the justification for expanding postsecondary education, assesses the current status of institutions offering these educational opportunities, and examines issues related to institutional strengthening, including needs for new structures, relationships, and models, as well as growth and financing. Since the Caribbean’s education tradition is mainly British, the word and concept of the “community college” is of recent origin, mainly as a result of recent

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 173 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 174 L. Wolff contacts with the United States and Canada. Yet many technical training and other institutions in the region offer services similar at least in part to those of the North American community college and there is a tendency in the region to link these institutions into a more comprehensive framework similar to that of community colleges. For this reason, in this chapter, all institutions offering certificates, diplomas, and programs below the BA degree are discussed.

Economic Challenges and Opportunities in the Five Countries

The five countries that are the subject of this chapter are all small in size and population. Jamaica has the highest number of people at 2.6 million, followed by Trinidad & Tobago at 1.3 million, Guyana 760,000, Bahamas 305,000, and Barbados 270,000. All have low population growth, 1% per annum or less, and a “demographic window of opportunity” – a decline in birth rates that creates a population with a lower percentage of dependents, i.e., those either too young or too old for the labor market. For the population group that is the usual target of postsecondary education, young people aged 20–24, a decline of over 20% is projected in Barbados, Guyana, and Trinidad & Tobago, with only slight increases in Jamaica and Bahamas. These countries vary in terms of their gross domestic product (GDP) per capita and in expectations for economic growth: Bahamas and Barbados are nearly high- income countries with per capita GDPs of over US$15,000 (but low compared to the GDP per capita in the United States of around US$40,000); Trinidad & Tobago is an upper middle-income country (over US$8,000); and Guyana and Jamaica are lower middle-income countries (around US$4,000). The migration of trained people away from the region, as well as from poorer to richer countries within the region, is significant, but is not entirely a disadvantage because of the high value of remittances, which in Jamaica’s case account for 10% of GDP. Overall, these countries face an uncertain mid-term economic situation. They must strengthen their service orientation, tourism, and financial services. Human resource development will be critical for them to increase economic growth. The region is moving toward more flexible labor markets and free movement of goods and human resources. This is important because the economic and institutional structures of the countries are too small to permit isolated labor markets. At the same time, structural unemployment, especially of youths, characterizes these countries. Unemployment of out-of-school youth aged 15–24 ranges from 16% (Bahamas) to 34% (Jamaica). The comparative advantages of these five countries include: their physical beauty that encourages tourism; their English-speaking culture; their location near the US market; and the oil and gas in Trinidad & Tobago, and minerals and timber in Guyana. Except for Guyana and Trinidad & Tobago, they are service economies focusing on tourism; Bahamas and Trinidad & Tobago also focus on banking. 11 Challenges and Opportunities for Postsecondary Education and Training 175

Bahamas and Barbados are tourism success stories, while Jamaica is struggling to regain its previous leadership in tourism. Services account for over 55% of GDP in all except Guyana, where they are 40%. Only Trinidad & Tobago and Guyana have significant industry sectors (oil and gas, diamonds, bauxite) and only Guyana has a strong agriculture sector. They all have limited manufacturing capabilities. Trinidad & Tobago has oil and related industries and is a commercial center. Agriculture, including sugar, is no longer competitive, except in Guyana (European Union (EU) preferences are ending), but there are a variety of niche opportunities. The possibilities for IT are significant, especially because English is the common language, but telecommunication rules and regulations need further reform. Barbados and Jamaica are hoping for software development, and lower-tech elements such as call centers may be expected in Guyana. Economic growth possibilities in Guyana also include niche agriculture and port development to serve the Brazilian interior. Trinidad & Tobago is expected to continue with growth in its oil and gas sector, but can also increase tourism in Tobago, business and commercial services in Port of Spain, and light manufacturing to serve the Caribbean. In-country and inter-country coordination, cooperation, and articulation are especially important in the Caribbean because of its low economic diversification, low economies of scale, and high interregional and extra-regional migration. The countries’ small size means overlapping institutional missions can make programs nonviable in cost and clients. Regional coordination is needed to foster development of joint courses and programs where necessary and to facilitate labor market mobility within the region as a means of broadening the economic base.

Education and Training in the Five Countries

Human Resource Development Needs

Meeting these economic opportunities will require action to develop qualified human resources. Certainly the most fundamental education priority in the region is to improve the quality of primary and secondary schooling. Major efforts are especially needed for boys’ secondary education. But education policy and investment cannot be “sequential” – that is, improved postsecondary education cannot wait for better quality at lower levels. In line with worldwide trends, it is best that secondary education provide broad-based mathematics, communications, and technology skills, with specific skill training moved to the postsecondary level or out of the formal system. Postsecondary education is needed to provide the specific skills and competencies necessary to develop economic niches in each of the five countries. The countries in region are increasingly recognizing these needs. The government of Trinidad & Tobago has gone the furthest. The economic objectives of its 176 L. Wolff

“2020 Vision” are to be considered a developed country by 2020, through expanding the energy sector, light manufacturing, IT, and tourism. According to this vision, to meet this challenge 60% of the school-age population should attend postsecondary education, compared to the ratio in 2000 of only 6%. Educational aims include creating a technologically literate population and expanding participation of nationals in the energy sector.

Primary and Secondary Education

The five countries have made progress in educating and training their children and young people. Gross enrollment ratios in primary education are 100% and in secondary education range from 73% to 100%. Enrollments are rising in postsecondary education. Barbados and Jamaica each spend over 7% of GDP on education, a significant effort compared to other countries of similar income. Bahamas, Guyana, and Trinidad & Tobago spend around 3% of GDP, below the average of countries with similar GDP. Private institutions are important only in primary and secondary education in Bahamas and in postsecondary education in Jamaica. Within the region, nearly all children complete the full 6-year primary education program with minimum repetition. Yet problems of quality persist in basic literacy and numeracy. The quality of teachers has declined in Guyana and Jamaica, but these countries are working to upgrade their teaching force by developing assessment instruments and better equipping their schools. Secondary education has expanded, and enrollment ratios now range from 73% (Guyana) to 102% (Barbados) of the target-age population. These numbers mask issues related to repetition, dropout, curriculum, and learning. Traditionally, secondary education has been a multitrack system, with the 11+ exam segregat- ing students into academic and vocational tracks, while much of lower secondary education is provided in “extended” primary schools. After much debate, all the countries are moving away from this approach towards delivering a core curriculum to all students, usually up to the fifth year of secondary education. Several countries are designing minimum standards to be met at earlier stages, rather than waiting for examinations at the end of the secondary cycle. All countries, with Barbados taking the lead, are moving to teach IT to all secondary school students. The regional Caribbean Secondary Education Certificate (CSEC) examination is given at the end of the secondary cycle by the Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC). The test ensures a uniform assessment of quality for the entire region. The CSEC assesses proficiency in academic as well as technical subjects. To continue their studies, students must score 3 or above out of a possible score of 5 in three subjects in the “general and technical” proficiencies. Scores of 3 or above in “basic proficiency” are considered adequate to qualify for entry-level employment. The Caribbean Advanced Proficiency Examination (CAPE) is given to postsecondary students and is used for entry into higher education institutions. 11 Challenges and Opportunities for Postsecondary Education and Training 177

In spite of the existence of these tests, the generally low quality of secondary education results in many graduates who lack basic skills. Antisocial behavior and attitudes, including violence in and out of school, make learning difficult. Teachers often do not have high expectations for students (e.g., no one fails). In spite of the reform movement, secondary education is still two-tiered. Many youths follow a nonacademic “general” curriculum, but they do not get the fundamentals needed to supply today’s labor market. Boys continue to do much more poorly than girls in all measures of academic achievement. These problems are reflected in the issues of postsecondary education, and training, which will face the complex tasks of remedial learning as well as linking education and training with the labor market.

Postsecondary Education and Training

Until recently, Caribbean enrollment ratios at the postsecondary and higher education levels were below the norm for other countries at similar levels of development. In response to these issues some years ago, the Caribbean community (CARICOM) countries committed themselves to a goal of 15% enrollment, and three of the five countries have succeeded. Enrollment ratios for 2000 were: Bahamas 25%, Barbados 38%, Guyana 12%, Jamaica 16%, Trinidad & Tobago 6%. This compares with the United States 72%, Portugal 50%, Argentina 48%,and Japan 47%. These figures do not include the significant number of students who study abroad, usually in the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom. These were estimated in 2000 at 16,000, or 25% of in-country enrollment. Enrollment at the three universities in 2004 was: University of Guyana (UG), 7,500; University of West Indies (UWI) in Mona, Jamaica, 13,900; UWI’s other campuses (Barbados and Trinidad & Tobago), 12,800; and University of Technology (UTECH), Jamaica, 1,200. Therefore, institutions that define themselves as universities enroll 52% of postsecondary students. In addition, the College of the Bahamas offers BAs to many of its 4,000 students, and Barbados Community College also offers BAs. In all, it is likely that 60–70% of the region’s students are enrolled in programs leading to a BA or advanced degree. Data and information were available on a total of 40 postsecondary education institutions in the five countries studied. This section summarizes the overall status of these institutions. They vary in many ways: public or private, ages of students, student employment status, level and duration of training, type of certificate or qualification provided, and location of training. Some offer associate degrees and certificates to students who have at least three “passes” in the CSEC, providing some kind of formal accreditation either nationally or internationally, and offering training at the “skilled” and “technician” levels in both blue-collar and white-collar occupations. Others, especially private institutions, offer short-term modularized courses with or without formal certification and without any educational prerequisites. In most cases, the clients are young people who have completed secondary education, but they include youths and adults already in the labor market. 178 L. Wolff

It should be emphasized that, while most of these institutions are not “community colleges” in the North American definition (e.g., comprehensive institutions offering academic opportunities, labor market-oriented training, remedial courses, and a wide variety of certificates and diplomas), each of them offers education and training opportunities which are often found with community colleges. These are included in this review because of their importance in the Caribbean context. They can be divided roughly into the following types: institutions formally defined as “community colleges,” vocational and technical training institutions, universities or colleges also granting associate degrees and certificates, sectoral training, private training, in-service training, and distance education institutions, as well as institutions outside the region attended by Caribbean youths, and skill-training agencies not normally thought of as postsecondary which increasingly offer postsecondary modularized training. Public “community colleges,” e.g., multipurpose institutions with North American nomenclature, exist only in Jamaica and Barbados. Jamaica has eight community colleges, all linked in the Council of Community Colleges of Jamaica. They enroll more than 8,000 students and offer programs at the certificate and associate level in business, nursing, IT, hospitality, technology, teacher education, and agriculture. In some cases, they prepare students for BA-granting institutions, and in a few cases they offer BA degrees themselves. The colleges are reported to articulate well with each other and with BA-granting institutions, but do not have adequate links with industry. Curricula are usually based on academic models rather than on competencies defined through the workplace. Remedial programs are limited. Because of lack of funds, many are very poorly equipped, with a relatively small number of vocational technical programs. In contrast to Jamaica’s colleges, the Barbados Community College offers training on three campuses to more than 4,000 students in agriculture, commerce, health, hotel management and technology, and also offers some BA degrees. It is reported to have benefited from consistent strong leadership and a good physical plant. In some but not all of its programs, it has good industry relations and is able to place many of its students in jobs. Barbados Community College is considering moving up to become a “university college,” with a potentially uncertain impact on its programs offered below the BA. In Bahamas, the only formal community college is the private Bahamas Baptist Community College, which serves 100 full-time and 700 part-time students, offering associate degrees in 23 disciplines. In Trinidad & Tobago, the community college concept is not well understood, although the Trinidad & Tobago Institute of Technology (TTIT) could be considered a technical community college. Community colleges do not yet exist in Guyana. Public technical/vocational schools (TVET) tend to focus on “blue-collar professions” such as plumbing, electricity, and auto mechanics, and most of their enrollment is male. They also offer training in traditionally female skills such as secretarial work, sewing, and hairdressing, but they are now offering computer and IT training to both girls and boys. These schools offer some of the training opportunities that are available in North American community colleges but are much more 11 Challenges and Opportunities for Postsecondary Education and Training 179 rigid and circumscribed in their approach. They usually offer “official” certificates that are recognized nationally, and in some cases internationally (e.g., London City and Guilds). For advanced courses, these schools may require three CSEC passes; lower-level courses require that students have completed secondary school, but do not require passing any exams. These institutions in the region vary enormously in the quality of management and teaching, appropriateness of curriculum, relationships with industry, student services and equipment. Most are only partly through modernization and development of best practices. Even the best have inadequate connections with industry in terms of curriculum, training, placements, contractual services, and support. The weakest are training for yesterday’s occupations, have little idea where their graduates go, and are very poorly equipped. Many institutions focus on excessively narrow skills training, rather than on core curriculum and broader occupational categories. In Trinidad & Tobago, for example, San Fernando Polytechnic is well equipped, closely integrated to industry, and has a strategic planning process. But Donaldson Polytechnic until recently had inadequate equipment, outdated curriculum and poor management, and had been losing students. Recognizing these problems, the government of Trinidad & Tobago is now upgrading this institution. The Bahamas Technical Vocational Institute (BTVI) in 2004 enrolled 1,800 students in 1-year certificate and 3-year diploma programs in a variety of trades and technical areas, with good facilities. Most BTVI students are adults, not recent secondary school graduates. Unlike the College of the Bahamas, BTVI reports directly to the island government and does not have an independent board. This structure restricts its agility in responding to demand, and its image is second to that of area universities. Guyana has five public TVET institutes, all based on outdated models of training and most with inadequate curriculum, teaching, and equipment, and poor or nonexistent collaboration with industry; efforts are underway to improve these institutes. Private training institutions are growing rapidly, especially in IT since industry and commerce now expect new job entrants to be computer literate. Private unregulated institutions also provide training in basic accounting and bookkeeping, cosmetology, etc. Only anecdotal information is available on the quantity and quality of private institutions in the region. Some require a full secondary education with CSEC passes, while others require no particular level of general education but assume a secondary level of achievement in language and mathematics. These institutions offer many of the short courses and industry-connected training common in North American community colleges. Typical are Global Technologies in Guyana and Delta-Soft computer training in Trinidad and Tobago. Both offer modularized training in IT with certificates recognized by overseas firms such as Microsoft and Cisco. The Guyana Sugar Corporation (GUYSUCO) training center, a private school that serves the sugar industry in Guyana, has strong industry interaction and places nearly all its graduates in the sugar industry. It is one of the few private institutions in the region that train for blue-collar professions. Success Training College in Bahamas is an excellent small private institution 180 L. Wolff offering courses in electronics and technology. Only in Jamaica do so some private institutions (e.g., B&B Institute of Business and Jamaica Institute of Management) offer officially recognized certificates and Associate of Arts (AA) degrees. Universities or BA-granting colleges often provide certificates, diplomas, and associate degrees similar to those offered in freestanding community colleges. They differ in that they also offer BAs. The effect is that the non-BA degrees are often considered of lower status and may receive less attention and/or lower levels of funding. The College of the Bahamas (COB) is a multipurpose institution offering a wide variety of associate degrees, certificates, and diplomas, as well as BAs, to 4,000 students, half of them part-time. The banking, IT, and education programs have good relationships with employers. COB is considering moving to “university” status, which would mean that it could offer graduate degrees and have in general a higher “status,” with uncertain impact on its programs below the BA degree. Trinidad & Tobago has established an umbrella organization – the College of Science, Technology and Applied Arts of Trinidad and Tobago (COSTAATT) – to encompass all its institutions that offer BAs, AAs, and certificates. The UWI, with campuses in Jamaica, Barbados, and Trinidad & Tobago, offers a significant number of diplomas and certificates that are less than BA degrees, often through its “continuing studies” department but sometimes as part of regular academic programs. It also provides “A-level” preuniversity preparation courses. There is little information on the size or effectiveness of the continuing education programs, which were conceived when the community college model did not exist in the Caribbean. The University of Guyana offers similar certificate programs. Freestanding “sectoral” training institutions provide training to nurses, agri- culturalists, police and others expected to work for the public sector. Some of these courses are typically found in North American community colleges. The schools have traditionally been linked with their respective ministries. In Jamaica and Barbados, they have been incorporated into a community college system. In Bahamas, the School of Nursing is now part of the College of the Bahamas, but in Guyana and Trinidad & Tobago the schools are still freestanding. Many graduates of nurse-training schools emigrate to the United States and Canada. Police-training bodies exist in most countries and are seeking to upgrade and coordinate their programs. Several hotel training or “hospitality” schools, including the Bahamas Hotel Training College, are of high quality but have recently been absorbed into umbrella institutions. Some are well managed, staffed and equipped, but all need increased cooperation and modernization of their curriculum. The model of sectoral training linked with specific ministries is out of date; these institutions are increasingly part of a community college consortium or association. In-service training to commerce, industry, and government is offered by a few mainly private institutions. One of the most successful and interesting of these institutions is the Royal Bank Institute of Technology (ROYTEC), which began as an in-house training center for banks in Trinidad & Tobago. It expanded to offer middle management training to other industries there and has now been absorbed by the 11 Challenges and Opportunities for Postsecondary Education and Training 181

UWI Institute of Business in Trinidad and Tobago, which also provides technical and administrative skills to middle-level and senior management. The National Training Agency (NTA) in Guyana, supported in its start-up phase by the EU, also has as one of its mandates in-service training of industry and commerce staff. Foreign-based virtual and distance training institutions are increasing their reach in the region, although little information is available. These include Phoenix and de Vrys Universities in the United States, and the British Open University. They offer certificates and degrees that may be recognized in their home countries. Meanwhile, official statistics say 16,000 Caribbean students attend bricks-and- mortar schools overseas. Information is not available on the levels and types of postsecondary education and training these students are seeking. Skill-training opportunities are provided alike to those who have finished secondary school and to dropouts. The training institutions are usually not considered postsecondary, yet more and more of their students have completed secondary education. The schools are often associated with the ministry of youth or labor. Human Employment and Resource Training (HEART Trust) in Jamaica now reaches 80,000 young people per year, focusing on industry and services, mainly at semiskilled and skilled levels. Students usually do not work at higher levels. HEART has a “social” goal: getting high-school dropouts off the streets, inculcating positive social values, providing remedial learning, and offering skill training. HEART is financed by a 3% payroll tax, but only a few of its programs respond directly to industry requests. In contrast, some Latin American training institutions that are financed by an earmarked tax of around 1% (e.g., Servicio Nacional de Aprendizaje (SENA) in Colombia and Serviço Nacional de Aprendizagem Industrial (SENAI) in Brazil) do undertake programs at the specific request of industry, and they are increasingly offering training at the postsecondary level. After long discussions, Guyana decided not to use an earmarked tax, apparently because industry leaders were not convinced the training programs would meet their specific needs. The Barbados Vocational Training Board (BVTB) enrolls 1,500 students under a mandate similar to HEART’s. Several small “labor colleges,” such as Critchford Labor College in Guyana, provide similar programs linked with the Ministry of Labor. Efforts are increasing throughout the region to strengthen in-country coordination, cooperation, and articulation. Jamaica has set up coordination mechanisms to link community colleges through planning, sharing experiences and developing curriculum, as well as articulating with BA-granting institutions – a consortium with power and funds. The Barbados Community College, which has four campuses and many programs, is a good small-country approach to coordination: a single community college encompassing all the areas of postsecondary education. COSTAATT in Trinidad & Tobago is designed to link several institutions in that country. In the vocational/technical area, NTA in Trinidad & Tobago, the National Council on Technical and Vocational Education and Training (NCVET) in Jamaica, the BVTB in Barbados, and a National Council recently created in Guyana are designed 182 L. Wolff to link industry with schools and to establish a clear analytical and policy basis for vocational/technical education. These agencies are starting to get power, funds, a strong private-sector role, and a say in decision making. They are just beginning to develop labor-market observatories and to do the analytical work needed to identify needs and coordinate curriculum and course development. A Ministry of Science, Technology, and Tertiary Education has been established in Trinidad & Tobago, and a “tertiary” unit operates in the Jamaican Ministry of Education. Country and regional cooperation and articulation are also underway. Since 1999, CARICOM has been looking into common accreditation mechanisms for TVET and other programs. The region has been moving to develop a free flow of labor within the Caribbean, and common worker certification; CXC is seeking a common certification for vocational/technical skills. Some groups have sought to develop Caribbean-level training programs. For example, the Association of Caribbean Commissioners of Police (ACCP) revised its constitution and now rede- fines its mission to focus on three critical elements, including “the professional and technical skills development of police officers.” A regional Association of Higher Education Institutions meets from time to time.

Issues and Challenges

The five countries under study provide postsecondary education below the BA level through multiple institutions, missions, governance methods, structures, financing techniques, and quality levels of staff and curricula. The five governments recognize the importance of making these institutions more effective in training needed for middle-level manpower, and have initiated programs and approaches to strengthen and to expand them. This section summarizes five key issues and challenges: building institutional capacity; linking the public and private sectors more effectively; encouraging more vigorous coordination, certification, and articulation mechanisms; rethinking the role of academic institutions; and designing a system for sustainable and cost-effective financing of an expanded postsecondary system.

Strengthening Institutional Capacity

“Best practice” management of postsecondary non-BA-providing institutions could be defined as follows2: (a) responsiveness to identified labor force requirements; (b) curriculum design on the basis of competencies; (c) skillful integration of theory and practice into learning; (d) effective marketing to stakeholders, including industry, government, and secondary school graduates; (e) effective services to students such as remedial learning, guidance, and tutoring; (f) staff who combine theory and practice as well as a staff development plan; (g) exposure of students 11 Challenges and Opportunities for Postsecondary Education and Training 183 to industry; (h) effective in-service training provided to industry; (i) community involvement; (j) effective placement services for graduates; (k) articulation with other schools and institutions and with national standards; (i) an internal system of quality management and continuous process improvement; (m) good governance and planning; and (n) pride in its students and graduates. Many institutions in the region under study have some of the above characteristics, but none have all of them. Most Caribbean institutions are not adequately responsive to labor requirements, and most do not tie their programs of study to labor market needs. Only a very few institutions actively trace their graduates to rate the success of their training. Structural unemployment, especially of young people, will complicate these assessments, but, in any event, more attention needs to be paid to tracking graduates. In most cases, curriculum is still based on academic criteria rather than being “competency-based,” starting with occupational analysis. In a competency-based approach the goal would be to have a statement something like this: “After completing this course, all students will be able to accomplish 80 percent of the tasks in [a particular entry-level job].” A number of institutions say they are doing this, but their rigor is inadequate. At the same time, all students must have the basic mathematics and communications skills needed for continuous learning. One of the biggest challenges will be to link the teaching of general “transversal” math and language skills with specific job and skills training. Some TVET institutions focus excessively on narrow skills that may already be obsolete, or on skills that fulfill certification requirements inappropriate for the Caribbean. Meanwhile, many academic and technical institutions lack programs in areas such as business and management. Equipment is a critical issue in several countries, especially Jamaica and Guyana, which have inadequate public funds. Only a few Caribbean institutions ensure that instructors have both practical and academic credentials, paying them salaries that are competitive with the private sector. Student practical experience can include a wide variety of on-site and off-site training through internships, site-based work, “sandwich” courses, etc. There is no single model; whatever works in the local context can be used. Some institutions have been successful at this, but the majority provide an inadequate practicum over too short a time period. Most institutions do not work actively to place students. Sending a list of student names and grades to firms is not enough; success requires meeting directly with firms to discuss their needs and the performance record of recent graduates. Very few Caribbean institutions adequately market their programs. Problems range from outdated and inaccurate pamphlets to lack of interaction with the community and with business. It would not be difficult for every institution to have an up-to-date pamphlet on its programs and, for the larger ones, a Web site. School directors could be out regularly in the community and industry describing their services, and information could be readily available on enrollments, applicants, and placements by course of study. Inadequate marketing appears to be a result of a combination of poor training of school directors, lack of incentives for outreach, 184 L. Wolff and continuing demand for school places even when job opportunities are not available. Many institutions in the region provide some remedial programs in English and in basic math, but much more intensive work with clear learning outcomes is needed. This is of particular importance in the Caribbean because of the low quality of primary and secondary education. Equally as important is the explicit teaching of cooperation skills and good work habits, as well as rigorous codes of conduct, especially for boys.3 The GUYSUCO training center in Guyana is an example of an institution with a strong and well-enforced code of conduct within the classroom as well as outside (most student are boarders), including an insistence on high-quality shopwork. The result is well-trained graduates who move quickly into responsible jobs at GUYSUCO. Use of quality management systems is rare among the institutions studied, The Barbados Community College appears to be an exception. It would be appropriate for institutions to engage regularly (e.g., every 5 years) in a strategic planning exercise. Strategic planning requires availability of basic statistics on costs, students, teachers, programs, and student placement, but these are lacking in many institutions. Most postsecondary institutions, both public and private, in the Caribbean are considered second class or second rate compared to universities and BA-granting institutions. A major task is to incorporate the model of North American community colleges that take pride in their students, no matter what their level of preparation, and in the added value they offer. In this line, institutions need to incorporate the concept of the “learning college” (O’Banion), which focuses on learners’ needs, engages students as full partners in the learning process, offers as many options for learning as possible, brings students into collaborative learning activities, defines instructors’ roles by the needs of the learners, and documents achievements. Given the current rate of technological and demographic change, postsecondary institutions in the Caribbean also need to include in their mission statements a philosophy promoting lifelong learning. Regional leaders are aware of these needs and new paradigms, but much remains to be done. Finally, civil service status ensures Caribbean principals and schools of stability but gives them inadequate incentives and rewards for performance. In this region as anywhere, the school principal is key to a dynamic institution. Too few principals offer farsighted leadership and high-quality management. The task is to identify, train, and upgrade principals who have these qualities, and to design and implement incentive and support systems to encourage and reward leadership traits in education managers, including dismissal for principals whose performance is inadequate. While financial and human resources are obviously not as plentiful in the Caribbean as they are in North America, the challenge is to move continually closer to this model. The Caribbean institutions that do best are those that are well financed, autonomous, and held accountable for their results. Another and probably the most important determining factor is the quality and continuity of institutional leadership. Farsighted and creative leaders who are also good managers are key to successful institutions. 11 Challenges and Opportunities for Postsecondary Education and Training 185

Linking the Public and Private Sectors

As noted above, public institutions and agencies need to be responsive to the private sector and labor market needs – i.e., they should be “demand-driven.” At the same time, private education and training institutions can be seen not as competitors but rather as strategic partners to the mission of public institutions. Private education can encourage diversity in offerings as well as reduce the burden on public finances. Most individual institutions do not have formal links with the private industrial and commercial sectors, and governing councils for colleges have little or inadequate private representation. Around the region, TVET-coordinating councils already include the NTA in Trinidad & Tobago, the NCVET in Jamaica, the National Vocational Training Board in Barbados, and a National Council recently created in Guyana, all of which have a private-sector voice. These committees need more power, funds, and a say in decision making, and the private sector needs a stronger if not predominant voice. Without power, industrial and commercials firms and groups will not be interested in serious participation. A major task of these councils would be to examine labor market trends and needs and to link the findings with new course and curriculum development. Given the increasing mobility of workers, many labor market studies should be regional in scope. If postsecondary institutions are independent of the Ministry of Education, they can be more agile in responding to changing labor market needs, can offer market- level salaries, end or open courses as needed, and more freely hire and fire staff as needs change. While universities and colleges usually have this autonomy, TVET institutions like BTVI in Bahamas and all the public TVET schools in Guyana now have little or no independence. Public institutions do not have policy incentives to provide for a contract- based fee and in-service training to meet industry, commerce, agriculture, and service-sector needs. Incentives could include providing matching grants, allowing institutions to keep payments (with proper oversight) to use for improving their own services, or funding for equipment to meet the needs of new demand-driven programs. Since the region’s current demographic transition will soon lower the numbers of school-age young people, existing workers can be expected to be a major source of demand for training. Much more local and regional research is needed on labor market trends and needs, linked with new course and curriculum development. Most important is a labor market “observatory” to identify emerging trends quickly. Several countries have begun to develop such programs, which could include tracer studies of recent graduates and their experiences; surveys of employers’ perceived shortages in staffing and skills; projections of skills needs in growing markets; studies of migration patterns of all levels of workers, within and outside the Caribbean; trends in productivity; occupational analyses (e.g., definitions of skills required in individual occupations and relations to curriculum); and analyses of rates of return. Only Jamaica reports that a significant percentage (37%) of postsecondary level institutions is officially private, but “unofficial” private institutions are growing rapidly. 186 L. Wolff

More and more students in Trinidad & Tobago are enrolled in private institutions, but exact numbers are unknown. Guyana has no officially recognized private postsecondary education institutions, and Barbados and Bahamas only a few. Current government policy in the five countries, except for Jamaica, tends to be one of benign neglect, or even active suspicion that private institutions are exploiting students and providing little in return. Many options exist for strengthening private provision of education and training. Certification and accreditation procedures, both national and regional, are important but onerous rules could discourage private sector growth and participation. A training levy, as developed in Jamaica and common in Latin America, is one possibility. But the Jamaican levy is too high (3% of payroll) and industry does not directly benefit, as most trainees are out-of-school young people with few employment opportunities. A training levy of around 1% is likely to be acceptable to industry in the rest of the Caribbean. As in some countries in Latin America, firms could receive a rebate when they train their own staff in recognized courses and programs. Trinidad & Tobago is experimenting with “dollar for dollar” grant support to students attending private postsecondary institutions. An alternative used elsewhere in the world is to “buy” places in private institutions that provide educational services not available in a public institution. Public oversight is required to ensure that funding serves some public good, be it equity, meeting labor market needs, or improving institutional quality. It is also in the public interest to ensure fair business practices and truth in advertising in private education. Studies on the current and potential role of the private sector in education often cover only a portion of the private institutions, usually elite well-financed institutions like GUYSUCO and Bahamas Baptist Institute. More complete studies could also examine private IT providers, distance learning institutions, and even “mom and pop” outfits that provide training in secretarial, accounting, business and computer services. These studies could examine how the public sector relates to the private institutions, including oversight and certification, as well as noting trends around the world on best practices in public–private relationship.

Building Coordination, Articulation, and Cooperation

In-country and intercountry coordination, cooperation, and articulation are especially important in the Caribbean because of the region’s low economic diversification, low economies of scale, and high migration rate. Overlapping institutional missions can make programs nonviable in cost and clients. Postsecondary education works best when programs are articulated to permit students to transfer from one to another and to continue their education at higher levels. Coordination at a regional level can foster area-wide courses and programs where no one country can muster enough students. Regional cooperation can also create labor market mobility to broaden the Caribbean economic base. Programs of student and institutional testing and accreditation would be prohibitively costly if each country developed them separately. 11 Challenges and Opportunities for Postsecondary Education and Training 187

As noted above, Jamaica links its eight community colleges through planning, sharing experiences and developing curricula, as well as articulating with BA-granting institutions. The Barbados Community College, with four campuses and many programs, is an example of a small-country approach to coordination – i.e., it is a single centrally managed community college that delegates powers to each campus. COSTAATT in Trinidad & Tobago is playing an increasing coordinating role for postsecondary institutions. One study (Dussel, 2004) examined efforts in Jamaica and Trinidad & Tobago to develop effective skills certification. Jamaica’s system is more developed, with consistent financing, alliances with the industry and service sectors, and a focus on “level 1” (semiskilled) training. Trinidad & Tobago’s system, more recently and less firmly established, needs to expand beyond level 1, while its NTAs need more funding and greater prestige. Regional cooperation and articulation is moving forward. CARICOM has been working since 1999 on common accreditation mechanism for TVET and other programs. A Caribbean Association of Training Agencies (CANTA) was established in 2003, and a Caribbean Vocational Qualification (CVQ), awarded by the CXC, has begun to replace country standards (CARICOM, 2007). Movement continues toward a free flow of labor within the Caribbean, as well as common worker certification, as recommended by the 2003 Caribbean Community Council for Human and Social Development (COSHOD) meeting of Ministers of Labor. Free flow of some categories of skilled labor is expected by 2009. Regional cooperation in training teachers for postsecondary education is an important goal. Distance education could be helpful, but the small number of potential students in the region could make it not cost- effective unless existing programs or networks are adapted to the Caribbean. The ACCP is one group focusing on upgrading and coordinating training. It recently redefined its mission to include the professional and technical skills development of police officers. A variety of regional associations could be established and/or strengthened for community college principals and leaders and associations in sectors such as health, agriculture, accounting, IT training, etc. With new technologies, groups no longer have to meet in person and can organize virtual meetings using closed-circuit television or the Internet.

Rethinking the Role of Institutions Granting Academic Degrees

Institutions granting BAs and other higher degrees impinge on all other postsecondary institutions, since any reform of postsecondary education below the BA must coordinate with these institutions. UWI, UTECH Jamaica and UG had until recently a near-monopoly on BA degrees. The College of the Bahamas and Barbados Community College also award BA degrees. Private international institutions such as Temple University, De Vrys and Phoenix are moving into the region, especially in Jamaica, which offers the largest economies of scale. While they receive no incentives, they clearly believe that there is a viable market for their services. 188 L. Wolff

This growth of private institutions offering degrees, and of private distance education courses, confirms that the regional market for BAs is growing. UWI implemented a strategic plan for 2002–2007 and is now preparing a follow- up plan for 2007–2012. As the consensus “apex” or highest-quality institution in the region, UWI emphasizes graduate education and research and proposes only modest undergraduate enrollment increases from 2002 to 2007 at its three campuses. UWI sought cost recovery equivalent to 20% of expenditures per student while becoming more student-centered and cost-effective. The new 2007–2012 plan projects a continued emphasis on research and graduate education and on high-quality offerings in specific areas of regional comparative advantage. The university is willing to cancel or curtail programs with little demand, and is also seeking ways to respond to national rather than just regional priorities. Two elements of UWI’s plan impinge on schooling below the Bachelor of Arts level. UWI seeks to expand its distance education program, which could draw students from non-BA schools. UWI also seeks to expand the School of Continuing Studies, its part-time and evening courses unit, mainly at a level below the BA degree, and to incorporate both institutions into a new “Open Campus” (UWI, 2007). The University of Guyana has similar plans to improve its continuing studies programs. While competition is usually a good thing, the UWI and UG programs might not be economically viable because the potential student pool is so small. Furthermore, neither UWI nor UG appears agile enough in responding to employer or potential student demands. Both UWI and UG may need to look critically at the viability of their efforts to get into this new market. The small potential clienteles and lack of economies of scale can hurt competing programs. An institution like UWI may wish to focus on what it does best – deliver high-quality undergraduate and graduate studies and research, without trying to expand into AAs, certificates, and nondegree programs. UWI’s outreach to industry could focus on middle- and higher-level management training. Trinidad & Tobago, Barbados, and Bahamas are establishing “university colleges” independent of UWI to meet national needs. The Barbados Community College would become a “university college” and Bahamas College would become a university. But there is a risk that this will downgrade the importance and quality of programs below the BA level. “Academic creep” could end in a situation where associate degrees, certificates, and diplomas are considered second rate and all incentives for students push them toward the BA level. Experience in the United States and Canada suggests that it is best for “community college” institutions to be independent of BA-granting institutions.

Designing Sustainable Financing for an Expanded Postsecondary and Higher Education

Upper-income countries with per capita GDP similar to that of Bahamas and Barbados are already enrolling 50% of the postsecondary and higher education age 11 Challenges and Opportunities for Postsecondary Education and Training 189 group, and middle-income countries are enrolling 30%. While it is impossible to set a specific target for enrollment growth, both social and labor-market demands are likely to lead to major increases. Gross enrollment ratios could reach or exceed 40% by 2015 in most of the five countries. Barbados is already at this level, and the government of Trinidad & Tobago, where enrollment is less than 10%, has set a 60% ratio as a target for 2020. Postsecondary and higher gross enrollment ratios will increase in part because these institutions will serve not only 20- to 24-year- olds but also adults in the labor force who seek to upgrade their skills. Agencies not normally considered postsecondary, such as labor colleges and youth training programs, ought to be included in these numbers as growing numbers of their clients have a secondary education. More important than increasing enrollment is the need to encourage the growth of community college-type institutions. This is already occurring on a country-by- country basis, but regional institutions like CARICOM have not yet taken up this challenge. By 2015 these could account for 60–70% of all postsecondary enrollments, but a combination of inertia and ingrained social attitudes could lead to enrollments larger than needed and possibly unsustainable at universities and other BA-granting institutions. Finally, increased private postsecondary education could promote diversity and alleviate financial burdens on government. In order to assess the financial feasibility of increasing enrollment, enrollments and expected public expenditures were projected to 2015 for the entire education system in four of the five countries studied (Tables 11.1–11.3 financial data was lacking for Bahamas). The assumptions are that gross postsecondary and higher enrollment would be 40% of the school-age cohort. Enrollments in primary and secondary education would be 100% of the school-age population and 80% in preprimary. Because of the current demographic transition, in which families are having fewer children, primary and secondary enrollments in the five countries are expected to increase only marginally or decline by 2015. On the other hand, enrolling 40% of the eligible population in postsecondary and higher education would raise Trinidad & Tobago enrollment from 8,000 to 40,000 students; enrollments in Guyana and Jamaica would triple and in Bahamas would double. Barbados is already enrolling 36% and so would require little to reach 40%. Unit costs in postsecondary and higher education in 2000, based on data reported to UNESCO (Table 11. 2), vary greatly from country to country. Trinidad & Tobago spent US$12,239 (PPP) per student, compared to US$9,178 in Barbados, US$6,039 in Jamaica, and only US$840 in Guyana. Jamaica’s unit costs are high compared with its per capita income. It is interesting that Trinidad & Tobago spent only US$846 per primary student and US$965 per secondary student – less than Jamaica, which is a much poorer country, and less than 20% of what Barbados spends. Public expenditures on education to 2015 are projected on the following assumptions: (a) per-student expenditures increase in Jamaica and Barbados at the same rate as growth of GDP per capita; (b) expenditures per primary and secondary student increase in Trinidad & Tobago and Guyana to 16% and 20% of GDP per capita, respectively, to cover what appears to be a “quality” shortfall in per-student costs; (c) Guyana’s per-student expenditures in postsecondary education double to 190 L. Wolff Postsecondary (projected at 40% enrollment) (CELADE) and enroll- y education is projected crease enrollment to 100% is expected to be maintained. is expected Secondary (projected at 100% enrollment) Postsecondary Primary (projected at 100% enrollment) Secondary Number of students by level of education Number of students by level Preprimary (projected at 80% enrollment) Primary Preprimary Enrollment for 2000 and projections for 2015 (CEPAL/CELADE, author calculations) Enrollment for 2000 and projections 2015 (CEPAL/CELADE,

Table 11.1 Table Countries ment goals defined for each level. Preprimary projected enrollment is 80% by 2015, as the current ratio in Caribbean countries for each level. ment goals defined Goal of 100% by 2015; secondary education is projected to in Primary education is projected to reach the Millennium Development in the Summit of Americas; postsecondar already met the 75% goal for 2005 defined by 2015, as most Caribbean countries have YearBahamasBarbadosGuyanaJamaica & TobagoTrinidad Projected enrollment for 2015 is based on population projections from El Centro Latin American and Caribbean Demographic Center 2,073 2000 27,111 6,282 41,845 10,421 106,448 33,423 2015 a 30% average. countries currently have to increase enrollment 40% by 2015, as upper-middle-income 5,545 22,437 80,181 33,145 155,360 24,225 107,250 108,909 2000 35,064 328,496 19,004 77,901 301,338 2015 133,679 29,184 25,367 272,395 68,764 102,265 2000 36,077 304,657 19,663 80,837 7,737 2015 6,547 35,995 8,078 9,539 40,346 2000 12,350 105,255 24,770 7,120 2015 11 Challenges and Opportunities for Postsecondary Education and Training 191

Table 11.2 Unit cost by level of education (Bruneforth et al., except for Guyana; authors’ estimates based on data provided by Ministry of Education of Guyana) Preprimary Primary Secondary Postsecondary Countries 2000 2015 2000 2015 2000 2015 2000 2015 Bahamas n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. Barbados n.a. – 4,632 7,217 5,168 8,052 9,178 14,299 Guyana 361 579 303 1,220 552 1,669 863 2,786 Jamaica 386 429 902 1,001 1,409 1,564 6,039 6,705 Trinidad & Tobago n.a. n.a. 846 1,438 965 1,640 12,239 20,804 In Guyana’s and Trinidad & Tobago’s public expenditure for primary and secondary education, the unit cost (US$1,220 and US$1,669, respectively, for Guyana and US$2,858 and US$3,910, respectively, for Trinidad and Tobago) is significantly below average. The projections assume that these figures increase to 19% of GDP per capita for primary education and 26% for secondary education, assuming the increase will achieve Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries’ average education expenditures. Because of its low starting point, Guyana’s expenditures in postsecondary education are projected to increase at twice the rate of other countries.

Table 11.3 Public expenditure in education as percent of GDP (year 2000 and 2015 projections) (Author’s calculations based on World Bank data and on data provided by Ministry of Education of Guyana) Public expenditure in education as percent of GDP Preprimary Primary Secondary Postsecondary Total Countries 2000 2015 2000 2015 2000 2015 2000 2015 2000 2015 Bahamas n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 3.2 n.a. Barbados n.a. n.a. 2.4 1.8 2.9 2.2 1.8 1.5 7.1 5.5 Guyana 0.5 0.3 1.1 1.9 1.2 2.7 0.3 1.4 3.1 6.3 Jamaica 0.1 n.a. 3.0 2.4 4.0 3.9 1.5 3.9 8.7 10.2 Trinidad & Tobago n.a. n.a. 1.1 1.4 1.0 1.7 0.8 4.1 2.9 7.2 Trinidad & Tobago’s public expenditure for primary and secondary education, as a percentage of GDP (0.7% in both cases), is significantly below OECD countries’ average, unlike other Caribbean countries such as Jamaica and Barbados. A possible quality boost is projected to increase spending to 19% of GDP per capita for primary education and 26% for secondary education, assuming the boost achieves OECD countries’ average on education expenditures. Guyana’s data are estimates based on data provided by the Ministry of Education (MOE), Guyana. cover what appears to be a “quality” shortfall compared to its neighbors; (d) the percentages of enrollments in private education do not increase and cost recovery in higher education is zero; (e) per capita GDP rises in accord with estimates by the World Bank. On this basis, public expenditures on education as a percentage of GDP are projected to 2015 (Table11.3). Results vary greatly. With a relatively high per capita income, high enrollment ratios and a declining population, Barbados appears well able to finance its public education system, as spending would decline from the current 7.1% to 5.5% of GDP by 2015. This suggests that Barbados could afford to increase enrollment ratios in postsecondary education to 50% or even 60% of the school-age population. 192 L. Wolff

In contrast, Jamaica would need to increase public expenditure on education from the current 8.7% to over 10% of GDP. This is unlikely, and Jamaica would have to reduce its per-student expenditures in postsecondary education and/or increase private-sector participation. Trinidad & Tobago would need to increase education spending from 2.9% of GDP (low compared to its neighbors and competitors) to 7.2%. This would mean quadrupling enrollments in postsecondary and higher education, increasing expenditures per student at the primary and secondary levels to amounts consistent with competitors, and continuing to spend a high amount per postsecondary education student. To increase quality and enrollments at all levels of education, Guyana would need to raise its education spending from 3.1% to 6.3% of GDP. This might be especially difficult because of the low percentage of GDP currently going to government services. No matter what the apparent feasibility of future public financing, all five Caribbean countries under study will need to seek creative ways of reducing the burden on public funds for expanding their postsecondary education. Any savings could be plowed back into the education and training system through increased outreach or higher quality. There would be three options – increasing cost recovery, encouraging the growth of private education, and increasing the number of courses offered below BA level, in community college-type institutions. Cost recovery, common in the United States, is no longer a taboo subject even in Europe. Recent legislation in the United Kingdom introduces cost recovery into all UK postsecondary institutions. Cost recovery not only increases revenue to government; it also encourages students to complete their studies in the requisite time period. Several Caribbean institutions (e.g., UWI, UG) already recover about 20% of their costs. Barbados is beginning to discuss cost recovery in its public institutions. University-level institutions could charge more than postsecondary non-university institutions do, since their clientele is usually of higher socioeconomic status. Encouraging the growth of private institutions is another option. At present only Jamaica officially reports a significant number (37%) of private postsecondary institutions, but “unofficial” private institutions are growing rapidly. Trinidad & Tobago has a policy of publicly subsidizing private institutions through its “dollar- for-dollar” program, but enrollment in private institutions is reportedly still low. Guyana has no recognized private postsecondary institutions, and Barbados and Bahamas only a few. Loan and scholarship funds for the needy could be developed. Given the small size of the Caribbean countries, a regional effort with a commercial bank might be considered. To reduce the burden of increased postsecondary enrollments for government, the growth of full-fledged universities could be restricted and the growth of shorter certificate and associate degree programs in the community college model encouraged. The savings would be significant. For instance, spending in Jamaica per student per year at UWI is more than four times the cost at community colleges. As students attend community colleges for 2 rather than 4 years, government savings would be eightfold for every student enrolled in community colleges rather than university. This could work especially well if articulation toward the university 11 Challenges and Opportunities for Postsecondary Education and Training 193 level was better, so that deserving students could transfer in with a minimum of difficulty. A final but almost unstudied option for reducing costs per graduate is to reduce repetition and dropout. Adequate financing of postsecondary and higher education does not mean providing money to continue the status quo. It means using public funds to achieve policy goals such as quality, equity, and relevance. Financial accountability is fundamental. This could include simple, clear reports by institutions on costs per student and per graduate, student/teacher ratios, placement of graduates, and the extent to which articulated goals of cost, graduate numbers and student placement have been met.

Notes

1. This chapter is based on a report prepared by the author for the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) as well as on case studies prepared for the IDB by the Association of Canadian Community Colleges (ACCC). The opinions expressed in this chapter are those of the author only. 2. These criteria were prepared by the Association of Canadian Community Colleges (ACCC) as part of its case studies prepared for the IDB. 3. Boys in the Caribbean consistently dropout and under-perform in school settings compared to girls. See for example Jha and Kelleher (2006) and Evans (2001).

Bibliography

Association of Canadian Community Colleges (ACCC), “A National Skills Agenda,” http://www. accc.ca/english/advocacy/national_skills_agenda.cfm Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo, “Hacia Visiones renovadas del financiamiento educativo en América Latina y el Caribe (Cumbre de las Americas, Monterrey México 2004),” Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo, Washington, DC, 2003. Barbados Community College, “Annual Report Volumes I and II,” Barbados, 2000. Barbados Community College, “Calendar 1999–2001,” “Fashion Portfolio 2003,” “The Hospitality Institute,” Barbados, 2003. Barbados Ministry of Education, “Post-Secondary Education in Barbados,” Barbados, 2004. “Barbados Vocational Training Board: Evening Programmes,” Barbados, 2004. “Barbados Vocational Training Board: Skills Training,” Barbados, 2004. “Barbados Vocational Training Board: Apprenticeship,” Barbados, 2004. Bruneforth, Michael, Albert Motivans and Yanhong Zhang. Investing in the Future: Financing the Expansion of Educational Opportunity in Latin America and the Caribbean,” Unesco Institute for Statistics, Montreal 2004. Caribbean Community Secretariat, “Working Document for the Sixth Special Meeting of the Council for Human and Social Development,” Trinidad and Tobago, 2003. Caribbean Development Bank, “Human Resource Development Policy,” Guyana, 2002. Caribbean Development Bank, www.caribank.org/Policies.nsf/HRD?OpenPage Caribbean Examinations Council, www.cxc.org Caribbean Group for Cooperation in Economic Development (CGCED), “Workers and Labor Markets in the Caribbean: Policies and Programs to Increase Sustainable Economic Growth (Volumes I and II).” Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), Washington, DC, May, 1998. 194 L. Wolff

CARICOM, “Caribbean Vocational Qualification To Be Launched In Jamaica” Press Release 2007, Georgetown, Guyana (www.caricom.org) Carnegie School of Home Economics, Georgetown, Guyana, 2002. Cortazar, Rene, “Labor Market Institutions: Trinidad & Tobago,” N.p.: October 2003. De Ferranti, David et al., World Bank. “Closing the Gap in Education and Technology,” World Bank, Washington, DC, 2003. De Moura Castro, Claudio, and Garcia, Norma, M., eds., “Community Colleges: A Model for Latin America?” IDB, Washington, DC, 2003. De Moura Castro, Claudio, and Belasconi, Andres, “Community Colleges and Latin America: Clone, Inspire, or Reject,” draft, IDB, Washington, DC, 2004. Deltasoft Computer Training and Services, Advertisement, 1 January 2004. Deltasoft: http://www.deltasoft.co.tt Dussel, Ines, “Convergence and Divergence in Skills Certification Systems in Two Countries in the Caribbean Region,” IDB, Washington DC, 2004 (unpublished). Erdiston Teachers College, “Hand Book 2000–2001,” Barbados, 2000. Evans, Hyacinth, “Issues in Gender and Gender Equality in the Caribbean,” Meeting of the Major Project, Cochabamba, Bolivia, 2001. Global Technology, “Academic Year 2003–2004,” Guyana, 2002. Government of Guyana, “Ministry of Economics: Digest of Educational Statistics of Guyana 1998–1999,” Ministry of Education, Guyana, 1999. Government of Guyana, “Ministry of Economics: Digest of Educational Statistics of Guyana 1999–2000,” Ministry of Education, Guyana, 2000. Government of Guyana, “Ministry of Education: Strategic Plan 2003–2007,” Government of Guyana and IDB, Guyana, 2003. Government of Trinidad and Tobago, “Report of the Committee on National Training,” Port-of Spain, April 1998. Government of Trinidad and Tobago, Ministry of Education, “Education Policy Paper (1993– 2003).” National Task Force of Education (White Paper) Ministry of Education, Trinidad and Tobago, 2002. http://www.nalis.gov.tt/education/educpolicy_philosophy.html Hecker, Daniel, E., “Employment Outlook: 2000–10: Occupational Employment Projections to 2010,” Monthly Labor Review, Washington, DC, November 2001. Hicks, Norman, and Wodon, Quentin, “Reaching the MDGs (Millennium Development Goals) in Latin America: Preliminary Results,” Hypotheses for the Annual Rate of GDP Growth in Latin American Countries, 1998–2015, World Bank, Washington, DC, June 2002. Inter-American Development Bank, “Higher Education Strategy Paper,” IDB, Washington, DC, 1999. Inter-American Development Bank, “Good Jobs Wanted: Labor Markets in Latin America,” IDB, Washington, DC, 2003. Jha, Jyotsna, and Kelleher, Fatimah, “Boys Under-Achievement in Education,” Commonwealth of Learning, London, 2006. Johnson, Alan, “Foundation Degrees: Meeting the Need for Higher Level Skills,” www.foundationdegree.org.uk Katz, Jorge, “The Jamaican Economy at a Cross-Roads-Technology, Education and Growth,” unpublished manuscript, IDB, Washington, DC, 2004. L’Ecuyer, Jacques, “Technical Education in Quebec,” draft, IDB, Washington, DC, 2004. Also see http://www.cegepinternational.qc.ca/anglais/cegeps_sys.html Miller, Errol, “Towards Common Standards in Primary Education in the Commonwealth Caribbean,” Caricom Secretariat, Guyana, December 2002. Naciones Unidas, “CELADE – Población y Desarrollo. Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL): Estimaciones y Proyecciones de Población 1950–2050.” http:// www.eclac.cl/celade/proyecciones/intentoBD-2002.htm O’Banion, Terry, A Learning College for the 21st Century. (American Council on Education) Oryx Press Series on Higher Education, Phoenix, AZ, 1997. 11 Challenges and Opportunities for Postsecondary Education and Training 195

Ortuzar, Soledad, ed., Association of Canadian Community Colleges (ACCC). “Community Colleges Models in the Caribbean,” IDB, Washington, DC, September 2003. Raffe, David, “Unifying Vocational and General Education: European Approaches,” draft, IDB, Washington, DC, 2004. Salmi, Jamil, “Tertiary Education in the 21st Century: Challenges and Opportunities,” World Bank, Washington, DC, 2002. Sanchez-Paramo, Carolina, and Schady, Norbert, Presentation, “Closing the Education Gap in Latin America and the Caribbean,” Washington, DC, October 2, 2002. The Private Sector Commission of Guyana Ltd., “Private Commission of Guyana: Annual Report 2002,” Sheik Hassan Productions, Guyana, 2002. The University of the West Indies, “Strategic Plan II 2002–2007,” Kingston, Jamaica, March 2003. http://www.uwi.edu/pdfs/strategicplan2.pdf The University of the West Indies, “Draft Strategic Plan 2007–2012,” Kingston, Jamaica, 2007. Tsang, Mung, C., Fryer, Michelle, and Arevalo, Gregorio, “Access, Equity, and Performance: Education in Barbados, Guyana, Jamaica and Trinidad & Tobago,” IDB, Washington, DC, 2002. United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, “International Standard Classification of Education 1997,” Paris, November 1997. University of Guyana, “Institute of Distance and Continuing Education,” Guyana, 2002. University of Guyana, “Institute of Distance and Continuing Education: Annual Report 2002/2003.” University of the West Indies, “Strategic Plan II 2002–2007,” Jamaica, 2003. Werum, Regina, E., “Trinidad & Tobago’s Post Secondary Education System: Bottlenecks in Technical Training Programs,” Emory University, Atlanta, GA, 2003. World Bank, “World Development Indicators,” 2003a, World Bank, Washington, DC, 2003a. http://devdata.worldbank.org/dataonline/ World Bank, “Millennium Development Goals: Achieve Primary Education,” World Bank, Washington, DC, 2003b. http://www.developmentgoals.org/Education.htm World Bank, “Constructing Knowledge Economies: New Challenges for Tertiary Education,” World Bank, Washington, DC, 2003c. Chapter 12 Globalization of Higher Education and Community Colleges in Vietnam

Diane E. Oliver, Pham Xuan Thanh, Paul A. Elsner, Nguyen Thi Thanh Phuong, and Do Quoc Trung

Globalization of Higher Education and Community Colleges in Vietnam

The purpose of this chapter is to discuss the effects of globalization on Vietnam’s community colleges. The first section begins with definitions for the terms globalization, neoliberalism, and internationalization, as used in this chapter. The second and third sections examine the effects of globalization and their manifestation in Vietnam’s community colleges with particular emphasis on diversification and decentralization of the higher education (HE) system. The fourth section describes internationalization as an important impetus in Vietnam’s development of community colleges, but it also presents Tran’s (1998) argument that Vietnam has always used great discretion in deciding what to adapt from the education models of other countries (the “Vietnamese factor”) (p. iii). The fifth section describes general characteristics of community colleges in Vietnam as well as some of their “local” challenges. The conclusion is a synthesis of the chapter bringing together concepts of globalization, internationalization, and the local context of community colleges in Vietnam.

Globalization

This multifaceted concept “refers to the description and explanation of social processes that transcend national borders” (Davies and Guppy, 1997, p. 436), and the “increasingly integrated systems and relationships beyond the nation” (Marginson and Rhoades, 2002, p. 288). Globalization involves the movement of economies, technologies, people, and ideas across borders, and it affects individual countries differently as a result of their unique contexts (Knight, 1999). In education, “globalization also refers to the closely intertwined economic and education agendas promoted by the major international donor and technical assistance agencies – namely the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and national overseas aid agencies” (Arnove, 2003, p. 2). According to Schugurensky (2003), there are three related phenomena that cause HE systems to articulate at the global

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 197 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 198 D.E. Oliver et al. level: (a) the way in which international and national organizations influence policy; (b) the development of regional block countries, and (c) “a broader consolidation of international epistemic communities” that concur on definitions and problems within their fields thus enabling a common discourse (p. 297). Vietnamese educators generally view globalization as trends that reach beyond national borders to integrate the world’s socioeconomic and educational processes (Vietnamese senior administrator, September 29, 2007, personal communication). As seen in this chapter, the phenomena described by Schugurensky (2003) that result in convergence of HE globally are at work in Vietnam: structural readjustment influenced by international organizations (World Bank), membership in regional and global organizations (World Trade Organization (WTO) ), and collaboration with educators internationally (community college development).

Neoliberalism and Performance Accountability

A powerful dimension of globalization is neoliberalism, which has been exerting a substantial impact on higher education institutions (HEIs) worldwide. Olssen and Peters (2005) argue that the traditional culture of intellectual inquiry in HE is being replaced by an emphasis on “performativity” (performance) as evidenced by measurable outputs that are reflected in strategic plans, quality indicators, and academic audits (p. 316). According to Levin (2001a), neoliberalism results in a “business culture” in which organizational behaviors emphasize performance, such as productivity (p. 64). Government policies that are based on neoliberal thinking have resulted in major reductions in social spending, economic deregulation, and liberalized import policies (Arnove et al., 2003; Schugurensky, 2003). Arnove et al. (2003) argue that “educational counterparts of these policies have included moves to decentralize and priva- tize public school systems” (p. 324). According to Davies and Guppy (1997), the government adopts market-oriented policies that result in an increased demand for relevant skills training. In an emergent knowledge-based economy, HE curriculum reform must include new skills and knowledge, critical and creative thinking, problem solving, and entrepreneurialism (Davies and Guppy, 1997; Mok, 2003). A knowledge- based economy also makes lifelong learning an essential component of HE. The dynamics of neoliberalism include (a) increased autonomy provided to the HEIs by the government along with demands for increased accountability; (b) decreased government funding; (c) steering of the HEIs by the government through legislation, policies, and funding incentives; (d) increased demands for HEIs to be competitive, efficient, and productive; (e) increased pressure on the HEIs to be entrepreneurial in finding their own funding sources; and (f) pressure on HEIs to establish relationships with industry to ensure that programs are relevant to workforce needs (Levin, 2001a, b, 2005; Mok, 2003; Newman et al., 2004; Stromquist, 2002). Characteristics associated with neoliberalism have been manifesting themselves in Vietnam’s HE system since the government policy of Doi moi (Renovation) was established in 1987 to pursue a new socialist, market-oriented economy. HEIs were 12 Globalization of Higher Education and Community Colleges in Vietnam 199 tasked by the government with making their programs more relevant to the needs of the economy, which was no longer based on the centralized 5-year plan (Oliver et al., 2008). The leadership of the community colleges views recent reforms providing more autonomy in making management decisions as a positive change that will facilitate the further development of these institutions. However, as was strongly expressed during a seminar on accreditation organized by the Ministry of Education and Training (MOET) in Ho Chi Minh City on December 3, 2002, the form that accountability takes is of great concern to HE leaders. At that time, the standards were not yet established and the HEI leaders knew there were quality issues in their institutions. They did not want to be held accountable for problems they were unable to address given the limited resources available to them. By 2006, much progress had been made in setting standards and a new government-operated accreditation process began at the university level; community colleges soon will be included in accreditation.

Concepts of Internationalization

Internationalization in Vietnam’s current context primarily refers to visits by foreign faculty and other experts, as well as cooperation with cross-national HE entities. Yet, Vietnam is being increasingly affected by what Levin (2005) refers to as student commoditization through international competition. This is evidenced in the establishment of foreign programs and universities within Vietnam, as well as efforts to attract foreign students. Most of the international students attending Vietnam’s universities come from Korea, Japan, China, Cambodia, Laos, and other countries in the region; none yet study in the community colleges. The concept of internationalization as a “dialectic between the global and the local” (Arnove, 2003, p. 2) is also essential to understanding the dynamics of globalization, particularly in a developing country like Vietnam. Ngo et al. (2006) argue that Appadurai’s concept of “vernacular globalization” enables the analysis of Vietnam’s HE reforms; it explains that changes must result from an integration of globalized dialogue concerning HE reform in light of local histories and culture (p. 226). Additionally, Ngo et al. (2006) attend to the “micropolitics of implementation” by demonstrating “how local factors such as size, intra-organizational relations, commitment, capacity and institutional complexity mold responses to educational policy and mediate the flow of Western ideas pertaining to higher education” in Vietnam (p. 226).

Diversification

As stated by Schugurensky (2003), in the twenty-first century, HE systems worldwide have continued on a path toward institutional diversification and vocationali- zation with a concomitant shift to neoliberalism, privatization, and greater pressure 200 D.E. Oliver et al. from “market dynamics in social exchanges” (p. 292). In developing countries, such as Vietnam, challenging financial situations combined with pressure from international lending agencies have led to adoption of structural adjustment programs resulting in government funding cuts for education, as well as other social services, and the implementation of user fees. Jones (2004) states that the World Bank sought to bring world policymakers a coherent, comprehensive, and neoliberal framework. He also maintains that a 1995 World Bank policy statement shows that the organization “saw education as merely another sector subject to privatization and decentralization” (p. 193). In brief, globalization and neoliberalism are partially characterized by diversification in types of institution and sources of funding. Globally. On the global end of the internationalization dialectic, Stromquist (2002) argues that increased economic globalization results in a demand for instrumental education, “which can be tied to goals of production, productivity, and employment” (p. 105). This leads to specialization and diversification in types of postsecondary educational institutions. Additionally, developing countries are faced with the challenge of increasing opportunities for access to HE without increasing government funding. The World Bank’s solution has been to consistently advocate for diversification of funding and types of institutions, including non-university HEIs. One World Bank (1994) report stated: “[I]n the most successful cases, non-university institutions offer training that responds flexibly to labor market demands” (p. 5). Many countries have used diversification as a response of HEIs to address different workforce requirements in a variety of occupations, and open the education market to private enterprise. Stromquist (2002) states that diversification requires deregulation, shifts the financial burden to students and parents, and provides student choice thus increasing the competition for students. Additionally, because globalization involves “the closely intertwined economic and education agendas promoted by the major international donor and technical assistance agencies” (Arnove, 2003, p. 2), developing countries have felt pressure from the World Bank, the Asia Development Bank, Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), the United States Agency for International Aid (USAID) and others to diversify their funding sources and types of HEIs as a means for enabling systemic capacity building (Oliver, 2002). Stromquist (2002) has predicted that in developing countries, globalization will emerge through the adoption of initiatives used in developed countries. Such adoptions include decentralization, privatization, assessment of student outcomes, and closer links between education and industry. Additionally, and of particular significance for community colleges, Stromquist (2002) argues “that globalization will create … the demand for a relatively small number of university-trained graduates while ensuring that there will continue to be persons with lower levels of education” (p. xxi). According to Holzer and Lerman (2007), 45% of all job vacancies in the United States between 2004 and 2014 will be in the middle-skill categories, meaning the jobs will require more than a high school education but less than a 4-year degree, and 33% will be in the high-skill job categories. Road to Diversification in Vietnam. The 6th Party Congress decided in December 1986 to adopt a new national policy called Doi moi, which “literally 12 Globalization of Higher Education and Community Colleges in Vietnam 201 means renovation and refers to the process and consequences of pursuing an open- market orientation while maintaining the principles of socialism as interpreted by the Communist Party of Vietnam” (Sloper and Le, 1995, p. 3). Following the introduction of this new policy, Vietnam’s HE system had to reorient itself from the sole mission of supplying workers for the state sector to serving an economy that would be responsive to the global market (Tran, 1998). After 1986, realizing that limited student access was one of the most challenging problems facing the HE system, a new direction was taken through diversification of funding and types of institutions to increase the system’s capacity. HEIs began charging tuition and in December 1988, MOET authorized establishment of the first HEI in a new nonpublic category comprising people founded and semipublic institutions. Today, this cost recovery sector (not funded by the government) has grown and includes various types of institutions: people-established, semipublic, foreign-owned, and now private HEIs (Oliver et al., 2006). The semipublic institutions were founded by the government (providing the land) with investments from social and political organizations, as well as individuals (Oliver, 2002). These institutions “enjoy financial autonomy” (Pham, 1998, p. 157), which means they do not receive government funding. Within the last few years, the government decided to discontinue the semipublic configuration and make them private HEIs. People-founded institutions are owned, managed, and financed by social and professional organizations, such as trade unions, cooperatives, and women’s associations (Ashwill, 2005; Oliver, 2002). The HE system comprises 255 universities and colleges (MOET, 2007a). Currently there are 12 community colleges: Ba Ria-Vung Tau, Binh Thuan, Ca Mau, Dong Thap, Ha Noi, Ha Tay, Hai Phong, Hau Giang, Kien Giang, Lai Chau, Soc Trang, and Vinh Long (see Table 12.1). One additional

Table 12.1 Vietnam’s community colleges (as of April 2008) Current status (other than Community college Established or opened Region continuing as a community college) Ba Ria-Vung Tau August 30, 2000 South Dong Thap August 31, 2000 South Ha Tay August 30, 2000 North Hai Phong August 30, 2000 North Quang Ngai August 30, 2000 Central 2007: Became a university Tien Giang August 30, 2000 South 2005: Became a university Tra Vinh August 03, 2001 South 2006: Became a university Vinh Long April 01, 2002 South Kien Giang April 01, 2002 South Hau Giang August 01, 2005 South Ha Noi December 19, 2005 North Soc Trang June 08, 2006 South Binh Thuan August 30, 2007 Central Ca Mau September 20, 2007 South Lai Chau November 6, 2007 North Dac Nong Proposed Central Pending approval from MOET 202 D.E. Oliver et al. province, Dac Nong, is currently going through the process to establish a community college. This involves submitting a proposal to the government (MOET, and concurrently the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and the Ministry of Planning and Investment) that includes a training needs assessment for the province, projected enrollments, programs, and resources (e.g., buildings, faculty, partnerships, and funding) available to support the proposed HEI. Although the capacity of the HE system has grown substantially, it still is not able to meet the demand. Between academic year 1999/2000 and 2004/2005, total HE enrollments grew by 148% (from 893,754 to 1,319,754) (MOET, 2007a), but between 1993 and 2003 enrollments increased by 600% as the number of HEIs doubled (MOET, 2006). A primary responsibility of the community colleges, according to the recent draft regulation written by community college rectors, titled Ministry of Education and Training Status for the Organization and Operations of the Community Colleges, is to organize the training according to targets, programs, and professional branches allowed to train; to carry out scientific research and technological development; to link training with scientific research and production and with scientific technological services according to Laws; to continue training with socio-economic issues in its locality and in the region. (MOET, 2007b, p. 2) Stated somewhat differently, the community colleges have three fundamental responsibilities: (a) manage the programs and institutions in accordance with the decisions made by MOET and the People’s Committee, (b) continue to advance the knowledge and technological capacities of the institution with particular emphasis on addressing community and regional socioeconomic needs, and (c) assist the communities served through providing consultancy and training. Regarding the level of training needed in Vietnam, one of the well-informed senior academics, who also is in the National Assembly, stated during an interview: Vietnam probably needs only 10% academics and the remaining 90% should be trained as technicians, occupational specialists, and small or middle-scale entrepreneurs to satisfy the needs of the labor force. (Oliver, 2002, pp. 150–151) He thought universities should serve the market sector defined as state-owned organizations, large companies, and foreign-owned companies. Community colleges should focus on the development of private industry, training entrepreneurs, and developing small and medium-size businesses (Oliver et al., 2008). Most of the community colleges are located in rural areas; therefore, training for sustainable development of the economic sector described by this academic is of particular importance. Although community colleges still are not widely understood in Vietnam, a more recent indication of changing perspectives concerning the importance of a community college education has been government statements in the media regarding a need to focus more on providing vocational, occupational, and technical training through community colleges and other institutions. This view also has been encouraged by international funding agencies. Ayumi Konishi, country director of the Asian Development Bank Resident Mission in Vietnam, as quoted in Vietnam News (2006) stated: 12 Globalization of Higher Education and Community Colleges in Vietnam 203

[T]he country has entered a new stage of development. The industrialization process requires a well-trained labour force. Efforts should be made to enhance the population’s skill levels to meet new demands in the workplace and increase productivity. (para. 25) Future Diversification in Vietnam. After 11 years of intensive effort to gain admission, Vietnam became the 150th member of the WTO on January 11, 2007. This membership has placed the country closer to the forces of globalization and will potentially increase the diversification of its HE system. From the Vietnam community college perspective, WTO offers the potential for increased opportunities to receive international cooperation. It also challenges the community colleges to enhance the quality of their training and to achieve international standards. The community colleges want to provide human resources not only locally, but also for the entire country, as well as for labor export. Their students would benefit from having qualifications that enable them to work for foreign joint venture and fully foreign-invested enterprises. Yet participation in the WTO includes compliance with the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), which liberalizes trade by removing barriers and thus promotes the movement of education (more people, academic programs, and providers) across borders (Knight, 2003; UNESCO, 2004). This means that international imbalances are likely to affect HE planning in Vietnam. There are education exporting and importing countries; for example, the United States and Canada are exporting while Vietnam is importing. According to the US Department of Commerce, international education is the fifth-largest US service export and in the 2005/2006 academic year, it brought in US$13.5 billion (Smith, 2007). Nguyen Kim Dung (as cited in Nguyen et al., 2006) expresses concern from the Vietnamese perspective: “We can enjoy fresh winds to make our health better; concurrently, there may be unhealthy winds that do harm to us with weak bodies” (p. 2). Cross- border HE is growing, and it is creating competition among domestic and foreign institutions for students, as well as student and scholar exchange programs. But, as stated by Knight (2003), “at the heart of much debate” is concern about quality and accreditation (p. 22). Vietnam is aware of the challenges and is seeking a systematic means for protecting its people from unsavoury operators. At the community college level, globalization delivered in the form of cross- border HE has already begun. One example is the Saigon Institute of Technology (Saigon Tech), located in a high-tech park outside of Ho Chi Minh City. Saigon Tech was established in 2003 as an affiliate of the Houston Community College District and because this institution offers credits toward an associate’s degree awarded by the Houston Community College District, it was necessary to seek and receive accreditation from the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools (SACS), one of six regional accrediting agencies in the United States. A second example of cross-border affiliation is an IT training institute from India (National Institute of Information Technology [NIIT]) that established a cooperative agreement in 2005 with Kien Giang Community College to offer training courses for people in Kien Giang Province. The students are trained in two areas: Internet networks and software technology. Upon completion of the 3-year program, students 204 D.E. Oliver et al. are granted an international certificate by NIIT. Kien Giang Community College equipped classrooms with modern computers to enable the training program to meet the international standard. In these two examples, cross-border HE took the form of cooperation that was beneficial to both Vietnamese HEIs. Competition for the community colleges may take the form of local, joint venture, or international private universities. Vietnam’s students would much prefer having a bachelor’s degree rather than a college degree or certificate (Oliver et al., 2008). One senior academic in Ho Chi Minh City, who has advocated for the establishment of community colleges, indicated during an interview that it is a “psychological obstacle. Students normally want to complete the 4-year program of study to obtain a B.A. or B.S. degree” (Oliver, 2002). Confucian roots, which place a high value on knowledge, influence Vietnamese preferences. This has been a challenge to the development of community colleges because some People’s Committees and their constituents prefer having a provincial university. In January 2005, the community college in Tien Giang was converted to a provincial university, in 2006 Tra Vinh Community College became a university, and in 2007 Quang Ngai Community College affiliated with Quang Ngai Teacher Training College to become Pham Van Dong University. However, it is too soon to speculate about what this means for the future of community colleges in Vietnam, especially considering that despite these conversions into universities, the total number of community colleges is gradually growing.

Decentralization

According to Bray (2003), there are two types of decentralization: territorial and functional. Territorial decentralization refers to a vertical distribution of control to different levels of government (national, state, and local), and is the meaning of decentralization employed in this chapter. Functional decentralization is horizontal as it distributes power to different authorities that operate at the same level. In Vietnam, decentralization is linked to increased institutional autonomy; therefore, as was the case with diversification, the dynamics of neoliberalism are well served by moving toward decentralization. Through decentralization HEIs have greater flexibility to deal with decreases in government funding, yet the government can steer with legislation and ensure accountability using accreditation. Globally. Many countries, including Vietnam, have historically maintained a very centralized education system; thus, the move toward delegating more authority to the HEIs constitutes a major change. Yet global trends do not necessarily operate in the same way at national levels. Mok (2003) provides a specific example of this in his discussion of East Asian HE reforms. Decentralization policy is being implemented in the four Tigers (Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan, and mainland China), which have historically maintained highly centralized education systems. However, this does not mean deregulation or a withdrawal of state control because many accountability mechanisms have been developed including accreditation, performance reviews, and benchmarking against the world’s top-ranked universities. Thus, the state’s role in regulation and coordination becomes stronger and some 12 Globalization of Higher Education and Community Colleges in Vietnam 205 academics view deregulation as being a form of “re-regulation” (Mok, 2003, p. 208). This phenomenon is explained by Bray (2003) when discussing the problems of defining the terms centralization and decentralization: “Deconcentration … may seem like a form of decentralization when viewed from the central ministry but may be a mechanism to exert tighter control on the periphery and may thus be seen as a form of centralization” by nonministry professionals (p. 223). Vietnam also seems to be on a course of decentralization, more autonomy, and increased accountability. The country’s context and policy implementation will strongly influence the outcome. Governance and Structure in Vietnam. Primary authority for governing the HE system in Vietnam lies with the highly centralized MOET, which is responsible for drafting and implementing policy guidance, as well as supervising the connection between all education programs and management of the HEIs (Dang, 2002). Community colleges report to MOET for all curricular matters, new student enrollment numbers (to ensure that these are in balance with the institution’s capacity), and administering the National Entrance Examinations. The development of curriculum in HE, including community colleges, is based on a structure of 30% to be completely stipulated by MOET (referred to as the core), and 70% to be stipulated by MOET as a curriculum framework for each field of study. Within the 70%, up to one third can be changed by the institution through adding and deleting subjects as a result of emerging information or local needs. The community colleges report to their Provincial People’s Committee on all matters dealing with administration and budget. They also provide written reports to MOET on budget, staffing, enrollments, and the number of graduating students. HEI Autonomy in Vietnam. A trend toward greater autonomy for the HEIs now appears in government documents. In November 2005, the Prime Minister signed the Resolution on Fundamental and Comprehensive Reform of Higher Education in Vietnam 2006–2020 (2005). The resolution is also referred to as the Higher Education Reform Agenda (HERA), which identifies the need to better integrate recent changes and address other reforms, including international approaches to advancing HE (Oliver et al., 2006). The first item on the HE “reform agenda proposes to confer legal autonomy on HEIs, ‘giving them the right to decide and be responsible for training, research, human resource management and budget planning’ ” (Hayden and Lam, 2006, para. 6). The MOET has acknowledged that HE is controlled by a centralized ministry, but one MOET (2006) report states: “[T]here is official recognition of the need for increased institutional autonomy if HEIs are to diversify, innovate, compete and improve” (p. 1). Vietnamese community college leaders feel encouraged by the government regulations that increase autonomy with the delegation of more authority for making decisions concerning management, including task accomplishment, number of staff they can hire, and finance. They view the expanded autonomy and accountability as being demonstrative of a new outlook on the part of the government, and they think this change creates a momentum that will promote the development of community colleges in a more positive and dynamic direction, as well as enabling them to better address the needs of the communities they serve. Challenges of Decentralization and Autonomy in Vietnam. Yet the transition to a more decentralized system is difficult because the administrators and faculty 206 D.E. Oliver et al. of these HEIs have not received the type of knowledge, skills, experience, and resources necessary to manage their institutions effectively within a new systemic structure. According to St. George (2006), the HEIs do not know how to connect with the labor market, develop examinations, and implement new teaching methods. St. George (2006) gives the example of a province in Vietnam where they attempted to be innovative by developing an independent community college that would design curriculum to match local needs; however, in the end, they lacked sufficient resources to establish the college. Viewed from another perspective, perhaps what is considered innovative in the West could be considered nontraditional in Vietnam, and thus it would not be readily accepted. And a project of this nature would require strong endorsement by MOET, which might be unlikely because nonuniform curriculum makes centralized management of HE more difficult. It also would require support from the People’s Committee, but the concept of community colleges is still new and not always well understood in Vietnam. In a 2006 newspaper article, the Prime Minister requested that MOET explain the differences between community colleges and other junior colleges, yet there are no extant explanations concerning the distinction between these two types of institutions. Due to the lack of adequate understanding concerning the community college model, which is still in a formative phase of development, provinces have continued to establish various types of 3-year colleges, including monodisciplinary (e.g., construction, architecture, transportation, and health), pedagogical, interdisciplinary, public, and private institutions, in addition to existing community colleges. As a result of this confusion, there is a dispersion of limited resources, and community colleges have not become fully understood by the public or policymakers. This issue may be an impediment to decentralization as it is difficult for the government to delegate authority to institutions when their structure and functions are not well understood. Accountability in Vietnam. According to the dynamics of neoliberalism, increased autonomy creates a need for higher levels of accountability. Over the last few years, Vietnam has been implementing a means to ensure increased accountability and quality improvement. One of the specific objectives in the HERA is to “establish and develop quality assurance mechanisms and a HEI accreditation system” (Resolution on Fundamental and Comprehensive Reform of Higher Education in Vietnam 2006–2020, 2005, para. 2.b.2). In December 2005, MOET established ten accreditation standards, including 53 criteria for universities and since then 62 HEIs have gone through accreditation. This same accreditation process will be used for community colleges and other 3-year institutions ( colleges), which will have a common set of standards. As of late 2007, MOET had drafted the regulation on evaluation standards and sent it to all of the colleges for comment. Once comments have been received, MOET will complete and issue the accreditation standards for implementation. In summary, Vietnam has diversified its HE system and funding, and appears to be moving toward increased institutional autonomy. The government also is increasing accountability through the establishment of a quality accreditation system. With its new membership in WTO, and the consequent pressures of GATS, Vietnam will likely experience even greater global influences in its HE system. 12 Globalization of Higher Education and Community Colleges in Vietnam 207

Thus, the next section endeavors to inform the discussion of internationalization by examining the development of Vietnam’s community colleges using Arnove’s (2003) concept of a dichotomy between the global and the local.

Internationalization and Community Colleges in Vietnam

The “Vietnamese Factor.” Tran (1998) researched the French and Soviet influences on HE in Vietnam, and her conceptual framework is called the “Vietnamese factor” (p. iii). She argues that the emergence of modern HEIs was a result of French colonial interests and the “Vietnamese factor”: “With their inherent education aspirations, the Vietnamese were not passive recipients of foreign inventions” (p. iii). She further asserts that the “Vietnamese factor” was equally apparent when the country was closely allied with the Soviet Union. Contrary to common assumptions, the evolution of Vietnamese universities during the past several decades was not determined by the Soviet Union. It was first of all guided by Vietnamese pragmatism. The use of [the] Soviet higher education model by the Vietnamese is characterized by Vietnam’s judicious adaptation of the model to serve the country’s needs. … It is the combination of foreign ideas and Vietnamese reflection on them which has had a powerful impact on the development of Vietnamese higher education. (Tran, 1998, pp. iii–iv) This “Vietnamese factor” is important to understanding the international collaboration that has occurred in the development of Vietnam’s community colleges. When Vietnamese community colleges seek advice and training from an international partner, this should not be interpreted as adoption of the international model. However, the availability of funding from an international source may influence the adoptions and adaptations. This dynamic is understandable because without funding the opportunity to develop a diversified HE system is severely constrained, and absent prior experience with community colleges, seeking models to draw from seems prudent. Early International Collaboration and University Support. Can Tho University, in the Mekong Delta, has long been a proponent of establishing community colleges (Oliver, 2002), and this university is well known for its skill in developing productive international partnerships (Tran and Sloper, 1995). Also, the Netherlands has been giving support to HE in Vietnam, including Can Tho University, for the past 30 years, and today’s projects are valued at €24 million (US$35 million) (Royal Netherlands Embassy Hanoi representative, December 12, 2007, personal communication). The Netherlands initially provided funding to MOET for technical programs that could seed the development of community colleges, and although Can Tho University would have assisted with the establishment of all these HEIs in the Mekong Delta, the National Assembly decided that six community colleges would be established, two in the North, one in the Central region, and three in the South (Oliver, 2002). Thus, the funding was used to begin the development of one core program, either in food processing or mechanical engineering, at each of six community colleges. Five of the community colleges opened on August 30, 2000 208 D.E. Oliver et al.

(Ba Ria-Vung Tau, Ha Tay, Hai Phong, Quang Ngai, and Tien Giang) and the sixth (Dong Thap) opened the following day. The Dutch do not have community colleges, but their universities of professional education offer technical training similar to that planned for core programs at the six Vietnamese community colleges. The Dutch support was not about HE model building; it provided aid in the form of technical education and training programs that contributed to sustainable socioeconomic development. Vietnamese faculty received training in the Netherlands and the community college curriculum was developed. However, in 2003, the Netherlands stopped funding these programs and the Vietnamese community colleges made alternate arrangements with Vietnamese universities enabling students already in the program to complete their studies. The importance of the initial funding from the Netherlands is difficult to determine, yet it is probable that without this support the first six community colleges would not have come into being. Concurrently pursuing other initiatives, Can Tho University was key in facilitating international assistance to support the Tra Vinh, Vinh Long, and Kien Giang People’s Committees’ efforts to establish a community college for their respective provinces. Canada provided partial funding (Canadian International Development Agency) and professional assistance (Association of Canadian Community Colleges, and a consortium of four Canadian institutions led by the Saskatchewan Institute of Applied Science and Technology) to establish Tra Vinh Community College (Oliver et al., 2008); this project began in 2001. In 2006, approximately a year after the Canadian project ended, the People’s Committee decided, based on the training needs of the province, to turn Tra Vinh Community College into a university. Although the Canadian project has ended, good relations remain and Tra Vinh University continues to be an associate member of the Association of Canadian Community Colleges (ACCC). The American Association of Community Colleges (AACC) Web site lists the institution as Tra Vinh University College, which may indicate that community college functions continue to operate within the university. A US consortium comprising Mohawk Valley Community College (New York), the Kentucky Community and Technical College System, Richland College (Texas), and Texas Tech University has worked with Kien Giang Community College since its establishment in 2002. This partnership initially grew out of a relationship between Can Tho University and Texas Tech University. As noted in the Memorandum of Understanding on Academic Cooperation and Exchange signed in 2002, the institutions agreed to promote exchanges of faculty, administrators, students, and academic information and materials, as well as organize joint conferences. Exchanges were facilitated by a USAID/Association Liaison Office (ALO)-funded 2003–2005 cooperative project to develop Kien Giang Community Colleges’ IT workforce-training program. This project focused on needs assessment, faculty training, and curriculum development. Globalization has been manifested in the development of international cooperation among the community colleges. In October 2005, Kien Giang Community College became a member of the AACC. Additionally, with support from the US consortium members, Kien Giang Community College successfully hosted two 12 Globalization of Higher Education and Community Colleges in Vietnam 209

US–Vietnam community college conferences in 2005, 2006, and 2007. Participants at the conferences included delegates from US universities and community colleges, Vietnamese universities and community colleges, a Canadian technical college, the Ministry of Education in Thailand, and delegates from the Fulbright Program. Yet, the “Vietnamese factor” applies just as much to community colleges in the past 7 years as it has to the development of universities throughout Vietnam’s history. Perhaps the most influential partner has been Canada as the Tra Vinh project was well funded and effectively managed; however, the focus was on providing knowledge and skills to Vietnamese faculty, staff, and administrators in areas that would result in sustainability, including needs assessment, curriculum development, technology, and teaching skills. And within the dichotomy between the global and the local, the People’s Committee decided to transition this HEI into a provincial university. In the case of Kien Giang, the unavailability of substantial outside funding has limited the scope of cooperation; thus, the US partners and Kien Giang Community College have focused on developing projects. Vietnam Association of Community Colleges (VACC). For the community colleges, a recent indication of consolidation and internationalization, as well as a small increase in autonomy, has been the establishment of the VACC. Although the community college rectors first discussed forming an association in November 2002, it took until September 14, 2006 for the Ministry of Internal Affairs to issue its official decision authorizing the VACC. The VACC announced its establishment at a press conference held on October 17, 2006 during an AACC visit to Ho Chi Minh City. This AACC delegation comprising 27 colleges was in Vietnam to promote US community colleges; they held their first community college fair in the region on October 18, 2006 (J. Irwin, January 3, 2007, personal communication). The VACC has joined AACC and AACC now has membership in the VACC. Additionally, the ACCC joined the VACC. Because the VACC is quite new, their operations and the substance of international cooperation at the larger organizational (in contrast to the individual institution) level are still being discussed. One initiative that is being considered by the rectors is the establishment of a center of quality accreditation for Vietnam’s community colleges. During the conference on Enhancing (the) Capacity of American and Vietnamese Community Colleges, held in Kien Giang on March 27 and 28, 2007, VACC suggested that the US community colleges could help in some way to develop this center. Accreditation is new in Vietnam; therefore, the concept of what this center should be is still unclear, but VACC intends to continue discussions with the AACC on how to develop this initiative. While the VACC facilitates internationalization of the community colleges, it also has benefits at the “local” level. In the past, the rectors of the community colleges only could come together when MOET called a meeting. One rector said that he greatly valued the meetings because they enabled the leaders of the community colleges to share thoughts, problems, and practices that had been successful (a community college rector, December 2003, personal communication). The VACC will provide a necessary formal structure for facilitating interaction and cooperation among the rectors. 210 D.E. Oliver et al.

The Local Context of Vietnam’s Community Colleges

Having discussed globalization in relation to Vietnam’s community colleges, this section will look at some of their local features and challenges. Although it is difficult to specifically describe community colleges in Vietnam because they are still a work in progress, some general characteristics can be provided. The challenges described are at the systemic level and generally represent the views of the community colleges. Funding. Provincial government funding comprises a portion of the community college’s budget but the largest part comes from other funding sources. For example, Kien Giang Community College currently receives 20% of its operating budget from the Provincial People’s Committee (to pay for the administrative and teaching staff) and 80% from other sources, such as student tuition, training contracts with businesses, income from scientific research and services (science and technology), and financial support from governmental and nongovernmental organizations inside and outside of Vietnam. Admissions. Community colleges recruit first-year students using the students’ scores on the National Entrance Examination that is controlled by MOET and administered by public universities, or the community college may administer its own entrance examination. In the case of Kien Giang Community College, its Directorial Board (rector and vice rector) decides which entrance examination will be used. Based on the “cut score” (the minimum score for a student to be admitted to a university or college), as determined by MOET for the National Entrance Examination, and the quota (number of students to be admitted per year) approved by the Provincial People’s Committee, the Directorial Board decides the final cut score to admit new students and reports this information to MOET. Students’ high school grades also are factored into the admission decision. Because the demand for HE in Vietnam is greater than the capacity to provide it, open admissions as found in North American community colleges are not feasible, and although most students would prefer to attend a university, the opportunities are limited. At Kien Giang Community College a relatively high percentage of the students have gained admission. In 2006, nearly 86% of the students who took the entrance examination were admitted, and approximately 70% of the province’s postsecondary students attend the community college. Many of these students are from lower-income groups and thus must work, and some of the students are from minority groups (e.g., Khmer and Chinese). Nontraditional-aged students are accommodated through short courses for workforce development. Faculty. One of the difficult challenges facing the community colleges is the scarcity of qualified faculty, particularly in Vietnam’s rural areas (ten of the 12 community colleges are rural). But this is a problem across Vietnam’s HE system; even many of the university faculty do not have graduate degrees because the “pipeline” is small and the pay is low in HE. In the rural areas, the number of people having bachelor’s degrees as well as career field experience is limited. Hoang (2007), the general secretary of the VACC, reported that there are 1,466 administrators and faculty at 11 community colleges (Tra Vinh University was included). Of these, 242 12 Globalization of Higher Education and Community Colleges in Vietnam 211

(16.5%) have postgraduate degrees, 891 (60.7%) have a bachelor’s degree, and the rest are at “different levels” (Hoang, 2007, p. 4). For a more specific example, Hau Giang Community College, in the Mekong Delta, began operating in December 2005 and has a total of 2,318 students (Ha, 2007). Its personnel structure includes three senior administrators, 35 lecturers, 16 adjuncts, and 29 administrative departmental staff. Five have master’s degrees, 46 have bachelor’s degrees, and eight are college (normally a 3-year degree) or secondary school graduates (Ha, 2007). Because many of Vietnam’s community colleges lack a sufficient number of trained faculty, they often invite administrators or specialists from other organizations to give lectures. Students obtain more practical knowledge through the practitioner’s shared “stories” that link course content to the work context; however, inviting (adjunct) faculty also presents some problems. Some adjunct faculty lack teaching experience, and scheduling their classes can be difficult because their primary job responsibilities have a much higher priority; therefore, the quality of teaching can be adversely affected. Programs. In addition to college (3-year) degree programs, the community colleges offer continuing education with the goals of helping learners to find jobs, enhancing their knowledge and effectiveness, increasing their job security, and raising their earnings. Kien Giang Community College offers short courses for working adults to gain supervisory skills in a number of specializations, such as construction projects, computer installation, IT, and foreign languages. Also, Can Tho University has consistently advocated for transfer programs, but it was not until 2006 that MOET gave permission to transfer graduates in eight fields of study from community colleges to universities in the Mekong Delta region. Currently, Dong Thap, Kien Giang, and Vinh Long Community Colleges can transfer students to Can Tho University and Tra Vinh University. Hay Tay and Ba Ria-Vung Tau Community Colleges also have recently established transfer agreements. Other participating universities include Hanoi Agricultural University, Nha Trang University, Nong Lam University, and the Ho Chi Minh City Technical Teacher Training University. The universities select the fields for transfer and submit their proposals to MOET for approval. Among the approved fields of study are animal husbandry, IT, finance, general accounting, aquaculture, business administration, electrical and civil engineering, and food processing and technology. In the future, it is anticipated that articulation will be introduced for more fields and universities. Challenges. The community colleges face some challenges that need to be addressed within the structures of their “local” context, particularly in governance at the national level. Based on the two meanings of internationalization used in this chapter, it is important for those outside Vietnam who are interested in pursuing collaboration with Vietnamese community colleges to be aware of, and sensitive to, these challenges. Of great concern to the community college leaders is that their institutions continue to operate under a provisional regulation that was promulgated by MOET Decision Number 37/2000/QD-BGC&DT, dated August 29, 2000. Many provisions in this regulation are no longer suitable to the current situation; thus, the community colleges urgently need new regulations that will give them a legal 212 D.E. Oliver et al. basis for operating more effectively. A draft of the permanent operating regulations written by the rectors was introduced at the March 2007 US–Vietnamese community college conference held in Kien Giang, and international participants were asked to provide comments; the feedback was considered while finalizing the document. The final version of the regulations was submitted to MOET and currently is going through the approval process. In Vietnam, it is imperative that HEIs have official government regulations under which they can operate. Without these regulations, the community colleges’ functions are complicated, their efficacy could be questionable, and their future existence could be jeopardized. Another concern of community college leaders is the way in which these institutions are represented in the Education Law. Because community colleges do not have a long history in Vietnam and they are not clearly conceptualized, the regulations are vague. In Vietnam’s context where the institutions can only do what the regulations specifically authorize, this is troublesome. Additionally, in the view of these leaders, Vietnam’s participation in the WTO will accelerate the process of economic globalization, and increase the pace of reforming government processes, changing economic policies, and creating new approaches to human resource development. The community college leaders think that in formulating a strategy to advance education and training, the community college model becomes a very important part of the HE system in Vietnam. Thus, the Education Law and regulations should supplement the rules and operations of the community college model. In brief, community college features need emphasis and clarity within the Education Law. The community college leaders also have been discussing the need to clarify the role of community colleges and to increase their autonomy. Many of these leaders think the regulations should specify that community colleges fulfill two primary purposes: (a) teaching students the basic curriculum for the first 2 years and enabling them to continue the following 2 years at a university, and (b) training the community’s workforce with knowledge and skills that serve local socioeconomic development. The absence of discussion concerning a 2-year associate’s degree, as is found in North American community colleges, may exemplify the important role played by the “local” when working with international partners. According to one of the Tra Vinh Community College (TVCC) project members, the Canadian partners discussed the value of the 2-year degree with MOET in 2002, but this concept was not of interest. With regard to autonomy, the community college leaders think their institutions should be able to operate in a flexible manner, allowing for responsiveness to the evolving needs of their local communities. In summary, Vietnam HEIs and community colleges need regulations that enhance increased responsibility for management and operations at the institutional level. From a more holistic perspective, Vietnamese community college leaders think there is a great deal of redundancy, or overlap, in the responsibilities and functions of HEIs in Vietnam, thus creating inefficiencies in the distribution and use of limited financial and human resources. Vietnam has been diversifying the HE sector for approximately 20 years, and it may be time to review the system in the light of restructuring through some consolidation. The analysis required to 12 Globalization of Higher Education and Community Colleges in Vietnam 213 do this also could lead to clarification of the community college model and other institutions in the 3-year sector to strengthen their sustainability and operational effectiveness. Additionally, cooperation and communication among the community colleges and between the universities and colleges have not been developed. Explanations for this may be both cultural and economic; some societies are more open than others, and competition for very limited resources can create barriers to sharing information. The community college leaders are interested in developing ways to assess the effectiveness of the community college model now and into the future; however, the concepts of strategic planning and institutional effectiveness for quality improvement are relatively new in Vietnam. Additionally, the community colleges soon will be required to go through Vietnam’s new quality accreditation process, including a self-study. Thus, as mentioned previously, the VACC has decided to address this concern by developing a center for quality accreditation that could assist all the community colleges in the country. There is a need to develop assessment measures that go beyond the traditional audits, which primarily deal with use of resources. The community college leaders will look at international assessment models, as did MOET over a several-year time frame when they were deciding on a accreditation process for Vietnam, but undoubtedly the final form will ultimately reflect local accountability requirements and the socioculture context. When responding to the forces of globalization, Vietnam’s community college leaders understand that they need to make careful choices (the “Vietnamese factor”). Diverse international experiences can influence practical operations, and adaptations can contribute to the country’s socioeconomic development locally and nationally. They also know that in the age of globalization, it is necessary for community colleges to be sensitive, proactive, and effective in addressing national and local needs.

Conclusion

This chapter has shown that the characteristics of globalization and neoliberalism have altered Vietnam’s HE system, and more specifically assisted community college development. Vietnam seeks integration into the global economy, also referred to as the knowledge economy, and restructuring of the HE system has been considered an important means for achieving this. It can be argued that the most significant impact made by globalization on Vietnam’s community colleges has been in their creation and expansion, rather than in their shaping. Macro-level effects of economic globalization necessitated training of a skilled labor force. This global impact opened the door for establishment of community colleges in Vietnam. However, their establishment has been faced with two local challenges: (a) a culture that places much higher value on university degrees and (b) a lack of understanding on the part of government officials and the public regarding what a community college is or should be. In brief, the development of 214 D.E. Oliver et al. community colleges has been difficult and it will take several more years to determine if these institutions can succeed within Vietnam’s “local” context. Vietnam’s community colleges have looked outward for ideas in establishing their identity and structure. For example, the draft regulation states: [T]he community colleges undertake training for regional human resources, have close relations with the local community, and provide training according to needs with diversity in their programs and modes of training. (MOET, 2007b, p. 2) Although consistent with North American community college mission statements, this description of purpose does not mean the same as North American models. Historically, HE in Vietnam has been strongly influenced by other countries including China, France, and the Soviet Union; however, as argued by Tran (1998), these external influences have always been Vietnamized when applied to the local context. Thus, Vietnam provides an excellent example of the dialectic relationship between the global and the local. At the micro-level, the greatest challenge for Vietnam is to balance the curriculum between skills training and education. The workforce today must operate in a knowledge economy, which means there is a premium on being able to think critically and with creativity, to problem solve, and to know something about the cultures, languages, histories, geographic features, and economies of the world. A focused, skills-oriented curriculum may not be enough. These considerations are important to the future of all community colleges, particularly in view of the fact that there are community colleges or other similar types of HEIs in most countries (Elsner et al., 2008). Discussions of how to balance the curriculum between training and education are complex. Farnsworth (2007), a former US community college president, and current director of the Center for International Community College Education and Leadership at University of Missouri, St. Louis, describes a dialogue he had with a US-educated colleague in China regarding possible explanations for “American creativity” (para. 14). They concluded that it was the product of “a broad-based education that provides a social, cultural, and historical context for learning” (Farnsworth, 2007, para. 14). Yet Farnsworth (2007) examines with some anguish the notion that there may be justification for developing an applied technology degree at community colleges, which does not have the general education component, and is similar to the programs of many expensive and highly competitive North American proprietary technical schools. But perhaps one important difference between the HE contexts of North America and Vietnam is that North American students have many more choices and much greater access to HE. Farnsworth (2007) realizes that many academics and practitioners will not agree with his proposal or his perspective. In brief, although the challenges and diversity of views concerning balance in the curriculum are global, the appropriate response must be local. Globalization has opened the door for establishing community colleges in Vietnam. The dynamics of neoliberalism may increase their autonomy and thus enable them to better accommodate community needs, but if funding from the People’s Committees, tuition, and entrepreneurial activities is not sufficient, or 12 Globalization of Higher Education and Community Colleges in Vietnam 215 these HEIs do not achieve an improved level of understanding among the stakeholders concerning community college roles, their future could be tenuous. Yet, there are some bright spots in this complex mosaic. The government has specifically mentioned community colleges in the public media as being important to training the future workforce. MOET has allowed community college rectors to draft a permanent regulation for the operation of community colleges, which is essential to their longevity. And the Ministry of Internal Affairs has authorized the establishment of the Vietnam Association of Community Colleges. Perhaps the best advice comes from Ngo et al. (2006): Higher education reform, especially in a developing country … should not only aim to serve the challenges of globalization and the accomplishments of particular national interests, but also to take into consideration the local micro-contexts in order to achieve desired outcomes. (p. 226)

References

Arnove, R. F. (2003). Introduction: Reframing comparative education: The dialectic of the global and the local. In R. F. Arnove & C. A. Torres (Eds.), Comparative education: The dialectic of the global and the local (2nd ed.) (pp. 1–23). New York: Rowman & Littlefield. Arnove, R. F., Fanz, S., Mollis, M. & Torres, C. A. (2003). In R. F. Arnove & C. A. Torres (Eds.), Comparative education: The dialectic of the global and the local (2nd ed.) (pp. 313–337). New York: Rowman & Littlefield. Ashwill, M. A. (2005). Vietnam today: A guide to a nation at a crossroads. Boston, MA: Intercultural. Bray, M. (2003). Control of education: Issues and tensions in centralization and decentralization. In R. F. Arnove & C. A. Torres (Eds.), Comparative education: The dialectic of the global and the local (2nd ed.) (pp. 1–23). New York: Rowman & Littlefield. Dang, D. (2002). Cai cach giao duc dai hoc: Khong the quet cau thang tu duoi len (Reform in higher educational: Impossible to sweep the stair case from the bottom upward). Ban Tin Giao Duc, 11, 6–7. Davies, S. & Guppy, N. (1997). Globalization and educational reforms in Anglo-American democracies. Comparative Education Review, 41(4), 435–495. Elsner, P. A., Boggs, G. & Irwin, J. (Eds.). (2008). Global development of community colleges, technical colleges and further education programs. Washington, DC: Community College Press. Farnsworth, K. A. (2007). The 4 lessons that community colleges can learn from for-profit institutions. Retrieved May 11, 2007 from http:/chronicle.com/weekly/v53/i10/10b01701.htm Ha, H. V. (2007, March). Local authority’s functions in community college development. Paper presented at the American-Vietnamese Community College Conference, Rach Gia, Vietnam. Hayden, M. & Lam, Q. T. (2006). A 2020 vision for higher education in Vietnam. International Higher Education, 44. Retrieved August 14, 2006 from http:/www.bc.edu/bc_org/avp/soe/ cihe/newsletter/Number/p11_ Hayden_Thiep.htm Hoang, N. T. (2007, March). Vietnam association of community colleges: Reality and solution. Paper presented at the American-Vietnamese Community College Conference, Rach Gia, Vietnam. Holzer, H. J. & Lerman, R. I. (2007, November). America’s forgotten middle-skill jobs: Education and training requirements in the next decade and beyond. Washington, DC: The Work Force Alliance. Retrieved November 20, 2007 from http:/www.skills2compete.org/atf/cf/ {8E9806BF-4669-4217-AF74-26F62108EA68}/ForgottenJobsReport%20Final.pdf 216 D.E. Oliver et al.

Jones, P. W. (2004). Taking the credit: Financing and policy linkages in the education portfolio of the World Bank. In G. Steiner-Khamsi (Ed.), The global politics of educational borrowing and lending (pp. 188–200). New York: Teachers College. Knight, J. (1999). Internationalisation of higher education. In Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) (Ed.), Quality and internationalization in higher education (pp. 13–28). Paris: Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development. Knight, J. (2003). Trade in higher education services: The implications of GATS. Kagisano, 3, 5–37. Retrieved November 23, 2006 from http:/che.org.zadocuments/d000035?CHE_ Kagisano_issue3_2003.pdf Levin, J. S. (2001a). Globalizing the community college: Strategies for change in the twenty-first century. New York: Palgrave. Levin, J. S. (2001b). Public policy, community colleges, and the path to globalization. Higher Education, 42(2), 237–262. Levin, J. S. (2005). The business culture of the community college: Students as consumers; students as commodities. New Directions for Higher Education, 129, 11–26. Marginson, S. & Rhoades, G. (2002). Beyond national states, markets, and systems of higher education: A glonacal agency heuristic. Higher Education, 43, 281–309. Ministry of Education and Training (MOET). (2006). Technical assistance for preparation of the Higher Education Project No 2: Pre-feasibility report. 49, Dai Co Viet Street, Hanoi, Vietnam: Ministry of Education and Training. Ministry of Education and Training (MOET). (2007a). So lieu thong ke giao duc (Statistics on education). Retrieved January 24, 2007 from http:/www.edu.net.vn/Data/ThongKe/dhcd.htm Ministry of Education and Training (MOET). (2007b). Status for the organization and operations of the community colleges (draft regulation). 49, Dai Co Viet Street, Hanoi, Vietnam: Ministry of Education and Training. Mok, K. (2003). Similar trend, diverse agendas: Higher education reforms in East Asia. Globalisation, Societies and Education, 1(2), 202–221. Newman, F., Couturier, L. & Scurry, J. (2004). The future of higher education: Rhetoric, reality, and the risks of the market. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Ngo, T. M., Lingard, B. & Mitchell, J. (2006). The policy cycle and vernacular globalization: A case study of the creation of Vietnam National University – Hochiminh City. Comparative Education, 42(1), 225–242. Nguyen, K. D., Oliver, D. E. & Pham, X. T. (2006, December 12). Effectiveness of quality and commerce: The interaction between integration and quality standards of higher education in Vietnam. Paper presented at the Ministry of Education and Training sponsored forum on WTO Entry and Higher Education Reform, Hanoi, Vietnam. Oliver, D. E. (2002). The United States community college system as a potential model for developing countries: The case of Vietnam. (UMI No. 3068421). Oliver, D. E., Nguyen, K. D. & Nguyen, T. T. P. (2006, November 29). Higher education accreditation in Vietnam and the U.S.: In pursuit of quality. Paper presented at the Asia Pacific Education Research Association International Conference 2006, Hong Kong. Oliver, D. E., Engel, S. & Scorsone, A. (2008). Survey of community colleges in Vietnam. In P. A. Elsner, J. Boggs & J. Irwin (Eds.), Global development of community colleges, technical colleges and further education programs (pp. 175-185). Washington, DC: Community College Press. Olssen, M. & Peters, M. A. (2005). Neoliberalism, higher education and the knowledge economy: From the free market to knowledge capitalism. Journal of Education Policy, 20(3), 313–345. Pham, M. H. (1998). Vietnam’s education: The current position and future prospects. Hanoi: The Gioi. Resolution on Fundamental and Comprehensive Reform of Higher Education in Vietnam 2006–2020. (2005). (Nguyen Thi Thanh Phuong, Unofficial Trans.). Available from University of Social Sciences and Humanities, International Relations Office, 10–12 Dinh Tien Hoang, District 1, Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam. 12 Globalization of Higher Education and Community Colleges in Vietnam 217

Schugurensky, D. (2003). Higher education restructuring in the era of globalization: Toward a heteronomous model? In R. F. Arnove & C. A. Torres (Eds.), Comparative education: The dialectic of the global and the local (2nd ed.) (pp. 292–312). New York: Rowman & Littlefield. Sloper, D. & Le, T. C. (1995). (Eds.), Higher education in Vietnam: Change and response. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Smith, L. (2007). Nafsa official urges Congress to take steps to raise foreign-student enrollments. Retrieved July 2, 2007 from http:/chronicle.com/ daily/2007/07/20007070204n.htm St. George, E. (2006). Positioning higher education for the knowledge based economy. Higher Education, 52, 589–610. Stromquist, N. (2002). Education in a globalized world: The connectivity of economic power, technology, and knowledge. New York: Rowan & Littlefield. Tran, H. P. (1998). Vietnamese higher education at the intersection of French and Soviet influences. (University Microfilms International No. 9918255). Retrieved May 27, 2000, from UMI ProQuest Digital Dissertation database. Tran, P. D. & Sloper, D. (1995). Serving national goals and the local community: The case of Can Tho University. In D. Sloper & Le, T. C. (Eds.), Higher education in Vietnam: Change and response. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). (2004). Guidelines for quality provision in cross-border higher education. Retrieved November 1, 2006 from http:/www.unesco.org/education/ hed/guidelines. Vietnam News. (2006, December 14). Education needs reform, not commercialization. Retrieved December 17, 2006 from http:/vietnamnews.Vnagency.com.vn/showarticle.php?num=01 COM141206 World Bank. (1994). Higher education: The lesson of experience. (World Bank Stock No. 14023). Washington, DC. World Bank. Chapter 13 Technological Universities: A Relevant Educational Model for Mexico?

Marisol Silva Laya

Introduction

Mexico’s experience with short vocational programs in higher education is relatively recent. In the early 1990s, the Mexican government decided to promote such programs by creating technological universities, which offer 2-year programs for high school graduates and award a degree called “Técnico Superior Universitario” (“University-trained Higher Technician”). Programs of this type, classified as level 5B on UNESCO’s ISCED, are not only focused on teaching specific skills for entry into the labor market (UNESCO, 1997), but also prepare students to continue higher education. As this article will show, Mexico’s technological universities are similar to community colleges: both offer 2 years of postsecondary education, promote the learning of skills that guarantee employment, and provide access to higher education for the masses in places where access had previously been denied. However, the technological universities, unlike community colleges, do not offer open access, a flexible curriculum, or possibilities for part-time students. Technological universities have occupied an important place in Mexico’s educational policy by offering education to broad segments of the youth demanding higher education, especially those living in relatively poor areas. However, in spite of assured government incentives, the option has not gained popularity in Mexico’s system of higher education. Proof of this is provided by the fact that only 3% of the total enrollment in higher education is in technological universities. In such a scenario, it seems relevant to evaluate whether Mexico’s technological universities respond to the real conditions and needs of Mexican society. This chapter, based on an integral analysis of quality and a policy approach, seeks to evaluate the incorporation and development of short vocational programs in higher education in Mexico, by focusing on the technological universities. The aim is to identify the strengths and weaknesses of this educational model, in order to define priority points of intervention for making it a viable, high-quality option for educating young Mexicans. The chapter is divided into six parts. The first part contains a brief review of the development of short programs in higher education, with emphasis on their educational benefits and limitations. This panorama serves as a framework for analyzing the creation of Mexico’s technological universities and

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 219 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 220 M.S. Laya their underlying educational policies. The second part of the chapter discusses the integral concept of the quality of education provided, to support an analysis of the scope and impact of technological universities in Mexico. The third part of the chapter evaluates the relevance of technological universities for Mexican society; the fourth part examines the training processes implemented in the model. The fifth part, based on a case study, shows the results of learning. Lastly, in the section on conclusions, comments are made on the model’s strengths and weaknesses in order to formulate recommendations for improving its performance in Mexico’s social, economic, and cultural context.1

Short Programs in Higher Education: Benefits and Limitations

Short programs in higher education have long been available in the United States in the form of community colleges, which came into existence in the early 1900s, and spread to Europe in the 1960s and 1970s. This educational model has recently gained in popularity, and we are witnessing an international trend to offer, through short programs in higher education, higher levels of technical training in response to the job market’s growing demands for qualified workers. Short programs in higher education now attract 40% of the total enrollment in higher education in Canada, 20% in Korea and France (Mazeran et al., 2006), and approximately 44% in the United States (De Moura and García, 2003). In Latin America, the model is available in only a few countries and generally receives a tepid welcome. In the case of Mexico, the nation’s experience has been quite recent – since 1991 – and development has not followed the expected course: only 3% of the total enrollment in higher education currently corresponds to short programs. We must keep in mind, however, that part of the reason for the high proportion of enrollment in short programs in the above-mentioned nations may be that their total coverage of higher education is often twice that of Mexico.2 A review of the literature on short programs of higher education in Europe and the United States reveals that the principal objectives of this option have been, on one hand, to respond to the demand for higher education and to contribute to the democratization of access to such education; and on the other hand, to meet the demand for highly trained labor in a constantly developing sector of production (De Moura and García, 2003; Neave, 1993). Although such objectives seem pertinent, they are contradictory. The relevance of the educational model is controversial because, on one hand, it contributes equal opportunities (by offering greater access to higher education), and on the other hand it reinforces inequality. For some authors (Muñoz Izquierdo, 1992; Neave, 1993), this effect seems acceptable because short programs are directed at young people from the most disadvantaged segments of society and the longer programs of traditional universities are directed at the elite. Some analyses are emphatic in showing that institutions offering short programs in higher education with open access – such 13 Technological Universities: A Relevant Educational Model for Mexico 221 as the community colleges in the United States – have favored the admittance of segments of the population previously deprived of such a right. De Moura and García (2003) indicate that the large numbers of minority students enrolled in community colleges are evidence of the successful democratization of higher education. On the other hand, Neave (1993) points out that this educational option has served to relieve the pressure exerted by large population groups demanding a higher education, although short programs were not initially appreciated as equal in value to traditional university courses. France’s IUT, created in the mid 1960s, offers an example of this difficulty. The institutes’ first 2 decades of existence were marked by slow development, due to their failure to offer meaningful advantages. In spite of innovations, French society continued to perceive that university degrees represented advantages in wages and in climbing the occupational ladder (Neave, 1993). Nonetheless, these institutes have attained importance and at present receive approximately 20% of the enrollment in higher education. The reinforcement of inequality through short programs in higher education is a latent risk for Latin America and especially for Mexico. Muñoz Izquierdo (1992) has warned that attempts to link the educational supply to a specific demand are examples of educational segmentation – which seeks to offer individual graduates the type of education that best corresponds to their personal characteristics. This process does not mean that students have access to the institution best able to fulfill their personal aspirations; on the contrary, it implies sending students to the institutions that best fit their educational possibilities, which are closely linked to their cultural background. In other words, far from filling a democratizing function in education, the model implies a risk of greater stratification, in which the most disadvantaged sectors continue to be deprived of access to improved educational opportunities. In the form of a “consolation prize”, such sectors are channeled toward short programs. Thus the introduction of short programs in higher education in Latin America should be carefully designed to prevent the risk of educational segmentation. Yet this requirement, as we shall see, is not always met. The function of training labor to meet the demands of production – the vocational nature of short programs in higher education – has also sparked intense debate. Researchers’ major question regarding the relation between education and work (De Ibarrola, 2002; Arnold, 1999; Ruiz, 1998; De Ibarrola and Gallart, 1994) is whether education should adjust to the requirements of a specific job, or whether it should offer more general training to prepare students to perform in various settings of the labor market and society. The basis for overcoming the dichotomy may be the profound changes that have occurred in the organization of work – changes that translate into new demands for education and vocational training. We now recognize that instead of centering on training for a specific job, vocational training must be aimed at developing general competencies that facilitate worker performance in various activities of production – processes that undergo constant change. Thus, required competencies involve knowledge as well as the application of knowledge in concrete situations; in other words, intellectual, technical, and mechanical skills (Arnold, 1999; Ruiz, 1998). This situation represents an enormous challenge for 222 M.S. Laya postsecondary studies as vocational training is renewed, broadened, and enriched. In other words, training for employment must address complex labor requirements that demand a broad basis of intelligence. So, although short vocational programs of higher education must teach specific occupational skills, they must be supported by a solid foundation of intelligence that permits polyvalent performance on the job and the transfer of knowledge and skills to activities that may vary in complexity. In such a scenario of possibilities and contradictions, in the late 1980s the Mexican government came to recognize the need to diversify the options in higher education. The result was a government study on vocational training, focused on the models used in France, the United States, Germany, Great Britain, Japan, and Canada, and aimed at defining a new pedagogical model that would allow Mexico to create a different option in higher education. Based on this study, in 1991 the Mexican Secretariat of Education decided to create the Subsystem of Technological Universities, similar to the IUT in France. Mexico’s technological universities share the fundamental characteristics of institutions that offer short programs, but their profile is closer to the French model: the curriculum is more rigid, access is not open, and courses are not offered to the public (without credit) as in the community colleges. Thus the affirmation can be made that the Mexican authorities opted to diversiSfy higher education without moving too far away from traditional educational practices. Since its creation, the Subsystem of Technological Universities has recorded healthy increases in the number of technological universities established, and has received sizable government support. The three technological universities that began operating in 1991 have now grown to a total of 61 institutions in 26 of Mexico’s 32 states. The creation of Mexico’s technological universities was guided by an educational policy aimed at modernizing the production of goods and services through the transfer of knowledge; specifically, by training high-level technical personnel. At the present time, the technological universities offer 31 areas of study; most are related to industrial technology, although one-third involve services. The programs are the same in all parts of the nation. Each area of study is designed by a central organization of professionals in differente areas (Villa Lever and Flores-Crespo, 2002). Each university decides the areas of study to be offered, depending on the needs of the surrounding community. Technological universities have become a fundamental part of the nation’s policies of higher education. The educational authorities consider them a privileged option for meeting not only the training needs of young students demanding an education, but also the demands of the sectors of production in need of competent human resources. The assumption is that technological universities represent the type of education Mexico will require to face the challenges of development: greater access to higher education, diversified options, relevant education, satisfying the market’s needs, and increased productivity. In addition, as Villa Lever and Flores-Crespo (2002) indicate, the Mexican government has decided to offer these programs in regions marked by relative social and economic disadvantages, in order to provide local young people with increased opportunities in both employment and education. 13 Technological Universities: A Relevant Educational Model for Mexico 223

In brief, short programs in higher education have a history of both success and failure that many nations with more development than Mexico have been able to overcome and consolidate to fit their needs. The unknown variable is the viability of successfully developing this educational model in Latin America – a region of profound social, economic, and educational backwardness. The specific case of Mexico offers clues on the results that can be obtained by the transfer of such educational policies.

Educational Quality: A Necessary Framework of Analysis in Mexico

Most efforts to analyze this educational model are concentrated on its debated contribution to the democratization of access to higher education, or on its questioned vocational nature. However, the basic idea behind these discussions is that the education offered by short vocational programs in higher education is of a low quality, and that this low quality results in the institutions’ limited compliance with established functions and objectives. In Mexico, some studies report that the programs offered by technological universities do not have the necessary quality (Silva, 2006; Villa Lever and Flores-Crespo, 2002) and have therefore not gained acceptance. An analysis of this type is necessary in Mexico as policies of extending educational coverage have resulted in low quality. Strategies have been implemented to ensure public access to scholastic institutions without guaranteeing facilities such as adequate conditions for staying in school, and achieving educational objectives. Thus the major challenge for Mexico is to facilitate access to higher education without compromising on quality. The concept of quality adopted in this chapter is an integral perspective based on a systemic focus (Martínez Rizo, 1998; Muñoz Izquierdo, 1991). Quality is considered a complex phenomenon resulting from the confluence of multiple factors. We employ a multidimensional concept that takes into account relevance, the training process, and the results of learning, as described below: • Relevance: The university establishes a curriculum that fits the needs of the society, the demands of the labor market, and interests of the students. • Training process: The educational model promotes processes that favor the training of highly qualified technicians who are in touch with the needs and challenges of the world of work. • Results of learning: Students meet learning objectives in terms of knowledge, skills and attitudes (Silva, 2006, p. 30). The evaluation of quality from this perspective seeks to satisfy three fundamental conditions (Bazúa et al., 1993): (a) to detect the problematic dimensions of institutional performance associated with the low quality of the education provided; (b) to provide the authorities with reliable, pertinent information; and (c) to contemplate the policy approach in a way that elucidates the points of intervention 224 M.S. Laya that would need to be addressed in any attempt to reorient courses toward educational quality. The central assumption of this chapter is that quality is a fundamental condition for taking advantage of the potential of these “new institutions” of shortened higher education. The major challenge consists in understanding the real requirements and possibilities that exist in society, in order to promote processes that respond to specific educational needs. Such understanding implies the institution’s familiarity with student profiles – diversity, interests, needs, and limitations – to permit the creation of a curriculum that meets personal, academic, and professional needs.

The Relevance of Technological Universities

This educational model is adequate for satisfying important needs in Mexican society, especially the need to broaden the access to higher education for young people from disadvantaged social sectors. Various studies reveal that short programs in higher education in Mexico are incorporating sectors of the population previously excluded from higher education (Ramsey et al., 2000; Flores-Crespo, 2005; Villa Lever and Flores-Crespo, 2002). The short duration is conducive for those unable to dedicate 4 or 5 years to vocational training. Furthermore, students learn skills that accelerate their entry into the labor market. So this model helps such students, who would otherwise be unemployed, to obtain employment. In spite of such possibilities, the technological universities are not popular with young Mexicans. Sixteen years after their creation, technological universities seem to be relevant only to a significantly low proportion of the total number of young people demanding higher education. The demand for short programs in higher education is very far from reaching projected goals. In 2001, enrollment in Mexico’s technological universities represented only 2.1% of the total enrollment in higher education, less than the strategic goal of 2.7% that had been established for 2000. Current enrollment is only 66,600 students, less than 3% of the total enrollment. Given such a situation, the question arises: Why have the technological universities been unable to become an attractive option for Mexico’s young people, in spite of the substantial political and financial support they have received? One of the biggest obstacles facing technological universities is that they have not succeeded in establishing an effective transfer systems – or bridges – to guarantee acceptance in programs leading to an undergraduate degree. In spite of repeated attempts to solve the problem, initiatives have collided with the closed, inflexible attitude that prevails in Mexico’s system of higher education. This deficiency, yet to be overcome after more than 16 years of existence, can be attributed to the Mexican policy makers who designed the educational model. The facts show that the technological universities are a terminal option in higher education. This differentiates them from the community colleges and the French institutes and is one of the reasons technological universities do not enjoy greater acceptance among Mexico’s young people. Their relevance is affected by their failure to meet a major objective. 13 Technological Universities: A Relevant Educational Model for Mexico 225

Students expect to progress by earning a degree; and although some interpretations mention socio-cultural values – prestige and status – they are also supported by Mexico’s economic reality. Research on the relation between education and work shows that professionals enjoy advantages over workers with lower educational levels, including a higher average income (Márquez, 2002, p. 369). Although a higher education does not guarantee employment, it favors improved conditions when an employee enters the labor market. Obtaining a degree as “Técnico Superior Univeristario” represents an increase in schooling (14 years in total) that without doubt translates into employment benefits for graduates. However, we must also remember that in a framework of structural maladjustment between professional supply and demand – the existence of more than three professionals for every job opening (OCE, 1999) – individuals expect to obtain more professional credentials to maintain a comparative advantage in competing for the limited positions generated by the productive sector (Salas, 2001, quoted in Márquez, 2002, p. 6). In this framework, a degree from a technological university seems to be insufficient. Employers continue to prefer traditional undergraduate degrees. Facilitating the employment of young people is a relevant objective. According to a recent evaluation of the entire subsystem, graduates from technological universities are hired within a short period of time (6 months or less) and the employment rate is 60% (Mazeran et al., 2006) – a significant achievement. However, graduates do not always find jobs of the expected quality and conditions, as they are generally hired as assistants to the mid-level positions for which they were trained. Consequently they receive wages lower than those of the worst-paid professionals3 (Silva, 2006). This reality serves as additional evidence in explaining why young people aspire to earn traditional degrees. One of the factors contributing to this situation is that the technological university degree of “Técnico Superior Universitario” is not on the list of accepted degrees for professional openings in large companies or even the Mexican government (Mazeran et al., 2006). Research reveals that companies are not well-informed about the functions and positions for which these technicians are prepared. Industry is somewhat reluctant to hire graduates with the “Técnico Superior Universitario” degree, probably due to a preference for traditional sources of employees and a lack of familiarity with the qualifications of technicians from the technological universities (Ramsey et al., 2000, p. 103). In general, graduates from the technological universities experience great difficulties in finding a position commensurate with their training (Mazeran et al., 2006). These facts are in contrast to the vision of the educational authorities, who believe that the demand for higher technicians in the labor market is evident. According to the previous undersecretary of higher education, seven out of every ten professionals the country will require for future development should be higher technicians (Rubio, 2003). From the government’s perspective, the structure of occupations in industry and services shows unmistakable signs of the need and relevance of higher technicians. However, this potential demand does not seem to be sufficiently appreciated by the younger generations, who continue to prefer 226 M.S. Laya traditional undergraduate studies. Nor is there evidence that producers know of or demand such highly qualified technicians. In spite of the efforts made by the general coordinator of technological universities to promote the institutions in the school and employment system, Mexico’s labor structure does not consider job openings for “Técnico Superior Universitario” (Mazeran et al., 2006).

Do Technological Universities Offer High-Quality Training?

Technological universities adopt an educational model centered on intense, flexible training that is polyvalent and linked to the productive sector. Principle of Intensity. This principle is made manifest in many ways. In the first place, the use of time is intense: the degree is completed in 2 years consisting of six 15-week trimesters, with schedules of 35 h per week (7 h per day) and a total of 3,000 h – equivalent to 80% of a conventional undergraduate program. The schedule is a drawback of this model. Although short programs have the advantage of training higher level technicians in a reduced time period, the Mexican model imposes a load on students that seems asphyxiating. The program’s duration of 3,000 h is excessive in comparison with the 1,800-h programs of France’s university institutes (see Table 13.1). Mexican students attend class 7 h each day, leaving minimal time for individual study – only 5 h out of a weekly total of 40. The intensive schedule

Table 13.1 Curriculum characteristics of short programs in information systems Instituts universitaires Technological de technologie Community colleges universities (Mexico) (France) (United States) Measurement of time Four-month periods (6) Years (2) Semesters (4) Number of hours 3,000 1,800 Unavailable Scheduled time per Technical: 54% Technical: 50% Technical: from 37% area of knowledge Basic: 23% Basic: 17% to 58% General: 23% General: 33% Basic: from 18% to 31% Generals: from 18% to 32% Number of subjects 34 From 20 to 26 From 18 to 20 Theory versus 30/70 50/50 50/50 practice Company stays Yes Yes Practicum in companies Continued studies No Yes Yes Based on: CGUT, Plans of study (http://cgut.sep.gob.mx/Planes%20de%20estudios/Bienvenida. htm); ACM 2-Year College Education Committee (2000). Guidelines for Associate Degree Programs to Support Computing in a Networked Environment, ACM. (www.acm.org/education/ curricula/html); IUT de Bayonne. Plan of study for information systems. (www.bay.univ-pau.fr). IUT de Nantes. Plan of study for information systems (www.iut-nantes.univ-nates.fr). IUT de Limoges. Plan of study for information systems (www.iut-limoges.unilim.fr). IUT2 de Grenoble. Plan of study for information systems (http://iut2.upmf-grenoble.fr) 13 Technological Universities: A Relevant Educational Model for Mexico 227 evidently demands exclusive dedication to school, eliminating the possibility of working and thus excluding many young people who need to work to ensure sub- sistence for themselves and their families. On the other hand, the Mexican model requires a time distribution of 30% theory and 70% practicals in all subjects in the course. This condition is significantly different from the distribution of time in the French model (Mexico’s inspiration), which regulates exclusively technical content and proposes a ratio of 50%-50% (see Table 13.1). In addition, the Mexican model suffers from a lack of clarity on the nature and function of these two dimensions – confusion that is reflected in students’ paradoxical perception of little practice in the training process (Silva, 2006). The norm mentions nothing about the content and meaning of class work, but simply specifies that 30% of the time must be spent in the classroom and the remaining 70% in laboratories, workshops, and companies. The pedagogical principles that sustain this ratio require revision. Attention must be paid to integrating theory and practice in order to generate necessary knowledge. And an evaluation needs to be made of whether 30% theory is sufficient for students who decide to continue higher education. Intensity is also reflected in the distribution of content. Educational content is concentrated into its fundamental aspects, and content unrelated to practice is avoided (CGUT, 2000). Mexico’s technological universities, like other institutions of the same level (Instituts Universitaires de Technologie and community colleges), offer a preponderance of technical knowledge (see Table 1). Approximately one- half of the time is spent on technical knowledge, due to the technological universities’ intention to concentrate on the specific elements of the professional area, and to enable graduates to use such knowledge immediately when hired. The number of subjects in the Mexican model seems excessive. For example, the information systems program includes 34 subjects, a radical contrast with the French institutes that require 20 subjects and community colleges that prescribe between 18 and 20 (see Table 1). Mexico’s requirement of the course of study is a product of the “cult of knowledge” that has reigned in traditional universities, where the only way to advance in a course or program is by rote learning – and frequently by memorization – of all applicable knowledge (Rugarcía, 1997). The large volume of content results in inadequate treatment of skills and attitudes and results in the excessive use of repetitive, memory-based methods of assimilating knowledge. Such training is not useful for facing the challenges of work or life. In sum, although the structure of the course of study in Mexico is similar to that of other countries where the model’s effectiveness has been proved, such is not the case with the distribution of time between theory and practice, nor with students’ course load. The Mexican educational authorities did not make an automatic transfer of the French model. They argue that they introduced the necessary adaptations to offer a better education to a young population that was “ill prepared” in sociocultural and academic terms to enter the technological universities. Thus they increased the number of total hours and changed the distribution of theory and practice. A review of the Mexican modifications to the model, however, shows that they do not necessarily contribute to professional training of higher quality. Nor do they take into account the students’ real needs and conditions. 228 M.S. Laya

Links with the Production Sector. This model is aimed at making the studies, content, and learning methods relevantto the productive sector. Technological universities seek to become familiar with professional requirements, evaluate profiles, establish support for practices, and create employment channels. Their educational model establishes links throughout the training process in the form of visits, internships, and diverse projects. This basic principle has the purpose of combining knowledge acquired in the classroom with practice or “learning to work” at the workplace. Alternating work and school allows students to discover the real context of work and integrate their theoretical, technological, and organizational knowledge, thus facilitating their subsequent entry into the labor market. Such links have their maximum expression in student internships at companies during the final trimester; the purpose of the internships is to develop a project relevant to each student’s professional area. Although individual contact with companies has a positive impact on training the future higher technician, the stay comes at the end of training. We recommend alternating the two locations to enrich training with contributions from school and the workplace. In a limited number of technological universities, links with production also take the form of training agreements with companies, the supplying of technological services, and the generation of resources. Some institutions develop successful company contacts. An exemplary case of linking can be observed at Universidad de Querétaro, which has established an automotive training center in cooperation with the French automaker Peugeot. Such cases suggest that these institutions could enjoy better development in regions with productive activities more in line with the technological education offered. In this sense, government policy for expansion will need to be reviewed in order to channel the growth of technological universities towards such regions. Educational Methods. The ideology of the technological universities calls for revising educational methods and centering them on students’ learning and integration of knowledge, skills, and attitudes. However, in practice, we find a preponderance of traditional educational methods repeated throughout all of Mexico’s institutions of higher education. This condition is identified as one of the weaknesses of higher education in our country (ANUIES, 2000), a tendency that the new universities have been unable to reverse. For example, in a study of the entire subsystem of technological universities, De Garay (2006) reports that teachers often use dictation in class – a reminder of an extremely traditional teaching role that is incompatible with this educational model. Our universities need to update their educational methods, reorient teachers’ roles, and apply educational strategies that train students in competencies that are relevant for work and for participation in society.

Results of Learning

The basic concept of quality proposes that the highest possible percentage of students should attain the educational objectives. The technological universities record a graduation rate of 58%, higher than the national average of 48%. Such a percentage 13 Technological Universities: A Relevant Educational Model for Mexico 229 indicates mid-level effectiveness and does not exempt them from sharing one of the major problems of all of Mexico’s institutions of higher education: the successful awarding of degrees. Insufficient levels of attainment are due to dropouts and failure. We are concerned that the technological universities have been unable to award degrees to a high percentage of the few students they attract. Although they play an important role in broadening access to higher education, guaranteed access is not sufficient from a perspective of educational quality. Institutions must also ensure their students’ per- manence in the system, in order to comply fully with training objectives. Based on the rate of graduation of the technological universities, the following question can be formulated: Are the technological universities giving students the necessary attention to ensure their success in the program? These universities may be having dropouts, like many other institutions of higher education (ANUIES, 2000). To face this challenge, Mexico’s National Association of Universities and Institutions of Higher Education proposes focusing on students and developing programs to serve students from pre-enrollment until post-graduation, thus ensuring their attendance, achievement, and development. Mexican universities face a crucial challenge in this area, from which the technological universities are not exempt. To understand the situation in its entirety, we must also ask: What do students at technological universities learn? Very little research has been carried out in this area. The evaluation by Mazeran et al. (2006), reports that graduates have a good mastery of practical competencies: knowing how to do things, technical knowledge and competencies, and aptitude for analyzing production processes and handling equipment. Another useful reference is a study on the competencies4 of university-trained higher technicians in the area of information systems at Universidad Tecnológica de Nezahualcoyotl. This study reveals that the curriculum includes largely the principal competencies necessary for adequate performance in the employment world – polyvalence, overall understanding of the technological process, competencies for handling information, and interpersonal competencies. However, a vacuum seems to exist for intellectual competencies, which are not incorporated explicitly in the higher technicians’ professional profile (Silva, 2006). Learning at Universidad Tecnológica de Nezhualcoyotl.5 A study of the performance of students in information systems during their company internships confirmed a sufficient level of mastery and application of the fundamental knowledge in information systems (Silva, 2006). In the sphere of generic competencies, the students showed outstanding performance in teamwork, assimilation and the application of new knowledge, and to a lesser degree, communication and polyvalence. They also showed positive attitudes toward teamwork, learning, interpersonal communication, and performance of various tasks. These competencies are a good example of the integration of three fundamental components – knowledge, skills, and attitudes – since they require useful information for carrying out tasks, skills in comprehend- ing a project in its entirety and in terms of its different parts, personal skills for taking part in teamwork, and a positive attitude towards work. On the other hand, the young people showed a lower degree of analytical and logical ability, and skills in decision-making and problem-solving. These results 230 M.S. Laya are of concern as they deal with intellectual competencies that in combination with basic competencies – reading, writing, and mathematics – form the cognitive stratum of knowledge and skills that support the performance of any type of activity (Novick et al., 1998). The causes for such insufficiency may be a lacuna in the curriculum and the subsequent lack of pedagogical strategies to encourage skills not considered part of higher education. The study at Universidad Tecnológica de Nezahualcoyotl, like other studies on competencies, showed that knowledge and skills cannot be disassociated. Learning to know and learning to do are inextricably linked (Delors, 1996). The acquisition of knowledge and understanding require intellectual competencies, and sound knowledge is the basis for developing other competencies like decision-making and problem-solving. As indicated already by Muñoz Izquierdo et al. (1995), university programs of study do not include cognitive skills because they assume that students enrolling in higher education already have the necessary skills. Such an assumption is incorrect for a large part of the educational system in Mexico, and the technological universities are not an exception. This challenge is fundamental for the technological universities. They must take into account that current training requirements point to the need not only for disciplinary knowledge but also for competencies that permit applying knowledge to solving diverse problems in productive activities. Vocational training must enable students to attain, in addition to technical abilities, broad intellectual training, and solid knowledge for understanding processes. To sum up, the technological universities require a process of radical revision to comply with the mission of offering Mexican society higher education of good quality, as a strategic means to develop human capital and contribute to increasing the competitiveness of a knowledge-based economy (CGUT, 2008). The findings of several research studies have pointed out that this objective is not reached solely by training centered on the technical aspects of filling a position, but that it also requires comprehensive training – intellectual, technical, and attitude-based – to produce competent professionals able to respond to the complex, changing demands of the contemporary world of work.

Conclusions and Summary

In 1991, the Mexican government created the technological universities to adopt the model of short programs in higher education. In developed countries with high gross enrollment (more than 50%) in higher education, the model has attained important goals in democratizing access to higher education and serving as an escape valve for growing student demand. Short programs in higher education have also contributed to promoting economic development by producing highly trained workers. However, the model implemented in Mexico has not yet attained comparable success. An analysis of the relevance of the technological universities shows their contradictions. On one hand, they offer an educational option that broadens the access to education for young people who were previously excluded from higher education, 13 Technological Universities: A Relevant Educational Model for Mexico 231 but they do not facilitate students’ progress to other areas of higher education. The gross enrollment ratio of higher education in Mexico is still low at 26%, and few young people opt for short programs (3%). Most students continue to prefer traditional university degrees. At the same time, the degree the technological universities award is not sufficiently recognized in the labor market. The 2-year program becomes less competitive in a context of excess human resources holding traditional degrees and displacing workers with less schooling. In terms of the educational model, Mexico did not make an automatic transfer of the French model, but attempted to adapt the characteristics of that model to its own national conditions. This adaptation, however, has not always been fortunate: the intensity of the Mexican model – 3,000 h with seven class hours per week – may be counterproductive in generating student demand. On limiting the technological universities to the French model, Mexico ignored lessons on the functioning of community colleges well worth reconsidering. Community colleges have open access, do not exclude any student, are committed to working with the least capable, and allow students to work and study at the same time (De Moura and García, 2003). The technological universities stipulate that applicants must have a grade point average of 7/10, but in practice accept all applicants. Such a policy meets the objective of democratizing access. However, in contrast to the community colleges, the technological universities do not take into account that applicants with lower grade point averages have scholastic problems that limit their achievement. The technological universities in Mexico, with a few exceptions, fail to establish specific supports, such as remedial courses, that are indispensable in obtaining improved academic results. In addition, their demand for full-time students excludes many young people. In terms of learning, the technological universities must prepare themselves to face the needs of vocational training, which demands not only practical competencies, but also intellectual competencies – thinking skills – in applying activities to solving problems. Professional performance requires technicians to understand the processes of work by having the ability to analyze the information received and apply it to complex contexts. Such conditions must be present in programs of vocational training but have yet to be completely addressed in Mexico. In brief, the technological universities still need to capitalize on the inherent strengths of short programs in higher education. They must offer a more flexible curriculum, reduce class hours, provide integrated training (technical and intellectual) for employment, establish transfers for students to continue their studies, and attain the goal of raising the prestige of their degree in the labor market. With these steps, technological universities can improve their quality, become more attractive for young people and ensure that the educational model efficiently meets the needs of Mexican society.

Notes

1. I am very grateful to Pedro Flores-Crespo and Carlos Muñoz Izquierdo for their insightful comments to this text. 2. The listed countries have a gross enrollment ratio in higher education greater than 50%; Korea has 90%, while Mexico’s ratio is only 26%. 232 M.S. Laya

3. The average salary of a “Técnico Superior Universitario” (TSU) on entering the labor market is 3,200 pesos a month (CGUT, 2000, p. 24). The study of the structure and dynamics of professional employment in Mexico (ANUIES, 2003) shows that this salary is low in comparison with salaries earned by holders of bachelor’s degrees in engineering, or even low-level professional and administrative employees or merchants. According to ANUIES, the professionals who receive the lowest salaries are to be found in this group of occupations; on average, by the year 2000, they were earning 6,314 pesos per month (ANUIES, 2003, p. 329). Thus TSUs earn approximately half the salary of the lowest-paid professionals. 4. Competencies refer to young people’s abilities – an integration of knowledge, skills, and attitudes – to respond effectively to the demands of work. See Silva (2008) Contribuye la Universidad Tecnológica a formar las competencias necesarias para el desempeño profesional: Un estudio de caso. 5. Technological University of Nezahualcóyotl was founded in 1991. It has an enrollment of 4,000 students and offers areas of study in administration, sales, production, mechatronics, environmental technology, and information technology. The university is located in Ciudad Nezahualcóyotl, a municipality in the state of Estado de México that has a population of 1,140,528 inhabitants (INEGI, 2005); the age group that corresponds to higher education (ages 20 to 24) numbers 101,744. The city has a large population but a reduced number of schools: besides the technological university, only one other public school exists (with areas of study in industrial engineering and accounting). The remaining alternatives are three private institutes that offer a bachelor’s degree in law, administration, or information systems (ANUIES, 2001). Based on these data, we can affirm that in this city, the technological university improves and broadens the supply of education by facilitating the acceptance of young people unable to enter other educational institutions.

Bibliography

ANUIES (2000). La educación superior hacia el siglo XXI. Líneas estratégicas de desarrollo. México: ANUIES. ANUIES (2001). Anuario estadístico 2001. Población escolar de licenciatura e Institutos Tecnológicos. México: ANUIES. ANUIES (2003). Mercado laboral de profesionistas en México. Primera parte: Diagnóstico, 1990–2000. México: ANUIES. Arnold, R. (1999). Cambios tecnológicos y organizativos en la formación profesional en sociedades europeas. In Labarca, G. (Ed.), Formación y empresa (pp. 59–98). Montevideo: CINTERFOR. Bazúa, F., Valenti, G., Moya, L. & Villagarcía, L. (1993). Hacia un modelo alternativo de evaluación de los programas de postgrado en México. Universidad Futura, 5(13), 60–74. CGUT (2000). Universidades Tecnológicas. Mandos medios para la industria. México: SEP, CGUT, Noriega. CGUT (2008, Enero 16). Misión y visión. Retrieved January, 16, 2008 from: http://cgut.sep.gob.mx De Garay, A. (2006). Las trayectorias educativas en las Universidades Tecnológicas. Un acer- camiento al modelo educativo desde las prácticas escolares de los jóvenes universitarios. México: SEP, CGUT, Universidad Tecnológica de la Sierra Hidalguense. De Ibarrola, M. (2002). Hacia una mirada integral de la formación de los jóvenes para el trabajo. In De Ibarrola, M. (Ed.), Desarrollo local y formación: Hacia una mirada integral de la for- mación de los jóvenes para el trabajo (pp. 211–236). Montevideo: CINTERFOR. De lbarrola, M. & Gallart, M. (1994). Democracia y Productividad. Desafíos de una nueva educación media en América Latina. Chile/Argentina/México: UNESCO-OREALC/RET/ CIID-CENEP. 13 Technological Universities: A Relevant Educational Model for Mexico 233

De Moura, C. & García, N. (Eds.) (2003) El modelo del instituto técnico superior norteamericano. Lecciones para América Latina. Washington, DC: BID. Delors, J. (1996). La educación encierra un tesoro. Informe a la UNESCO de la Comisión Internacional sobre la Educación para el siglo XXI. París: UNESCO. Flores-Crespo, P. (2005). En busca de nuevas explicaciones sobre la relación entre educación y desigualdad. El caso de la Universidad Tecnológica de Nezahualcoyotl. Revista Mexicana de Investigación Educativa, 7(14), 537–576. Márquez, A. (2002). Educación superior y mercados de trabajo: un análisis de los factores macro y micro sociales relacionados con la demanda por educación superior. Doctoral dissertation, Universidad Autónoma de Aguascalientes, México. Martínez Rizo, F. (1998). Indicadores de evaluación de la educación superior. Proceedings from IV Encuentro Internacional de Responsables de estadísticas en Educación Superior, México. Mazeran, J., Mallea, J., Travert, J. Greuin, Ch. & Lafleur, Ch. (2006) Las universidades tecnológicas mexicanas. Un modelo eficaz, una inversión pública exitosa, un sistema a fortalecer. México: SEP–CGUT. Muñoz Izquierdo, C. (1991). Hacia la evaluación integral de la educación superior. Revista de la Educación Superior, 79, 113–119. Muñoz Izquierdo, C. (1992). Relaciones entre la educación superior y el sistema productivo. In Arredondo, M. (Ed.), La educación superior y su relación con el sector productivo (pp. 115–163). México: ANUIES–SECOFI. Muñoz Izquierdo, C., Zorrilla, M. & Palomar, J. (1995). Valoración del desarrollo de habilidades cognoscitivas en la educación superior: comparación de los resultados de una universidad pública con los de una privada. Revista Latinoamericana de Estudios Educativos, XXV(2), 9–55. Neave, G. (1993). Educación relevante: ¿bálsamo para la migraña educativa? Universidad Futura, 4(12-otoño), 3–19. Novick, M., Bartolomé, M., Buceta, M. & González, C. (1998). Nuevos puestos de trabajo y competencias laborales. Montevideo: Cinterfor-OIT. OCE (1999). Educación y empleo, Comunicado 20. Retrieved December, 18, 2007 from: http:// www.observatorio.org Ramsey, G., Carnoy, M. & Woodburne, G. (2000). Aprendiendo a trabajar. Análisis del Colegio nacional de Educación Profesional Técnica y del Sistema de Universidades Tecnológicas de México. México: Unpublished manuscript. Rubio, J. (2003). Boletín 063 de la SEP. Retrieved October, 20, 2003 from http://www.sep.gob. mx/wb2/sep/sep_Bol0630303 Rugarcía, A. (1997). La formación de ingenieros. México: Lupus Magister. Ruiz, E. (1998). La era posindustrial y la formación de ingenieros. Perfiles educativos, XX(79–80), 58–79. Silva, M. (2006). La calidad educativa de las universidades tecnológicas. Su relevancia, su proceso de formación y sus resultados. México: ANUIES. Silva, M. (2008). Contribuye la Universidad Tecnológica a formar las competencias necesarias para el desempeño profesional: Un estudio de caso. Manuscript presented for publication. UNESCO (1997). International Standard Classification of Education from http://unescostat. unesco.org/Documents/isced.asp Villa Lever, L. & Flores-Crespo, P. (2002). Las universidades tecnológicas mexicanas en el espejo de los institutos universitarios de tecnología franceses. Revista Mexicana de Investigación Educativa, 7(14), 77–49. INEGI (2005). II Conteo de población y vivienda 2005. México. INEGI Chapter 14 A Critical Approach to the Community College Model in the Global Order: The College Universitaire Régional de Bambey (Senegal) as a Case Study

Barrel Gueye and Ibra Sene

Introduction

In the last decades of the twentieth century, the Senegalese public education system has been plagued with numerous problems, including the shrinking of funding sources, the lack of adequate facilities with more and more overcrowded classrooms, and the lowest rates of success ever, to name but a few. For the purpose of tackling this daunting situation efficiently, the government has devised a series of strategies including the introduction of “La Case des Tout-Petits” and the “Collège de Proximité”, and lastly the building of Regional University Centers. “La Case des Tout-Petits” is a new concept that is inspired by the kindergarten model, where children’s basic skills are developed through creative play and social interaction. The curriculum is largely rooted in Senegalese cultural values. With its health and nutrition components, it adds new dimensions to the education of young children. “La Case des Tout Petits” goes beyond children aged from 2 to 5 to target even those who are under 1. The idea of the “Collège de Proximité,” is to build as many local middle schools as possible, especially in rural areas.1 This initiative sprang from the same context and was concomitant with the government’s attempt to meet the rapidly growing needs in secondary education. It has resulted in a decade of notable increase in the number of elementary school graduates. At the higher education level, the challenge was of a quite different nature and required another kind of strategy. It resulted in the creation of regional univer sities primarily intended for the decentralization of higher education to play a more important role in the country’s development, in the global context of knowledge and know-how creation and spread. Along with the University of Thies, the University of Ziguinchor, the Regional University Center (CUR) of Bambey was established in 2003. In some respects, the Senegalese CUR is inspired by the North American community college model and is meant to serve the residents of the community in which it is located. The CUR of Bambey on which this study focuses is in the administrative region of Diourbel, which is located in the northwestern part of Senegal, 146 km west of Dakar, Senegal’s capital city. This is a semi arid, and hence barren and infertile zone, where groundnut production, which used to be the

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 235 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 236 B. Gueye and I. Sene main source of income in the region, has decreased extremely rapidly over the past decades. In 2004, the region of Diourbel had 902,327 inhabitants, of whom 20% were under 20, and more than 50% were female (Service Regional de la Prevision et de la Statistique de Diourbel, 2004). The region is divided into three geographical districts (Départements): Bambey, Diourbel, and Mbacké, with 252, 834 (28%), 231, 687 (26%) and 418, 806 (46%) inhabitants respectively (DPRE/ME, 2003). Diourbel is one of the poorest regions of Senegal. The CUR of Bambey is the first regional university to function, and will naturally serve as a blueprint for the future expansion of the community college model in Senegal. The relevance of this reform was summed up in the following assessment of the situation at the time of its establishment: Senegal does not have adequate human resources to carry out effective development programs to reduce poverty, create jobs, or permit meaningful participation in the global economy. Rural– urban educational disparity is particularly acute, as is the relative lack of educational attainment by women in rural areas. Senegal’s lack of a better-prepared workforce base threatens economic development and social progress, and creates barriers to the country’s entry into the global economy (Sack and Witter, 2005, p. 3). Using Bambey as a case study, we analyze the rationale behind the initial plan of the CURs, and the ways in which it continuously shifted over time. We also try to understand the actors involved and their respective agendas, the strengths and weaknesses of the project, and the prospects for a future impact on higher education in Senegal. We put all this in context by providing an overview of the Senegalese university system, with an emphasis on the major turning points of its history, and the most pressing issues the country has been facing lately in this area.

The Senegalese Higher Education System: A Brief Overview

The formulation of higher education in Senegal was deeply rooted in the history of French colonialism in West Africa. The oldest educational institution is the School of Medicine of French West Africa, established in 1918. Eventually, it expanded to become the Institut des Hautes Etudes de Dakar [Dakar Institute of Higher Education] in 1950, and Université de Dakar [University of Dakar] in 1957. This was an obvious and sufficient reason for the school to carry a mission primarily informed by the logic of French colonialism and fundamentally foreign to the aspirations and development needs of its immediate environment.2 The University of Dakar became Cheikh Anta Diop University (UCAD) in 1986. For most of its existence, even after Senegal became independent from France, the French legacy has weighed heavily in the development of the curricula and research agendas, which left the university almost completely cut-off from the development imperatives of Senegal.3 Gaston Berger University in Saint-Louis, North Senegal, welcomed its first class in the academic year 1990–1991. Compared to UCAD, this second public 14 A Critical Approach to the Community College Model in the Global Order 237 university of the country assumed a slightly different mission by proclaiming itself a development university.4 For a total population of over ten million inhabitants, there are less than one hundred thousand students in the Senegalese public universities. The two public universities, University Cheikh Anta Diop of Dakar and the University Gaston Berger of Saint Louis, hold more than 90% of the total number of college students in the country (Diagne and Daffe, 2001). With this figure, it is safe to argue that access to higher education is limited to a very small number of Senegalese, about 55,000, who are of the age to attend college. With 800 students initially in 1957, UCAD5 extended its enrollment to 3,700 students in 1970/71, and 16,500 in 1989 (Diagne and Daffe, 2001), before reaching about 55,000 in 2007. In the last decades of the twentieth century, the growing needs in higher education, in tandem with the high rate of repetition in the freshman and sophomore years in almost all departments, have had a devastating impact on the reputation of UCAD. In 1990, the second Senegalese public university opened in Saint Louis, with a class of 600 students (Diagne and Daffe, 2001).6 Though to a lesser degree, Saint-Louis, like Dakar, quickly became overcrowded, as its enrollment tripled in less than 5 years. For this reason, the University Gaston Berger of Saint Louis could not absorb the rapidly increasing number of high school graduates. The deep deterioration in the learning conditions has been epitomized by the permanent instability at both universities, which are paralyzed every year by a series of student strikes. In addition to the plethoric number of students, there is a real lack of resources, which makes the Senegalese university one of the most indigent rings in the educational chain. These problems are better apprehended when we analyze the situation of individual faculties.7 Although the humanities and social sciences get the smallest part of public funding, these departments have the biggest enrollments. According to Diagne and Daffe (2001) they got the lion’s share in both Saint Louis and Dakar, with 40% and 60% respectively, of the total student population in 1997.8 It is safe to assume that this situation has not become any better in the last 10 years. Another major problem with the higher education system in Senegal is its inad- aptability to the needs of the job market. In fact, annually, fewer job opportunities exist for new graduates. The curricula remain too general all through the different cycles, and the lack of practical knowledge is one of the factors contributing to the high rate of unemployment among high school and university graduates. Besides the public universities, there are a very few post-secondary professional and technical schools. But these schools remain very selective and accept a very small portion of the students who graduate from high school. Also, over the last 10–15 years, with the liberalization of the higher education sector, many private universities and post-secondary professional schools have been created in Senegal. But because of the prohibitive fees they charge, they have not been able to improve the situation significantly. One might ask why students continue to enroll in postsecondary education when unemployment is so high. The answer to this question is that the Senegalese public universities are the only option for about 90% of all 238 B. Gueye and I. Sene high school graduates. Because of this situation, most of the students end up at the UCAD or University Gaston Berger, which enroll more than they technically can, given the chronic dearth of resources they face.9 To tackle efficiently the many educational problems the country has been confronted with, the Senegalese government implemented an ambitious program between 1998 and 2002, namely the Plan Décennal de l’Education et de la Formation (PDEF). The PDEF was launched in 1998 and was aimed at enhancing the educational system in general. The second phase of the program (2002–2012) is underway. But, although the first phase (1998–2002) has yielded a few achievements, especially the increase in primary education enrollments and, to a lesser extent, in secondary education, the country still has a long way to go as far as achieving “education for all” is concerned. In 2001, the Projet d’Amélioration de l’Enseignement Supérieur (PAES) started within the PDEF and focused specifically on the development of higher education over the next decade. The building of more regional universities was identified as one of the goals of the PAES. These regional universities were established for the improvement of the quality of teaching and research, through the adaptation of the curricula to the country’s development expectations, but also with the increase in research funding, to curtail the high number of failing students. Also included were the drastic limitation of admissions, the privatization of university restaurants, and the development the first time ever in the history of Senegal of private initiatives in higher education, to help cover the needs in this area. It was in the same perspective that the government came up with the idea of creating a new type of higher educational institutions, the “colleges universitaires régionaux” (CUR), inspired by the American and Canadian models of community colleges. As a French possession until 1960, Senegal had not been divorced totally from its former colonizer in many regards. However, in the last decades, especially since 2000, these ties have been weakening considerably.10 This shift could be analyzed as the Senegalese government’s need to force the country out of the French pré-carré, and to build strong economic relationships with other countries such as the United States and China.11 Especially with regard to higher education, this rupture coincided with the necessity for Senegal to align its university system with global standards.. The decision to seek inspiration from the American community college system was partly due to the fact that the French educational model could no longer successfully meet the needs of Senegal in terms of higher education.12 From the very beginning, the CURs were “conceived of as vocational/technical community colleges that can help support the development of rural cities, and demonstrate the government’s commitment to human resource investment.” Also, “[t]he proposed age range for incoming students [would] be from 16–24 years” and “[t] heir education qualifications [would] be from two years before the Baccalaureate to three years after it (Bac −2 to Bac + 3)” (Sack and Witter, 2005, p. 3). Various changes were made to this initial plan at different periods, under various circumstances, and for many reasons. In the following section we try to analyze these changes and their outcome. 14 A Critical Approach to the Community College Model in the Global Order 239

CUR: An Initiative to Revamp the Senegalese Education System

In 1994, a reform was initiated by the Senegalese government to decongest the UCAD and the University of Saint Louis, through the decentralization of the system by creating new higher education institutions in other parts of the country. In 2002, the National Assembly passed a law (Projet de Loi No 27/2002) to build regional university colleges/centers (CUR) in cities like Bambey, Kaolack, Ziguinchor, Tamba, Matam, and Louga. In the letter and the spirit of the 2002 law, the CUR would offer programs with a slightly different content in comparison to Dakar and Saint-Louis, by giving more focus to vocational training. The fields that were initially considered ranged from community health and computer science to tourism and business, to name but a few. The initiative of creating CURs had the ultimate goal of playing an important role in the quest for sustainable solutions to the socioeconomic development problems the country had been facing in the past decades, by offering better opportunities and hope to people who have always been excluded from, or ill-served by, the higher education system. According to the Minister of Education, Prof. Moustapha Sourang, through this initiative, the government sought to attain a more democratized model of higher education, with more realistic goals (Le Quotidien, October 31, 2003). Therefore, a salient element of this agenda would be to equip graduates with the knowledge and skills necessary to fully participate as citizens in the building and well-being of their society. The same vision was echoed by the then Minister of Pedagogical Affairs and former Principal of CES, Diery Fall of Bambey (junior high school), and Ibrahima Fall, who saw in the CUR a good solution for a series of problems that posed a real threat to the education of the Senegalese youth. The most daunting problem that Principal Fall identified was the steadily growing number of public university graduates, whom the national job market could not absorb. He thought that the decentralization of higher education that came with the establishment of the CURs could help curtail this trend. Besides that, and following the initial plan, the CURs, as in the American model of community colleges, would welcome non-traditional students who have some high school education but have not passed the national exam required for entrance to university, the baccalaureate.13 As House majority leader, Abdou Fall, put it in 2003, the Senegalese government expected the creation of the CURs to be “one of the most revolutionary projects” initiated in the area of higher education, since President Abdoulaye Wade came to power in March 2000 (Le Quotidien, October 31, 2003). The establishment of the CURs was a central feature of the educational reform that the new government considered one of the issues of national interest it had to tackle right away. As it appears, the CUR was initially modeled on the American community college. However, the actual implementation of the project would reveal a number of problems. In fact, the government widely publicized the CURs as the cornerstone of a reform that would bring sustainable solutions to the many and complex 240 B. Gueye and I. Sene

problems that had plagued Senegalese higher education for decades. Yet, there was no clarity as to how officials would go about this. The Ministry of Education showed uncertainty and hesitation regarding the actual organization of the CURs and the definition of their legal status within the university system. Since the government was groping around it was even more difficult to identify the right human resources to lead the reform and ensure its proper implementation. The way in which this situation played out in Bambey was that it left enough space for the new Rector to maneuver at ease. When he was appointed, he came with a vision which he was determined to implement, in order to fill the gap. More important, he brought and stood upon a solid experience in research, teaching, outreach, higher education administration, and consultancy with the private sector at both national and international levels.

CUR of Bambey: From a Vacuum to a Vision for Tomorrow

The Ministry of Education officials have always avowed the Senegalese government’s willingness to adopt the American community college model. This was achieved by the building of new facilities to house the CUR of Bambey, and by securing commitment from foreign funding institutions such as the USAID and the French Cooperation Agency, to support the initiative. However, the actual implementation was not as quick and smooth as many people expected it to be. It is safe to argue that the desire to use the project for electoral propaganda weighed heavier than the readiness of the Wade administration to implement it and its command over the content of the curricula, and the general orientation of the CUR of Bambey and the role it would play within the wider higher education system. This lack of preparedness of the Senegalese government came in various forms, but one of the most serious flaws was the fact that officials did not seriously look into the legal and structural implications of appointing the executives for the CUR and the constraints that might come with it. The first bottleneck was that, under the current Senegalese law, the chief administrative officer of any higher education institution has to be a full professor. Yet, compared to Dakar and Saint-Louis, where the two biggest public universities of the country are located, the rural commune of Bambey could not offer many attractive advantages for a faculty of this rank. Our contention is that any attempt to revise the law to appoint a competent associate professor or even an assistant professor would have been impossible because of the entrenched elitist hierarchy that governs the Senegalese university. We believe that the system still carries a heavy French legacy that unfortunately makes it necessary to value the rank of the faculty more than actual competence or managerial skills.14 For this reason, it took more than 2 years after the official creation of the CUR of Bambey in 2004 for the beginning of its first class in October 2006. The current Rector is the former Dean of the UFR15 of Law and Political Science at the University Gaston Berger, the second Senegalese public university that 14 A Critical Approach to the Community College Model in the Global Order 241 opened in 1990 in Saint-Louis. In the interview we had with him, he maintained that at the time of his appointment, he was still dean, but willingly accepted the offer because of the fact that “there was nothing in Bambey” and that he saw the challenge of starting from scratch as a stimulating and noble endeavor. The government’s inability to determine precisely the ways in which the US community college model could be replicated in Senegal as one way of tackling efficiently the growing needs of the country in the area of higher education, provided an opportunity for the CUR of Bambey to come into being. The current Rector assumed the leadership role in the school with a set of ideas as the road- map for the establishment of what he thought should become a center of excellence, and a blueprint for the creation of regional universities in Senegal. Although inspired by the US community college in many ways, Bambey departs from it in that the teaching and outreach programs are inspired by the specific needs of the area. Obviously, Bambey envisions strengthening and maintaining this foundation, geared toward the needs of the local community. But, at the same time, the Rector is already looking at the possibility of building a strong research agenda around local, national, and international development issues. The official name of the school, Université de Bambey – Collège Universitaire Régional [University of Bambey – Regional University College] (UB-CUR)16 is the best expression of this hybrid nature of its future agenda. The Rector clearly defines this orientation when he suggests: Bambey has been established as a Regional University College [CUR] and the government wants to maintain that name because of the symbol it carries. In my opinion we are still a CUR with our professionalized bachelors, although the plan in the near future is to start masters and doctoral programs, like in any other Senegalese public university (Cisse, 2007). The CUR of Bambey came up with the most revolutionary curriculum in the history of higher education in Senegal, even compared to the University of Ziguinchor and the University of Thies, both established in 2006–2007. The originality of Bambey resides in the fact that it was designed by Senegalese people to serve the needs of the community in which it is established and the country in general. The school’s agenda challenges the elitist model inherited from France, places the student at the center of its mission, and thrives by reaching a balance between the training offered and the needs of the market and the surrounding society. A combination of factors made it relatively easy for the Rector to recruit the faculty and the first class of the CUR of Bambey. There have always been more people graduating with a doctorate from the two public universities in Dakar and Saint-Louis, than faculty position openings. Along with this group, there are a sizable number of Senegalese who earned their doctorates from foreign universities and who look for job opportunities at home. There are also a smaller number of Ph.D. holders from other African countries who are attracted by the Senegalese universities. Lastly, the CUR of Bambey has the opportunity to tap into a large pool of professionals, from the private or public sectors, with graduate degrees, and who can teach some courses. As for the recruitment of the first class of the CUR, the target number of students was way below the high school graduates who would not have access to the two 242 B. Gueye and I. Sene public universities in the country, let alone the expensive private universities and post-secondary professional schools. From a Teacher-centered to a Student-centered Model. For its first class the CUR of Bambey has registered a little less than 300 students. They were selected following the same criteria used by the other Senegalese public universities in recruiting their students. The first requirement of all was to pass the national examination of the Baccalauréat and to have a GPA of 10/20 at least. Also, the CUR, like the other public universities, was open to all Senegalese high school graduates, regardless of their regional and/or social origin. For the academic year 2007–2008, the target is to reach a student body of at least 1,000 (Cisse, 2007). Giving voice to students and involving them in the process of learning is central to the agenda put forward by the Rector and his team. This is a revolutionary option in the context of the Senegalese higher education system, which has been very teacher-centered. But, for the administration of the school, allowing students to have a say on how the teaching is conducted is one of the best ways to ensure that they learn better. Among other things, the implications of such an orientation would be for the faculty to break with the paternalistic way of dealing with the learner, which the Senegalese educational system inherited from France; hence the need to check the traditionally unrestrained freedom and power that teachers have to decide about the learner’s career. The CUR established a precise agenda for the faculty, which spells out clearly the expectations of the administration. Along the same lines, an evaluation system of faculty performance in which students are involved has been implemented to make sure that teachers who fail to meet the requirements set forth by the administration receive adequate sanctions. This is a philosophy of teaching that parallels both Dewey’s and Freire’s pedagogy, where the learner is at the center of the learning process. This is to ensure that teaching and learning are geared toward the success of all instead of a tiny minority, as it has always been the case at all levels of the Senegalese educational system, particularly in higher education. The rational behind this student-centered model is expressed by the CUR’s Rector as follow: In Bambey, we did not want to do like the other Senegalese public universities where the learner is not involved in the learning process, and where faculty are not evaluated and sanctioned when they do not fulfill their duties or rewarded accordingly to their performance. Most of all, we wanted to get away from the paradigm of failure that governs many African universities and plagues the two oldest Senegalese public universities. I do not believe in massive student failure at the university. This should not be the rule but rather the exception (Cisse, 2007). In addition to the intramural instruction, students are carefully placed by the college in various private businesses, governmental agencies, NGOs, and other community organizations, for internships, in order to give them hands-on experience in their respective areas of specialization. For the first year, some did their internships in the cities of Bambey and Diourbel, and others were placed further west, in Thies and Dakar.17 The learning process also involves the instillation of a set of values in the students, drawn from the Senegalese cultural background. To that end, all the main 14 A Critical Approach to the Community College Model in the Global Order 243 buildings of the campus are named after those values or well-known Senegalese men and women who symbolize them. Taking into account the students’ cultural background is important in a learning environment as it promotes an understanding of the students as human and cultural beings, and represents a good way to guarantee success. This corresponds to Vygotsky’s notion of “Zone of Proximal Development”, which encourages teachers to know their students better in order to allow them to grow and challenge themselves more efficiently. If the teaching is not in keeping with the students’ background, learning cannot occur or if it does, it is limited and could dissociate learners from their own realities. Since the colonial period, Senegal has been sustaining what Freire terms “the banking concept of education”, whereby “[e] ducation thus becomes an act of depositing, in which the students are the depositories and the teacher is the depositor. Instead of communicating, the teacher issues communiqués and makes deposits which the students patiently receive, memorize, and repeat.” He maintains furthermore that in such a system “the scope of action allowed to the students extends only as far as receiving, filing, and stor- ing the deposits” (Freire, 2000). Chomsky (1999) echoes Freire and argues that teaching should not be compared to filling a bottle with water but rather to helping a flower to grow in its own way. The student-centered approach adopted by the administration of the CUR of Bambey goes beyond the formal instruction that take place within and outside the classroom. It also involves preparing students for their future lives. In collaboration with the Banque Regionale de Solidarite,18 the administration has assisted all the students to open a bank account. Besides encouraging them to save money, this initiative also helps them get early acquaintance with electronic banking in preparation for the professional world they will be entering upon graduation. Along the same lines, the administration invests a lot of effort in the maintenance of a clean environment.19 This orientation of the college’s programs is considered to be the best way to build the strong institution which the Rector and his team want the CUR of Bambey to become in the near future, with the credo of elevating “excellence as a paradigm” (Cisse, 2007). This concept entails a close connection with the surrounding communities and the promotion of their human, economic and cultural development.

Competitiveness and Service: Training for the Job Market and the Community

The CUR of Bambey offers four majors including Community Health, Management, Computer Science, and a combination of Mathematics-Physics-Chemistry-Computer Science. The rationale behind this program speaks of the administration’s desire and commitment to design a pragmatic agenda which integrates teaching, competitiveness in the job market, and service to the community. In this the CUR of Bambey takes a totally new direction. Over a long period of time, the unemployment rate 244 B. Gueye and I. Sene among UCAD graduates has been steadily increasing. It has been documented that this problem is directly related to the mismatch between the training offered by this university and the needs in the job market. The Etats Généraux de l’Education, a national conference convened in 1981 to reflect on the future and effectiveness of the Senegalese educational system, came up with a series of possible solutions to this problem, but they were never implemented. The backlash against this daunting problem has been a mounting disinterest in public higher education in the last few years.20 Besides universities, the extent to which public schooling in general has lost its reputation is a reality at almost all levels of the educational system. A recent study conducted in Bambey on dropouts has shown that students leave middle or high school not only because it is challenging, but also because of the lack of prospects of employment on the job market after graduation (Gueye, 2006). Following the plan put forward by the administration, the research component of the college’s program should be developed in the near future. However, for the time being, teaching and service are the areas where most of the attention is focused. The main objective is to provide students with the necessary skills to be employable and productive immediately upon graduation. The various bachelor’s degrees offered by the college pursue the same goal. They are tailored to the problems in the industry and businesses which have always been there, and which the Senegalese university has never been able to address in an efficient manner. In doing so, the CUR of Bambey breaks away from a tradition that the Senegalese university has long held and which consists of training students, without even making sure that they are competitive on the job market. The program also targets areas such as healthcare and various aspects of local development, where the society has for a long time been in dire need for science- based and sustainable interventions.21 In fact, there has been a continuously deepening mistrust in the formal educational system, particularly at the university level, among growing numbers of people in our societies. As we have described, the system that we inherited from France had an elitist orientation, and was mostly out of touch with the realities and aspirations of our society. Moving away from this infamous tradition, the administration of the CUR of Bambey seeks to offer an appropriate model for the development needs in Senegal. This orientation is well expressed by the Rector when he declares that they: are deeply rooted in the locality, yet resolutely open to the rest of the country and the World more generally. [They] are committed in training young development agents for the area where [they] are implemented, but also for the whole of Senegal, the rest of the African continent, and the World. In the future, [they] envision welcoming students from other countries, African or otherwise, in [their] degree-granting programs, exchange programs, and other short-term training (Cisse, 2007). The CUR’s engagement with the society comes through an active partnership in which the administration reaches out to political authorities, local organizations, and community leaders, as well as various interest groups, and establishes a mutually beneficial exchange with them. The City Council of Bambey has allocated 30 ha to the CUR for the extension of the campus. Also, the two institutions have 14 A Critical Approach to the Community College Model in the Global Order 245 reached an agreement regarding the building of student dorms and apartments for university staff and faculty in the city of Bambey, with the objective of strengthening the relations between the city and the CUR.22 As already mentioned, the CUR also collaborates with governmental services, private businesses, NGOs and local organizations where students are placed for their internships. The CUR has developed constructive working relations with the religious authorities in the area. Because they have a good understanding of the work being done by the college, they have embraced the initiative and have offered to the administration their support. Bambey is situated in the administrative region of Diourbel as is the holy city of Touba, the birthplace and center for the powerful Sufi brotherhood of the Murids. The move consisting of getting the religious authorities on board has been a strategic one. In fact, the widespread disinterest toward public schooling and the high rate of dropouts in this part of the country have been long explained by the continuous association made between public schooling and French colonialism and its assimilationist policy. More recently, the CUR has developed a collaborative initiative with women potters in Bambey and the surrounding villages. The administration has bought a great deal of their pottery for the decorations going on throughout the campus, but also for gifts to the distinguished guests who visit the college. The Rector suggests that this initiative is a top priority for his team, as it is a way to help these women to sell their products more easily and increase their outcome. Finally, the plan to set up a wireless internet network, as well as a solar energy system for the college’s energy needs will require other types of partnerships.23 Clearly, the CUR of Bambey is geared toward a wider infusion of higher education into the society to enhance the quality of life, through the integration of teaching, service to, and collaboration with, the society. The research component that will be put forward in the near future, as planned by the administration of the college, will also pursue the same goal. Obviously, this agenda borrows from the US community college that was initially intended to serve as a model in designing the project of regional university colleges in Bambey, Thies, and Ziguinchor. However, the CUR of Bambey departs from the US community college model, and also takes many attributes of a traditional research university such as Cheikh Anta Diop University. Therefore, it is useful to look at how the combination of these two systems unveils a new vision in Senegalese higher education in the era of globalization. It is too early to say whether the outcome of the training in Bambey has increased job availability after graduation, because the first class has not yet graduated. It is certain though that even before the end of their training, students are given hands-on experience in their respective areas of specialization. Besides this early introduction to the professional world, the curriculum at the CUR of Bambey includes a solid correlation between students’ training and the needs in the job market. Thus the school gives a new meaning and a new orientation to higher education, which Dakar and Saint-Louis have never significantly succeeded in doing. In fact, not only are the graduates from Bambey supposed to have more potential to fit in the job market, but they are also expected to have a better chance to get 246 B. Gueye and I. Sene employed. Because for many years this has not been the case for most UCAD and Gaston Berger University degree holders, one can arguably expect good prospects out of the current reform.

CUR of Bambey, the US Community College and the Senegalese University

The CUR of Bambey opened in 2006 as the initial center of the new reform, designed to overcome a number of problems that the Senegalese educational system was confronted with. In fact, the country has a very low literacy rate (40%) and a lower rate of the school-age population going to secondary schools (21%), and a staggering rate of failure in the first 2 years of higher education (78%), which is the main reason for the youth representing 60% of the unemployed (Sack and Witter, 2005, p. 3). Such an orientation is at the center of the operation of the CUR of Bambey and the curriculum put forward under the leadership of the current Rector and his team. But what makes the first CUR a quite specific case is the fact that, in many ways, it has deviated from the initial plan that the Senegalese government wanted to implement. It was for the purpose of helping to “support the development of rural cities, and demonstrate the government’s commitment to human resource investment” (Sack and Witter, 2005, p. 3) that the idea of implementing CURs was developed in Senegal. Inspired by the US/Canadian community college models, the Senegalese CURs were initially conceived as vocational/technical schools, and were expected to provide students with the skills needed for the labor market. Admission into higher education was no longer automatic after the Baccalaureate. For this reason, the CURs were supposed to serve as an outlet for those who could not make it to the two overcrowded public universities in Dakar and Saint-Louis. In the initial plan, the CURs would accept students aged between 16 and 24 years and whose education qualifications are “from two years before the Baccalaureate to three years after it (Bac −2 to Bac + 3).” (Sack and Witter, 2005, p. 3). However, as we have already shown, this plan has changed over time. The most important similarity between the US community college and the CUR of Bambey is the focus on practical know-how rather than on abstract knowledge. The curricula for the ten bachelors’ degrees offered by the school are primarily in keeping with the local development needs. Bambey is one of the poorest towns of the country and one that suffer the most from the rural-urban educational disparity. Therefore, the idea of supporting the development of rural cities through the implementation of the CURs is very relevant here. At the CUR of Bambey, students are trained according to the needs expressed by various stakeholders, including the business sector, the public sector, NGOs, and community groups. The school maintains a strong philosophy of service to the community, which is based on a partnership for the mutual benefit of both parties. The integration of training and service through active collaboration with the community seeks to attain a better quality of life for all. 14 A Critical Approach to the Community College Model in the Global Order 247

The underlying factor and main driving force of this model is its student- centered orientation. In fact, as we have mentioned above, the curriculum, as well as the general environment, is intended not only to provide students with the skills needed to be competitive in the job market, but also the capability as citizens to participate responsibly in the political, economic, social, and cultural life of their communities. Fundamentally, the CUR of Bambey is promoting a philosophy in higher education which is entirely new in Senegal. But although the college takes a clearly different path compared to Cheikh Anta Diop University and Gaston Berger University, it has kept and/or is planning to retain a number of characteristics of the classic university model. One of the most telling elements in that regard is the official name of the college, Université de Bambey-Collège Universitaire Régional [University of Bambey-Regional University College]. The administration has made it clear that the CUR of Bambey is deeply rooted in the tradition of the community colleges model and will maintain the professionalized nature of the curriculum. Nevertheless, the plan for Bambey is to become a real research university in the near future. According to the Rector, such a move is a logical one if the CUR of Bambey wants to keep the mission it was assigned from the very beginning. In fact, he believes strongly that Bambey should show the other Senegalese universities the way toward a real integration of teaching, research, service, and active collaboration with the community for a betterment of the life of the Senegalese people. That is why the CUR will soon be opening masters’ and doctoral programs. Beyond Senegal, the Rector maintains that Bambey will even open up to Africa, and the world. Therefore, the CUR of Bambey follows the same academic tenure policy and process of the Conseil Africain et Malgache pour l’Enseignement Supérieur (CAMES). This organization is in charge of various issues in higher education including promotion, tenure, academic accreditation, and the like, in Madagascar and most of Francophone Africa. Today, the CUR of Bambey, cannot be considered an exact replica of the American community college model, although it definitely breaks away from the tradition of the classic Senegalese university. In fact, it takes inspiration from both institutions and develops a new philosophy in higher education. Strongly geared toward catering to the needs of the immediate surrounding communities and the country as a whole, the CUR nevertheless plans, as a university, to open up to the world.

Conclusion

The model that is being experimented at the CUR of Bambey should be definitely considered as a revolutionary one in the context of Senegalese higher education. It brings the mission assigned to universities down to earth by tying it to the job market and more generally to the development needs of the society. In this regard, it breaks away from the elitist system that Senegal inherited from France and which has been guiding the Senegalese universities ever since, and embraces a pragmatic 248 B. Gueye and I. Sene agenda in teaching, research, and outreach. The CUR of Bambey also embodies the idea that access to higher education needs to be more democratized. To this end, the Rector has argued that, because Senegal needs many more students at the university level than the country has currently, the CUR of Bambey will seek to attract the maximum number of young people. This orientation puts the college in the right track for the reduction in the high rate of unemployment among university graduates and the creation of the human resources critically important for the development of the country Grubb et al. (2003a). The CUR of Bambey and the philosophy of higher education its carries make one think about the various ways in which the land-grant universities contributed a great deal to the economic and social advancement of the United Sates. All these elements of strength notwithstanding, there are real hurdles that lie ahead and which could constitute an impediment to the development of the model that is being developed in Bambey. The establishment of the CURs in Senegal was conceived by the government officials and other funding institutions that supported the project, such as USAID, as a way to support the development of rural cities like Bambey. But for CUR to have a real impact on the development of Bambey, there should be a strong commitment from the government to support the growth of the college, at least in the first years, with heavy investments for the development of the basic infrastructure that the city really lacks. This is necessary to attract the faculty that have the skills for the type of training, research, and service that the CUR will be developing. The college itself needs larger financial means to accomplish all the work that has started and/or is planned for the future. The first class of the CUR had 297 students, and the administration plans to recruit up to 1,000 students for the academic year 2008–2009. Bambey has developed a wide palette of partnerships, at the local, national, and international level, that could generate a lot of financial and other important resources. However, the growth of the student body needs to be sustained by substantial public funding in order to reduce in a reasonable amount of time the deficit in university enrollments in Senegal and consolidate what the CUR of Bambey has done and/or plans on doing more in the near future. There is an urgent need to build a shared understanding of the priorities in this area among all the stakeholders. Yet, although we do not have substantial evidence to support our claim, a quick glance at the ways in which the University of Thies and the University of Ziguinchor have operated so far, does not seem to suggest that the Bambey model is being developed there. Rather, the other two new Senegalese universities seem to be widely guided by the model inherited from France. The Senegalese government should use in a more efficient way the 40% of the national budget that is being devoted to education, but without a clearly noticeable impact. Officials should also have more coordination and a more thorough understanding of the reform of higher education. While the CUR of Bambey has just started to show the new direction for a brighter future for the Senegalese higher educational system, the recently opened universities of Ziguinchor and Thies have been growing in the midst of serious difficulties. Because the Senegalese government has not yet addressed efficiently these problems, the idea of building a university in Diourbel in 2008 raised by the Ministry of Education appears to us as a disruptive plan to say the least. 14 A Critical Approach to the Community College Model in the Global Order 249

Notes

1. In the context we are dealing with here, the French word college means “middle school.” 2. The university, officially the 18th French university, was under the umbrella of the Academy of Bordeaux and delivered French degrees until the 1970s. 3. Since 1970, Senegalese government had various initiatives devoted to overturn this logic with a non-negligible pressure from student organizations. But it was in the last 5 years, under Rector Abdou Salam Sall, that UCAD has engaged the most ambitious reorganization of its history to redefine its mission. Drawing upon the large body of skills of students, faculty, staff, alumni, and friends, the university has committed itself to playing a more active role in all endeavors intended to advancing the Senegalese and West African societies. Needless to say, it has not been very easy to implement such a profound reform because of the history of the university. 4. The current Rector of the CUR of Bambey came from that background. 5. The University of Dakar became Cheikh Anta Diop University in March 1986. 6. Initially called University de Saint-Louis it eventually became University Gaston Berger. 7. At UCAD the faculty is equivalent to the college at American universities. At UGB, instead of faculty this unit is called Unité de Formation et Recherche (UFR). 8. According to Prof. Moustapha Sourang, Minister of Education, a new university will be built, beginning in 2008, in Diourbel. The plan has been already approved by the Senegalese government and this university will focus on the humanities and social sciences. This project will be implemented in Diourbel and is not part of the CUR of Bambey. The main reason behind is to help lessen the pressure on the congested Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaines at UCAD, Dakar. 9. In general student who earn a degree from the public or private post-secondary, as well as the private universities have more chance to get a job than those from the public universities. 10. In March 2000, President Abdou Diouf who was in power since 1981 was defeated by current President Abdoulaye Wade. 11. The French pré-carré is composed of France’s former colonies that maintained solid economic and diplomatic relationships. The desire of the French government to remain a monopoly on the foreign relations of these former colonies has been seriously challenged by the emergence of the US growing presence in West Africa, but also the emergence of China as new world power. Also, more and more politicians, intellectuals, and members of the civil societies have started questioning the ties with France. 12. In many regards, Senegal has been maintaining until now a higher educational system that has been completely reformed in France since the early 1980. For examples Senegal still has the thèse de 3ẹ cycle and the thèse d’Etat, that are required for tenure. 13. The Cur system comes finally as an “at last” solution to rescue both high school and the University. These two institutions had suffered from the popular PDEF programs that focused primarily on the primary education level. 14. The Rector of the CUR of Bambey is not quite happy as he pointed out the fact that some US universities are headed by people who do not even have a doctoral degree and however do a good managerial job. 15. UFR (Unité de Formation et de Recherche) is a unit at the University Gaston Berger which is equivalent to a College at an American university. 16. We refer to the Université de Bambey – Collège Universitaire Régional as CUR of Bambey. 17. The plan is to be able to reach the other parts of the country in the near future. 18. The Banque Regionale de Solidarite is was established in 2006 by many West African countries. 19. The promotion of a healthy environment is dear to the administration of the CUR. This comes through the maintenance of clean campus. Also every student is required to plant a tree and preserve it. Also all the renowned guess of the CUR are asked to plant a tree. 250 B. Gueye and I. Sene

20. In fact, in the last 10–15 years, the public higher educational institutions have lost so much of their attractiveness that more and more high-school graduates just decide to go to private professional schools. The latter, over the same period of time, have grown so fast in Dakar, the capital, as well as in other cities. It is ironic that many faculty from the public universities teach part-time in these private professional schools. This is a very complex issue that deserves in itself a deeper investigation due to the serious it certainly has on higher education efficiency. 21. The bachelor’s degrees offered by the CUR of Bambey community health, computer maintenance, web development, management of development projects, local and public administration, applied chemistry, applied physics, applied statistics, management of small- scale companies. 22. The CUR is working on this initiative in collaboration with the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and some people among the Senegalese Diaspora. 23. The Rector thinks that partnerships are crucial to the life of the CUR of Bambey, because they annually 450,000,000 FCFA (about US$1,000,000) from the government whereas their needs are more than 1 billion FCFA (about $2,000,000). That is why college funding is so important. The school also is developing continuing education programs for private businesses, NGOs, and the like, in the cities of Dakar, Thies, and Saint-Louis. The Foundation of the UB-CUR will primarily focus its works on looking for funding opportunities.

Bibliography

Bowles, S. and Gintis, H. (1976). Schooling in capitalist America. New York: Basic Books. Brint, S. and Karabel, J. (1989). The diverted dream: community colleges and educational opportunity in America, 1900–1985. New York: Oxford University Press. Castro, C. de Maura and Garcia, N. M. (2003). Community colleges: a model for Latin America. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. Chomsky, N. (1999). Profit over people. New York: Seven Stories Press. Cohen, A. M. and Brawer, F. B. (2002). The American community college. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Cisse, Abdoullah. (2007). Rector of the UB-CUR, Dakar. Interview on July 29, 2007. Deil-Aman, R. and Rosenbaum, J. E. (2001). How can low-status colleges help young adults gain access to better jobs? Applications of human capital v. sociological models. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association. Anaheim, CA, August. Diagne, A. and Daffe, G. (2001). Le financement de l’éducation au Sénégal. Dakar: ADEA & CODESRIA. Freire, P. (2000). Pedagogy of the oppressed (3rd ed.). New York: Continuum Publishing Company. Grubb, W. N., Bradway, N. and Bell, D. (2003a). Workforce, economic and community development: the changing landscape of the entrepreneurial community college. Berkeley, CA: NCRVE and Mission Viejo League for Innovation. Grubb, W. N., Bradway, N. and Bell, D. (2003b). “Community Colleges and the Equity Agenda: The Potential of Noncredit Education”, in Kathleen M. S. and Jerry A. J. (eds.), Community colleges: new environments, new directions. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. Volume 586, March 2003. Gueye, B. (2006). “Perspectives on Gender, Culture, Identity and Education: An Ethnographic Study of the Discontinuity of Secondary Schooling in Senegal, West Africa”, PhD Diss., SUNY Binghamton. Le Quotidien, October 31, 2003, Dakar, Senegal. Ministère de I’Education, Direction de le Planification et de la Réforme de I’Education (DPRE), Rapport Annuel, 2003. 14 A Critical Approach to the Community College Model in the Global Order 251

Plan Décennal de l’Education et de la Formation (PDEF) ww.education.gouv.sn/politique/introduction.html Sack, R. and Witter, G. (2005). “Assessment of a Proposed Community College Project for Senegal for USAID Senegal”, Education Development Center, Inc. (EDC), September 16, 2005. SENEGAL, Ministère de L’Education, Programme Décennal de L’Education et de la Formation (PDEF), 2002. Service Regional De La Prevision Et De La Statistique De Diourbel, Senegal “Données Démographiques de la Région de Diourbel”, 2004. Chapter 15 The Case for Associate Degrees in Curaçao

Rosita Tormala-Nita and Gilbert Cijntje

Introduction

The Dutch utilitarian education structure has undergone multiple paradoxical changes. In the past, paradoxes resulted in the current binary system of higher education in the Netherlands, drawing a rigid distinction between degrees awarded by the research university (Wetenschappelijk Onderwijs (WO)) and those awarded by the professional education university (Hoger Beroeps Onderwijs (HBO)). . As part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, the Caribbean island of Curaçao has founded its system of education based on the European Dutch system of higher education (Fig. 15.1&15.2), yet through the years opted for a more progressive reform by adopting a comprehensive model of higher education that integrates both the applied bachelor’s/master’s degrees (HBO) and the more scientific bachelor’s/ master’s (WO) into a single institution of higher learning (Fig. 15.2). At the current crossroad, attrition in the bachelor-degree-granting institutions in the Netherlands and in Curaçao has made the American model of academic associate degrees a possible alternative for adoption. However, the idea of transforming public postsecondary non-tertiary schools (Middelbaar Beroeps Onderwijs (MBO) or (Secundair Beroeps Onderwijs (SBO))1 into Associate Colleges suggests yet another paradox for the Dutch system of higher education. The Netherlands has taken the first step forward by piloting the associate degree as part of the applied bachelor program HBO Raad, 2007 should be HBO-raad, 2007 (Nuffic, 2004, 2005a, 2005b; HBO-raad, 2007; Moens, 2005). Curaçao is closely watching the outcome in the Netherlands and examining the option at the local public university. In this chapter, we will make some modest attempts to shed some light on where to introduce the American model of Associate Colleges (Vocational Associates) and/or whether to follow suit and adopt only the Dutch approach to associate degrees (Liberal Arts Associate) in Curaçao. The main questions posed in this chapter are: 1. What is the purpose of postsecondary non-tertiary education? 2. Would the Dutch alternative address the education needs of the new generation of the vocational inclined in Curaçao? 3. Or should the American path to higher learning be the alternative of the future?

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 253 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 254 R. Tormala-Nita and G. Cijntje

Fig. 15.1 Separate and unequal, but practical educational structure (Government of Curaçao Web site at www.Curaçao-gov.an [Retrieved July, 2008]) WO = Research University–Bachelor–Master–PhD institution VWO = University Prep HBO = Other (applied) Bachelor–Master institutions HAVO = College Prep Volwassenen Educatie = Adult Continuing Education SBO = Postsecondary non-tertiary (proposed associate level) VSBO = Secondary vocational schools (lower and upper) VSO = Apprenticeship and Special secondary vocational level SO = Special Education Grades 5 and 6 level FSO = Special Education kindergarten through elementary Grade 4 level Funderend Onderwijs Derde Cyclus Basisvorming = Regular Basic Education Grades 7 and 8 (government is undecided on this level of reform in process) Basis Onderwijs = Regular Grades 5 and 6 (next level of reform in process) Funderend Onderwijs (eerste cyclus, tweede cyclus) = Regular kindergarten through Grade 4

The new paradox that has surfaced is rooted in the definition of the higher education system. This chapter presents higher education in Curaçao, which consists of accredited institutions of postsecondary education that grant 3- (WO) to 4- (HBO) year bachelor’s or higher degrees and whose accreditation is recognized by the Department of Education. In this definition and within the comparative global market for higher education, associate degrees are omitted and not because there is no program of such similarity on the island, but because the recognition of associate degrees suggests the negative connotation of massification of the idea of higher 15 The Case for Associate Degrees in Curaçao 255

PhD. Degree

Research Universities in the Netherlands Master of Science degrees [180 credits] [120 credits] [60-90 credits]

Comprehensive Master/Bachelor Model of Higher Education

Applied Bachelor’s Master’s degree (Law) degree [120 credits]; Master’s [240 credits] degree (Business) [60-90 credits]; BA/BSc [180 credits] MSc. (Engineering) University of professional Postsecondary education (HBO) Non-tertiary 4 levels of vocational training (SBO) Year 1-4 Pre-University Secondary Pre-College Secondary Schools Schools Vocational Secondary (VWO) 6 years (HAVO) 5 years Schools (VSBO) 4 years

Primary Education 7/8 years

Fig. 15.2 Integrated European Dutch and Caribbean Dutch higher education system (NUFFIC, 2005) (The NUFFIC model in the document “The Dutch Educational System” was used to create the integrated version) education (Tormala-Nita, 2003). While keeping in mind the complexities, this chapter will address two approaches to Associate Colleges, the Dutch approach and the American interpretation. In both cases, we describe how educators in Curaçao define and perceive both systems. Diagrams on the system of education in Curaçao are used to describe a paradoxical utilitarian system of education that is unequal and separate, but practical. 256 R. Tormala-Nita and G. Cijntje

The Postsecondary Non-tertiary Education

The United Nations Education and Scientific Organization (UNESCO) founded the International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED) in the 1970s to provide classification of systems of education around the world. ISCED categorizes education into six levels: (level 0) preprimary education, primary education or first stage of basic education (level 1), lower secondary or second stage of basic education (level 2), upper secondary (level 3), postsecondary non-tertiary (level 4), first stage of tertiary (bachelor) (level 5), and second stage of tertiary education (level 6). In determining the difference between postsecondary tertiary and postsecondary non-tertiary, in Curaçao the SBO Secundaire Beroepsonderwijs is classified as it is currently defined in ISCED and that is as postsecondary non-tertiary education. From an international viewpoint, these types of postsecondary non-tertiary education (ISCED Level 4) are programs that fit between secondary education and bachelor- degree-granting institutions of postsecondary education (ISCED, 1997; Wikipedia, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Standard_Classification_of_Education). Currently, students could commit to specific 1–4-year programs at the SBO (level 1, 2, 3, 4), but only after graduating at the SBO L4 will they qualify and be admitted to the applied bachelor program in higher education. Level 1 provides up to 1 year of training. Level 2 provides 2–3 years of training into an entry level clerical profession. The level 1 and level 2 curriculums provide students with the opportunity to receive certificates of completion specific to their level of training. Those who complete level 4 are not granted credit transfers; students only gain admission into higher education. It is also important to note that the current policy allows the SBO postsecondary non-tertiary to function as the default for anyone with retention issues in the secondary or perhaps in higher learning. Figure 15.1 illustrates the current location and classification of the SBO program within the Dutch system of education on the island of Curaçao as prepared by the Government of Curaçao. The block labeled SBO refers to postsecondary non-tertiary education and the SBO block is surrounded by all levels of occupational and professional careers for the traditional and nontraditional students in the traditional vocationally oriented, apprenticeship programs, and adult education programs. By design, the ultimate goal of a tracked school system is to differentiate in order to create a path that would first address the needs of the talented “best and the brightest” and insure their movement into higher education. By default, a system addressing the educational needs of those destined for the world of work is also created. Although education in Curaçao is unequal and separate, it has proven to be a practical system of secondary education. The vocational pillar provides the vocationally inclined an education of their own. A step forward would be to introduce and recognize associate degrees, vocational applied (Associate of Arts), and academic (Associate of Science) as the first step into higher learning. Currently, the concept of postsecondary but non-tertiary is paradoxical and indicative of the ideology supporting it. Solving these paradoxes without compromising the elite system of higher learning in Curaçao is essential, especially in a nation in which tracking is foundational to its entire system of education. The concept of Associate 15 The Case for Associate Degrees in Curaçao 257

Colleges seems fitting within the purposes of advancing vocational education in the Dutch system of education. Curaçao, as a Dutch island, would also stand to benefit from the current innovative introduction of the Associate College model in the Dutch market. Perhaps, an additional compromise could be reached, in which the Dutch associate model would address the associate of science and the Curaçao model would also address the vocational associate of arts. The decision to adopt associate degrees as part of the current higher education policy would require transforming postsecondary non-tertiary education (SBO level 4) schools, but it also suggests a new governance model for the system of higher education in Curaçao (Fig. 15.4). These steps require a legal act, which would imply amending current SBO and higher educational laws, a process suggesting a long political battle of ideologies. Therefore, understanding postsecondary education in Curaçao and how comparable the goals and purposes of the postsecondary non-tertiary (SBO) are to the 2-year American associate degrees (Associate of Arts (AA) or Associate of Science (AS) ) at colleges is a crucial first step.

National Educational Policy Supporting a Practical System

A problematic paradox but also important to note is the context in which schools operate in Curaçao, which is that of an intellectual education that embraces second- language immersion programs in the Dutch language.2 The ideal Curaçao student is cultivated to become a Dutch-language speaker. This policy in itself promotes education as a highly intellectually oriented process. Within the international context of models of education, the system of education is best described through its tracking system. Governor Goedgedrag of the Netherlands Antilles, in his annual address to the country and parliament, renewed the government’s commitment to increasing access to the precollege/preuniversity track (Hoger Algemeen Voortgezet Onderwijs (HAVO)/Voorbereidend Wetenschappelijk Onderwijs (VWO)) by 25% (Amigoe di Curaçao, September 2007). This is consistent with the current process of the three-cycle reform eerste cyclus, tweede cyclus, and derde cyclus,3 displayed in Fig. 15.1. Important to national educational policy is the transition of students from Foundation-Based Education (Funderend Onderwijs) to postsecondary tertiary and postsecondary non-tertiary education. The concept of Basic Education Basisvorming, the 2-year program was introduced as an effective program to process the tracking of students into the different types of secondary schools available, namely the VWO (preuniversity), HAVO (precollege), VSBO (Voorbereidend Secundair Beroeps Onderwijs – lower and upper vocational), and the (Voortgezet Special Onderwijs (VSO)) (apprenticeship). The highest achievement track is that of the highly intellectual student, in which advancement to VWO (preuniversity) means access to a highly competitive international baccalaureate program or advanced college program, which prepares the select few for a traditional liberal arts curriculum and admission to the Dutch research university (WO) in the Netherlands. The second highest achievement is the HAVO (precollege) track, which is a general academic education track that also prepares students for higher education, but in the Dutch system that means 258 R. Tormala-Nita and G. Cijntje admission to the more applied bachelor/master university of professional education (HBO), which is available in the Curaçao public higher education institution. These two tracks combined represent 27% of the Curaçao secondary student population. The tracking system has been a good academic-ability-sorting instrument, institutionalized to track mobility rigidly controlled by preparing the gatekeepers such as teachers, administration, the school boards, and the government-appointed inspectors of education for such tasks. In this system of schools, one could assert with absolute certainty that those students whose primarily language is not Dutch or those who do not master the Dutch language and the appropriate academic knowledge are at risk (Tormala-Nita, 2007). It is also important to note that the degree of risk increases based on the track that the student qualifies for. Consequently, most of the secondary school students are the vocationally inclined, which account for 39% VSBO (lower and upper vocational) and 47% (a combination of special education placements and dropouts). Together these tracks consist of about 73% of the secondary school population. The VSBO integrates the vocational/career/technical track with academics, but the main focus is on the more practical application of preparing students for the world of work. The VSO is the apprenticeship track, which includes all students who do not have the academic inclination, preparation, or the motivation for more schooling, or those who have dropped out of the system and are too far behind in knowledge or age to be placed in any of the other tracks (Fig. 15.1). Apprenticeship is a possibility for all special circumstances. Based on this system, one could argue that only those who qualify for apprenticeship are not at risk based on language proficiency, as the education they receive is one in their primary language. The focus of this chapter is on this practical system of education for the vocationally inclined. The importance of this research is to stimulate the adoption of associate degrees policies that will help the vocationally inclined create their own path to higher learning. There were approximately 7,500 students in the lower and upper vocational education (VSBO) and 2,055 in the precollege/preuniversity pillar, and the postsecondary non-tertiary (SBO) was listed at approximately 3,437 students (Central Bureau for Statistics, Academic Year 2006-2007. http://www.cbs.an/ education/education_f1.asp). The SBO is intended to eventually fill the needs of all vocationally inclined and nontraditional adult education candidates. The table below displays current enrollment at the secondary and postsecondary non-tertiary level of public schools and government-subsidized schools.

Types of schools No. of schools No. of students Public vocational/career/technical secondary 5 1,854 Government-subsidized private sectarian vocational/ career/technical secondary 16 6,308 Public precollege/preuniversity secondary 1 954 Government-subsidized private sectarian precollege/ preuniversity secondary 3 2,102 Public postsecondary non-tertiary 1 874 Government-subsidized private sectarian postsecondary non-tertiary 4 2,463 Source: Eilandgebied Curaçao Online, 2007-, http://www.curacao-gov.an) 15 The Case for Associate Degrees in Curaçao 259

The total population of students in public government-supported private sectarian schools is about 36,000 students in primary and secondary education. The total number in secondary education is about 11,218 students, of whom 72% are tracked into the vocational side of the system of education. One third drops out after the compulsory ages, one third makes it terminal or passes and a few move into the academic track and than drop out, and about one third advance to the SBO. An important aspect of the reformed system of secondary education program is that access to higher learning is possible through the SBO level 4,4 which promotes a pathway to higher learning for the vocationally oriented. In America the 2-year Associate Colleges offer a model of higher education for the vocationally inclined. Globalization of such a model sends a different kind of message, which is that of the right to more opportunities and advancement in knowledge for the vocationally inclined and access to higher education and hopefully a leveled playing field. In recent decades the global trend of reforming higher education (Altbach, 1998; Goedegebuure, 1992; Goedegebuure and Meek, 1991; Goedegebuure and Vos, 1988; Dahlheimer, 1988), on behalf of the applied and scientific bachelor’s degree models (Kivinen and Rinne, 1990), progressed well and now the paradox in at least the Dutch system is in what form and shape associate degree models should also follow suit. In the Netherlands and its postcolonial territory of Curaçao, the academic associate degree seems to sound like a good idea to address attrition in higher education, but the thought of the vocational associate degree and postsecondary non-tertiary as higher education in a system that is ideologically elite suggests a political debacle. As Curaçao prepares to become an autonomous nation within the Kingdom of the Netherlands, addressing the educational status of the new generation of vocationally inclined students within the current higher education system is good policy, even if it means differentiating from that of the Netherlands. Such reform would serve as a strong message that the rights to higher learning of the vocationally inclined majority cannot be ignored.

Defining Higher Education in Curaçao

The first institution of higher education in Curaçao was founded in the 1970s as a university of professional education (HBO) specializing in legal studies. The institution has since gradually evolved into a comprehensive institution of higher learning offering four professional education programs: Faculty of Law (LLB, LLM); Faculty of Engineering (BSc, MSc); Faculty of Social Studies and Economics (BSc, MSc, MBA); Faculty of Arts (Bachelor (B), and currently the proposed Faculty of Education and Culture (Bachelor (B) ). The institution combines the Dutch research university programs and the applied programs into one institution of higher learning and also uses the name “University” (University of the Netherlands Antilles (UNA), www.una.an). Thereby resembling one of the US model of higher education, which is that of the comprehensive model in structure 260 R. Tormala-Nita and G. Cijntje as defined by the Carnegie Foundation Classifications (http://www.carnegiefounda tion.org/classifications).5 The comprehensive model in Curaçao is a hybrid of higher education in parts, ways, and content which combines the best of the Dutch and American program offerings of higher learning. The entire system of higher education in Curaçao is fairly new in the comparative higher education global world. It is also small in size and scale, and often runs parallel with higher education developments in the Netherlands and the North America. In recent years, the university has established the continuing education or outreach wing (CURISES) that provides employer- demand education as well as applied professional bachelor’s and master’s degrees to nontraditional students. At the beginning of the 2007 academic year, an online newspaper article in the Amigoe di Curaçao announced that the University has reached its highest enrollment level of 2,000 students. Also, for the past 3 years, a new infrastructure is being planned promising a modernized look and new buildings. Other forms of applied higher learning on the island include the offshore medical school, the Latin American language university, a fine arts academy, a music academy, the teacher-training institution (Akademia Pedagogiko Korsou), a nursing school, an Institute for Behavior and Social Work, the Police Academy, and several other institutions which provide some sort of training (De Officiele Eilandsgids, 2002).

Unequal and Separate Structure, but Practical

Based on the national education policy, the role of postsecondary non-tertiary, and the historical access to higher learning, it could be argued that education for the vocationally inclined in Curaçao is unequal and separate, but practical. The Dutch system has historically proven to work well for the academically oriented and inclined. There are several lessons learned from the history of educational policy of Curaçao as part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. Figure 15.3 displays that history in the format of a two-pillar system, which functions well at opening access into the university for professional education (HBO) by rigidly controlling the access into the research university system (WO). At the secondary-school level, the tracking system provided the trusts of a system that measures achievement well, by controlling access to the academic end while facilitating access to the vocational types of secondary schooling. At this level, the difference in scope and nature of the curricula of the different secondary schools automatically block access after placement. Secondary school for all took form, thereby providing a secondary school type for every child (Römer, 1985). The two-pillar system provides an example of such pragmatic compromises that kept the access of the masses to the higher education system under manageable limits (Tormala-Nita, 2007). The adopted Mammoth law of 1968 institutionalized tracking at the sixth-grade level and although the policy was much criticized, in practice it has been very useful in helping to organize education in the Netherlands and in Curaçao (Römer, 1985; Tormala-Nita, 2003; van Bemmel, 2006). Consequently, educational policies of the past 50 years have 15 The Case for Associate Degrees in Curaçao 261

Primary Education K -6 (uninterrupted 8 years)

Special 2 years Basic Secondary Education 2 years Basic Education 2 years Basic Education Prep education Education Prep Grade 7 & 8 = Prep for Pre-vocational & Pre-university track/ track for Pre-bachelor Basic Education technical education track International Baccalaureate college track

Secondary Education Apprenticeships= 2 years secondary Grade 9 & 10 compulsory vocational/theoretical 3 years education tracks (VSBO) bachelor 4 years Secondary School extended to the college research Diploma or age of 18 2 years level 1 & 2 prep university Certificate of advanced professional School prep completion training (SBO) (HAVO) School Grade 11 & 12 (VWO)

2 years level 3 & 4 postsecondary vocational institutions (SBO) (SBO-Level 4)

Case 1: Proposal for Vocational Associates Degrees Applied Higher Elite Education Research Curacao Institute for Social (Bachelor & Master University Economic Studies (CURISES) HBO programs) track

Access to Binary structure of higher education in the Kingdom of the Netherlands Adult Continuing Education and Outreach Training

Future Research Questions: Should SBO schools be transformed into Associate Colleges and adopted as part of higher learning? Or should associate degrees be offered in the current higher education level, through CURISES (University Outreach)? Or should a system model of higher education be created that offers associate, bachelors, graduate and professional degrees?

Fig. 15.3 Curaçao two-pillar structure of education: what direction? enabled the island to constantly upgrade into what is currently considered a strong vocational–education pillar, leading the vocationally oriented youth into low- and mid-level education. The history of the educational system in Curaçao suggests the assimilation of the Curaçao youth through a system of education aimed at transforming the youth into service-oriented workers. The first models of national prevocational education implemented were the technical schools, mostly boys for preindustrial skills and girls for domestic education purposes. Another addition of students to the vocational market is through the recent introduction of the compulsory education law, extending the legal school age of students to 18 years in an 262 R. Tormala-Nita and G. Cijntje effort to control truancy. Within this purpose, the government would be increasing enrollment by reenrolling dropouts into vocational education schools (Leeflang, 2006). The new compulsory law fits right within the policy of secondary education for all and the challenges of trying to educate everyone from kindergarten through a 4-year bachelor’s degree (K–16) (Tormala-Nita, 2007). The larger number of the prevocational secondary schools continues to create a market for the addition of the Associate Colleges that must address the future education of the vocationally inclined and the nontraditional students. Another issue that must be addressed is the infrastructure of schools. A major overhaul is needed in the form of new and modern buildings fitting to the occupations students are being prepared for. Modern facilities could also be a motivator to increase the status of the vocationally oriented professions. Figure 15.3 displays the two-pillar structure. Future research questions should include determining where to position associate degrees or whom to entrust with the higher education for the vocationally inclined. The SBO was instituted to improve the route to higher learning. The following two cases address the alternatives.

Case 1: Vocational Associate Degrees at Associate Colleges

As indicated in the previous sections, the history of the structure of education in Curaçao is to a great extent a copy of the system of education of the Netherlands. Lessons learned from the Dutch system of education are that “conflict of interest tends to be solved by pragmatic compromise rather than open conflict” (Wardekker et al., 2003, p. 479). Historically in Curaçao, a new school type was created for secondary vocational education every time the system attempted to integrate into the academic pillar (Römer, 1985). Such demand has evolved into a larger vocational education pool of vocationally inclined students, creating a solid market for postsecondary education of a vocational nature on the island (Eilandgebied Curaçao Online, http://www.Curaçao-gov.an). Based on the above assumptions, we assert that the transformation of the SBO schools into Associate Colleges would avoid conflicts only if SBO schools do not become the responsibility of higher education governance. The governance would have to remain under the responsibility of the Curaçao government. Consequently, we expect conflict between colonial and postcolonial thought on what constitutes higher education in the modern world and what type of governance is most appropriate for Associate Colleges. Perhaps, it is important to first explore the characteristics of the American model of the typical community college, its origin, and the contemporary model. Offerings range from certificate programs to their highest degree, which is the associate degree (Ross, 2007). In Curaçao, the postsecondary non-tertiary seems to be far behind its peers in the United States, and seems to be falling further behind considering the new trends in community colleges. The comparative details on the SBO program in Curaçao are that it is a 4-year program for those wanting to qualify for admission into the applied bachelor’s degree program at higher education institutions. 15 The Case for Associate Degrees in Curaçao 263

It also offers a range of certificate programs ranging from 1- to 4-years in duration. However, its status as non-tertiary does not qualify the SBO level 4 to offer any type of degree. This is regardless of the fact that SBO level 4 has a longer duration of 4 years and of the quality of its programs (source from the Frater Aurelio SBO). In observing several models of the SBO Schools in Curaçao, the setting reflected a “school-like” processing of students in all cases. For instance, the buildings did not project the vision of a modern world of professional education, except for one new kitchen/restaurant facility and a couple of classrooms (Ban Bria). The infrastructure seems also to be a paradox supporting “school-like” processing of students. Major investments in the infrastructure of utilitarian education are neglected in many ways. One reality of a small economy such as that of Curaçao is that the preferred type of occupations and apprenticeships offered at the SBO schools are often those directly of service to the economy. A newspaper commentary by Joyce Kennedy (2007) in the Miami Herald provided the opinion that the jobs of the future are hard to identify, and she makes the distinction between new emergent occupations and evolving occupations, pointing to the argument that new or emergent occupations may be too small in number to offer a large number of people a job. Perhaps, new and emergent is an avenue worth pursuing in small-scale economies willing and able to specialize in job niches around the world that larger nations have no interest in pursuing on a larger scale. Currently, the opportunities offered at the four SBO schools range from certificate programs in different levels of administrative, secretarial, information and communication technology, public administration, banking, and insurance (Eilandgebied Curaçao Online, www.Curaçao-gov.an). These traditional general occupations are the professions typically needed. The quest for higher social status and income by the mid-level groups will continue to pressure the system for more program offerings, and perhaps online access to higher education elsewhere may offer a new alternative. In order for access to be a valid argument, higher education policy must first adopt and recognize associate degrees as an important aspect of higher education policy for the more vocationally inclined. In an interconnected world, Curaçao’s vocational education system, bridged by aspects of the American model of community colleges, promises to transform four generations of low-status perception of vocational education. The advantages created by education for domination (Carnoy, 1976) and the globalization of the American community college model are the possible solutions for at-risk student issues and for the further development of the concept of access to professional higher education as an important option to increase the status of vocational education.

Case 2: Associate of Science Degrees at Bachelor-Degree-Granting Institutions

The other option available would be to adopt the Associate of Science program at the applied bachelor’s degree program level. The Netherlands began a process 264 R. Tormala-Nita and G. Cijntje of researching the option of adding the academic associate degree to the existing applied bachelor’s degree programs, and the result of the pilot program would determine the added value (Moens, 2005). There are two purposes behind the adoption of such an alternative. One is that of the escalating and problematic issue of student attrition at the higher education level; the associate degrees will offer students a way out of the system with a degree in hand. The other purpose is that of adjusting the reported count on the number of higher education degree holders in the Netherlands in comparison to other nations (Moens, 2005). This associate degree policy is also especially good news for students from Curaçao completing their studies in the Netherlands. Newspaper reports in Curaçao have often suggested that many study-abroad students from Curaçao to the Netherlands tend to dropout at the higher education level (Hooftman, 2007). In exploring the Associate of Science option further within bachelors’ degree- granting institutions, we searched for comparative issues in the United States. The text “Using Retention Research in Enrollment Management,” by A.J. Bean (in Kroc and Hanson, 2001) described some of the current issues facing colleges and universities in the United States, and we think perhaps, Curaçao and the Netherlands as well, although in different proportions. The comparative issues reported by Bean are as follows: • Increasing retention and graduation issues • Increasing transfer rates and baccalaureate degree completion of community college students • Reducing time to graduation • Closing the gap between underrepresented groups and other students • Increasing academic preparation – the link between recruitment and retention • Implementing and evaluating efficient and effective retention programs The gap issue between the Caribbean Dutch and the European Dutch students would also be addressed if the associate degree is adopted in the Netherlands. In Curaçao, it would allow for students to transfer at a much advanced level to institutions in the Netherlands. There are a number of factors that could be integrated in a revised model of higher education governance as indicated in Fig. 15.4. The similarities in goals and purpose and the gaps should be discussed to determine what academic assets postsecondary education needs to address in order to help students become successful at the postsecondary and in higher education in general. Collaborative research on retention in higher education programs will help assess progress in the suggested following ways: 1. Completing demanding courses in several subjects in prior education is a better indicator of academic performance (Adelman, 1999 in Kroc and Hanson, 2001, p. 86). 2. Courses on student progress can result in valuable information and stimulate campus discussion, e.g., high-failure courses that limit the flow of students into higher level courses. In other words, gateway course studies must be conducted (Kroc and Hanson, 2001, p. 86). 15 The Case for Associate Degrees in Curaçao 265

3. Behavioral curriculum is also important in order to determine how students navigate the program of study (Ewell, 1989). 4. Studies need to be completed to determine the range in which students change major before they graduate (Kroc et al., 1997). 5. A good assessment program would be needed to inform faculty and to improve the curriculum. The option of the associate degrees as an instrument to transform the first year of the applied bachelor-degree-granting institutions into awarding associate degrees seems to mainly address the issue of dropouts in higher education. In this context, the universities of professional studies would be awarding the academic associate degrees. Regarding the SBO, only those students who have successfully completed the fourth year of the postsecondary non-tertiary would be considered for admission into the bachelor’s degree program at the universities of professional education. Also, no transfer credit option is involved in this process. While these steps provide a solution for higher education officials in addressing retention, such a policy deliberately ignores the original purpose of the community colleges’ associate programs, which is that of creating authentic higher education opportunities for the vocationally inclined or those not fully matured academically. Paradoxically, and regardless of the model of the associate degrees adopted, such adoption must be a fit within the mission of the institution. If such a fit is hard to find in the current mission, perhaps a vision for the future must be developed. For Curaçao, after having more than 40 years’ experience of adopting one of the best European models of education in the world, addressing the ills of overdevelopment of its Western roots must take priority. The island’s experience with world

The University of the Netherlands Antilles System

President of the Board

All Chancellor Chancellor Chancellor Chancellor Chancellor Bachelor, Master, and other UNA- UNA- UNA- UNA- UNA- graduate and Main Business School of Techno- Law professional Campus School &- Education/ logical School degrees granting Nursing - Outreach Pedagogical Studies Campus institutions Medical (Curises) Academy Campus School Campus Campus campus All Associate University of the Netherlands Antilles Colleges degree granting Dean of Associate Colleges institutions or UNA- Associate Two-year Associate College Colleges

Fig. 15.4 A proposed system of governance model for public higher education 266 R. Tormala-Nita and G. Cijntje languages also empowers it to conduct higher education differently and in its own unique ways, and in any of the world languages,6 and recently also in the local language. The Western roots of vocational education and the current efforts to use lessons learned from solutions elsewhere must equip the human capital of the island with the opportunities to contribute to a new nation autonomous within the Dutch Kingdom and the world.

A Proposed System Model of Higher Education

A characteristic of higher education in Curaçao is that of its international education tradition at the local university, which recruits faculty from the Netherlands, the United States, and elsewhere to teach short-term courses the island is not able to provide. Such efforts have been engaging both for local students and for the faculty as well. An additional international approach by the university is that of using an online course management system enabling hybrid course offering, and thereby internationalizing its curriculum by creating more access for students. The talks on institutional mergers to support the available resources are also reemerging (Goedgebuure, 1988, 1992). Some of the functional institutional mergers announced in the past are that of the teacher training program (Akademia Pedagogiko Korsou (APK)) and the University General Faculty (Leraren Opleiding Funderend Onderwijs (LOFO)) and the latest is that of the university and the nursing school (Instituto Formashon di Enfermeria (IFE)) (Amigoe di Curaçao, June 2007). The reasons are often based on maximizing resources in a small economy of scale, yet merger proposals are yet to materialize. The proposed model in Fig. 15.4 suggests a new system of higher education governance that would allow institutions of higher learning in Curaçao to maintain or acquire their independence and have their own Chancellors. Yet, every institution is part of a system of higher learning. This model proposes to address the problem and the historical inability to merge to maximize institutional resources and foreseeable benefits. In proposing the addition of the Associate Colleges, an impasse is expected considering the history of the island’s higher education institution’s inability to merge. One major issue that must be addressed is the future legal classification of the associate degree as higher education. The American higher education system classifies the 2-year Associate Colleges as higher education and therefore can be used as a model. In order to reach that level of classification, the UNESCO’s ISCED classification of SBO L4 as postsecondary non-tertiary also must be addressed. In the meantime, SBO remains postsecondary but non-tertiary. It is perhaps now the time in history to agree on a model of higher education in Curaçao that would also work for the vocationally inclined and the nontraditional student. The first challenge would be to transform the postsecondary non-tertiary into tertiary. The second problem is more difficult because it requires transforming the governance of higher education into a systems model. We concluded before we reached the end of this research that systematic, long-term, longitudinal studies would be required, prior to implementing any of the above-mentioned policies. 15 The Case for Associate Degrees in Curaçao 267

Figure 15.4 displays such a proposed model of governance of a systems model of higher education. This framework is not a full explanatory model, but it serves to display a model that aims at building a strong system which would address a system reform. It is also a system that will help support student flow, and one that will be built on academic assets of students. Considering the limited resources, placement of students in appropriate courses would be of the utmost importance. The responsibility of the local university to the human capital of the new nation is important. Transforming the postsecondary schools into Associate Colleges would be a challenge requiring partnership as well as leadership, and only the university has the resources and know-how to under take such a task. Reform of this type must come from the leaders in higher education. The proposed model would be a new model of higher education governance for Curaçao.7 The entire system of higher education would be upgraded allowing each of its institutions to be part of a highly integrated structure. All institutions included in this model are government-supported public institutions. The University of the Netherlands Antilles System would be the governing board of the entire system of higher education for the island functioning as one umbrella structure under a single board to lead all public institutions of higher learning on the island. Each of these public institutions, bachelor’s/master’s degree-granting-institutions, would be led by its own Chancellor and would work independently within the system. The lowest level of higher education would be the Associate Colleges, also working independently within the system and led by its own Dean of Colleges. The purpose of the newly added level of higher education would be to offer associate degrees and basic preprofessional studies but also continuing education and community services programs. Most programs offered at the Associate Colleges level would be for the preparation of access to bachelor’s degree programs at the other UNA independently operating campuses.

Discussion and Conclusions

The model described in Fig. 15.4 shows our attempt to find a better way to advance higher education within the system of education. The existing gaps were treated as paradoxes of the European Dutch and the Caribbean Dutch utilitarian education. Our hope with this chapter is to contextualize the unknown. It is also important to determine through research whether this new system of governance will contribute to the broader mission of the university, or should the university engage in a new vision of higher learning. In addressing the perceived purpose of the associate degrees at the higher education level, Kroc and Hanson (2001; Kroc et al., 1997) helped raise the following thinking: 1. Are there many retention programs, but still no improvement on graduation rate? This question suggests having an academic program might be effective, but still too few people graduate and therefore its impact on the mission of the institution is insignificant (Kroc and Hanson, 2001; Kroc et al., 1997) 268 R. Tormala-Nita and G. Cijntje

2. Student tracking (Ewell, 1995) is also extremely important. In small institutions such as those in Curaçao, tracking the student flow should be a doable process. 3. Communicating the result is important but also getting the right information to the right people at the right time to do the right thing (Kroc and Hanson, 2001). Knowing who needs the data, when the information is needed and in the best information-reporting format, and knowing how simply to communicate the research findings, how formal the report should be, and knowing how to deliver bad news to a decision maker. 4. The future trends and implications for enrollment management would need to be addressed to determine its fit within the mission of the institution. 5. A better integration with strategic planning and budgeting processes must also occur. 6. Partnership between enrollment and student assessment is needed and in many ways strengthened. 7. Collaboration with other sectors and other institutions needs to increase through technologically delivered education. Dual enrollment of students in the associate colleges courses and bachelor-level degrees offered are initiatives that could change the boundaries and increase collaborative efforts among institutions in Curaçao and the Netherlands or elsewhere.

In addressing associate degree programs at future SBO colleges, the first recommendation on the future purposes of vocational education would be that good vocational curriculum should provide a range of courses with an appropriate mix of job-specific and transferable occupational skills to serve students with a variety of educational and work goals (Barton, 1990; Heaviside and Carpenter, 1994; Marshall, 1996 cited in Levine and Levine, 1996). Secondly, for Curaçao, another important contribution would be to invest in the possibilities of expanding the contribution of vocational education in accomplishing or promoting academic growth. In an interview with one of the coordinators of the SBO program at “Ban Bria,” she stated that the third, and in particular the fourth, year of the SBO program was designed to promote further academic opportunities for students. The next step in research would be to determine how many of these graduates would actually enroll in the bachelor program or would use this opportunity as terminal. The third aspect is that of policy. What kind of policy is needed for an improved support of all aspects of vocational education in Curaçao? In the United States, an important policy supporting all levels of vocational or technical education is the Carl D. Perkins Vocational Applied Technology Education Act of 1990, enabling Congress to modify and expand funding and programs in order to attain a range of objectives to service those who are economically at a disadvantage and those who lack proficiency in the language of schools (Levine and Levine, 1996). A recommended aspect is that of improving integration of academic and vocational education, strengthening guidance and counseling, hiring more school counselors, and making provision for part-time and summer job counselors. Although in Curaçao, schools do not offer summer job counseling, perhaps, this type of year-long school 15 The Case for Associate Degrees in Curaçao 269 support should be considered. Other aspects recommended include targeting funding to institutions where the need is the greatest; retain and protect sex-equity programs and services for single parents, displaced homemakers, and pregnant women, and provide the government roles in monitoring and evaluating programs; provide support for apprenticeship training and for “tech prep” degree programs that link the last 2 years of secondary school with 2 years of community college (modified from text of Levine and Levine, 1996; Lederer, 2005; Haynes, 2006; Johnson, 2007). Most of these aspects are already in place in Curaçao at the VSBO level. The design of the SBO model addresses all the above recommendations in a structured 4-year format, which promises to create a structured path and strengthening support for the vocationally oriented (Eilandgebied Curaçao Online, http://www.Curaçao-gov. an). As the global economy continues to develop, the island must also provide a clearer picture as to how its system of education compares to those of major players in the global economy. As stated by Ross (2007), there also are emerging examples of 2-year colleges offering baccalaureate degrees (p. 153). This might be a future option, but the first step toward adopting associate degrees is more important currently. The island is also in need of modern educational facilities. The new status of Curaçao as a nation within the Kingdom of the Netherlands is approaching the projected implementation date of December 2008, and it promises to provide a major financial overhaul to the island. Taking advantage of its economic position of being a Dutch hub in the Caribbean, Curaçao’s new autonomous status within the Kingdom of the Netherlands is providing much hope for the future economic, social, and political progress of the island. The current planned approach to address the issues in the entire system of education proposed by Minister Leeflang of education is called the Deltaplan, which aims at integrating partnership programs that would include the following (pp. 2–10): • Extend compulsory education from 4 to 18 years. • Strengthen the quality of educational innovations such as using the basic education (Grades 7 and 8) to determine tracking of students into the two-pillar system. • Strengthen the quality of prevocational and postsecondary non-tertiary education and create opportunities for 18–24-year olds to have better access to education. • Increase access to academic track and the consolidation of study-abroad program in the Netherlands. • Obtain international accreditation for the higher education system, including the medical school and the teacher training program. • Increase employer-focused contracts. • Increase internship possibilities. • Increase job placements. • Address the education of the dropouts who are 15–18 years of age. • Address adult education to create opportunities for 18–24 year olds. It is the intention of the government that these public–private partnerships (PPP) programs will provide all students, traditional and nontraditional, with an oppor- 270 R. Tormala-Nita and G. Cijntje tunity for a better future. Especially, those students who do not graduate from secondary schools, the dropouts, and also those adults beyond the age of compulsory education will have the opportunity to reenter education. This new approach promises to further improve and support the overall system of education. Perhaps, the classic argument by Carnoy (1976) in Education for Domination or Development, in which he argues that “schools oriented to those economic structures can only function for a small proportion of the population” (p. 57), seems to suggest that an island such as Curaçao, which is dependent not only on its colonial relation but also on the rest of the world for its economic progress, would automatically suffer from overdevelopment. This implies that the dropouts may be as Carnoy noted a sign of this overdevelopment, which might also be an indication that vocational education will be unable to keep up with globalization. A consequence would be a large pool of unskilled and perhaps uninterested vocationally inclined. In Curaçao, the indicators would be linked to foreign languages that must be mastered and the low wages at the end the programs. Globalization and the development of the service-oriented attitude of the vocational inclined youth, especially considering the level of sophistication and experience in the vision of the new economy (Whitepaper, 2007) should perhaps be a concern. One would assume that the island’s experience with service from its tourism economy would make for an automatic transformation of the youth, but the majority of these minimum-wage jobs make this type of education unattractive to the youth. This assumption also confirms the argument that in islands where social utility is specific to certain professions, vocational education suffers. Higher-level training for the vocationally inclined and policies that support such training in terms of salaries above minimum-wage jobs would be a motivator. Also, adding other types of service professions through the vocational associate degrees will send a new message of hope and enthusiasm in their newly instituted programs such as the science of beauty and barbering, arts, agriculture, and the different types of health careers. The Census of 2001 indicated that the total employed population consists of 47,686 people, which is about 31% of the total Curaçao population. The majority of those employed, which is 59%, had a low level of education (vocational (VSBO/VO/apprenticeship). This suggests that the majority of those employed did end their formal education at the secondary vocational level (VSBO). At the mid-level of education, 22% of those employed ended their formal education at the end of the precollege (HAVO), preuniversity (VWO), or the postsecondary non-tertiary (SBO, L1, 2, 3, 4) level. Only 16% of those employed were people with a higher education degree or somewhat in between HBO and WO (p. 40). In a recent whitepaper on economic investments in Curaçao, the new vision proposed for the future is that of exploring education as an important area of commerce, using the comparative advantage of the central location of the island in the Caribbean and its experience in the world of transportation, logistics, information technology, e- commerce, residential, retail, and commercial development to the island’s advantage (Whitepaper, 2007). The Central Bureau of Statistics (2005) in Curaçao reported wholesale and retail trade as being the largest industries in terms of employment. Decreases in employment during 1992–2001 were noted in 15 The Case for Associate Degrees in Curaçao 271 public administration and defense, manufacturing, construction, health care and social work, and in community and social services. Increases in employment were noted in hotels and restaurants, transportation, storage, communication, financial intermediation, real estate, renting, and business activities. Industries that experienced no change were agriculture; hunting, fishing, and forestry; electric, gas, water supply; education; and employment in private households (p. 117). Vocational education remains an area of major concern and the problems seem to be universal. In Curaçao, the Dutch and the American models of vocational education have much in common, although the Dutch insist on their superior quality. Such commonality and its issues are reflective in Curaçao and transformed into hybrid models. Some of the paradoxes are also explained by research. For instance Levine and Levine (1996) have a list of issues which includes what they call the error of continual preparation for fields such as data processing and auto mechanics, which has an oversupply of qualified applicants. An article in “The Economist Intelligence Unit” of the The Economist Report on World Industries (2007) indicated that in the automotive industry the new trend is towards fuel-efficient cars and smart highways. Curaçao, like many other nations, has a program in automo- tives, one of the oldest vocational types of program, but the island is also a major importer of modern cars, and therefore, the fuel-efficient cars mechanics will also be needed (p. 93). Whether there is an oversupply must be researched. The small scale of the island should allow for a smaller number of fuel-efficient cars mechanics in the future. The process of preparing students in the fields in which there is a growing demand locally and internationally must also begin. The political process for an autonomous status within the Kingdom of the Netherlands seems to have intensified those processes. Some other specific workforce areas that prospective new nations such as Curaçao need to pay attention to were listed in The Economist. For example, health-care spending is projected to rise in every country of the world. Curaçao is in a political battle on whether to build a new hospital or to proceed with the old one (Amigoe di Curaçao, www.amigoe.com). There are similar battles in education and other areas of the economy. For technicians in the electronic field and in the e-commerce industry, global demand prospects are high, with the broadband market expected to reach 79 million subscribers in 2007 (p. 94). Another important sector is the agricultural industry with its new trends such as ethanol production, fossil fuels and bioenergy, wheat inventories, organic crops, C4 rice production, and Omega 3 soybeans (p. 93). Curaçao has an underdeveloped agricultural sector and therefore a major importer of agricultural products. Educational programs and new initiatives in this area are lacking, despite suggestions to improve on such need (Edenburgh, 2006). A report on energy is also projecting an increase, which is good for the Curaçao economy role in refining oils. A decrease in the financial services market and an increase in the business of online lending and borrowing should give the island some more hints as to what specializations are needed. Also, as suggested by the report, spending on Internet ads will increase, as will TV multichan- nel advertising, including telecoms for over the Internet calls. In terms of travel and tourism, for Curaçao this means new hotels and more jobs. Preparing the new 272 R. Tormala-Nita and G. Cijntje generation for the modern world approaching is essential. The workforce development is important and will also require more collaboration between schools and employers and a clear understanding as to the needs and expectations of businesses, industries, and workers. An important message is that research has to be done on the current workforce mix to prevent the problem of turning out workers where there is no demand. There must also be coordination in some fields that may produce shortages. Also, we must prevent going back to the system of overconcentration on vocational skills to the extent that graduates still lack the academic skills required to obtain or hold jobs. Finally, a good placement system and career center and supportive services is necessary to help students obtain jobs after completion of training (Brint and Karabel, 1989; Zemsky, 1990; Barton, 1990; Lively, 1993; Belgarde, 1994; Heaviside and Carpenter, 1994; Marshall, 1995). A targeted policy would be that of workforce development. In particular funding shortages make it difficult to meet the needs of a new society and students, therefore, PPPs, local or international, are necessary to stimulate economic and social developments. The possibilities resulting from PPP are of importance in addressing workforce development of the vocationally oriented. Much research on the American community colleges in the United States asserted goals of access for dropouts, nontraditional students, adults with the appropriate secondary education, and those without. For Curaçao, finding the best options for the education of this group is important, because negligence of this group has already proven to be devastating, especially for a small community. Using the best models available empowers such efforts. The SBO schools as institutions offering vocational associates program could provide opportunities for social and economic mobility of the vocationally inclined, but also for the unemployed youth, and perhaps also for the dropouts who must be lured back into the system. In conclusion, in redefining a higher learning path for the vocational Associate Colleges, the following aspects need to be considered: the infrastructure, finances, and quality assurance to address the needs of the vocationally oriented. The first issue is that of the infrastructure. School buildings and campuses that would reflect the higher learning requirements of the future must be built. Development money from the Netherlands can be requested for these purposes. The infrastructure is unattractive to the new generations of vocational learners, especially when we consider the modern facilities being built in the Netherlands. The vocationally inclined may also become part of the “brain drain,” if higher learning and the future SBO do not upgrade from their traditional structures. The second issue is that of financing – the cost of higher learning to support student efforts and enable those who prefer and need independent living the opportunity to do so. A significant question is also that of how to best move Curaçao students in postsecondary non-tertiary from a school-like atmosphere into one in which they function as independent, responsible adults. A problem naturally is the age of students that is usually 16–18-years old and making independent living perhaps not possible. Student services support must therefore be an integral part of the process of the new proposed culture of higher learning. 15 The Case for Associate Degrees in Curaçao 273

The third issue is quality assurance – the concept of educational quality for the SBO must be researched. In order to assure the continuation and perhaps the development of the SBO L4 into an associate-degree-granting institution of the future, a rigorous system for quality assurance must be put in place to get the systems and students used to such a process. The measurement of quality is important to the new suggested policies and the system’s accreditation process.

Notes

1. The Netherlands uses MBO and Curaçao uses SBO to denote postsecondary non-tertiary education. 2. Some refer to it as a foreign language immersion. Current proposed policy by the island government is that of introducing three models of language policy for schools: the Dutch language school model, the Papiamentu language school model, and the dual Dutch/Papiamentu model for bilingual schools. 3. Derde Cyclus is the basic education (Grades 6–8). In the United States this would be referred to as middle school. The political battle in Curaçao is similar to the United States and that is whether to retain as part of the elementary school or to move middle school to the secondary school level. An important aspect of the Derde Cyclus in Curaçao is that the type of secondary school a student qualifies for is predetermined through academic achievement tests. 4. SBO level of education is unique to the local needs of Curaçao, the ability of the program to grant access to higher education in the United States could not be verified for the purposes of this research. 5. The Netherlands also acknowledges the comprehensive model of higher learning (Goedegebuure, 1988). 6. From the world perspective, this would include the native language of Papiamentu. 7. Similar to the Wisconsin model of higher education governance cited in Porter, Fenshke, and Keller and as proposed in Ohio.

References

Altbach, P. (1998). Comparative Higher Education: Knowledge, the University and Development. Comparative Education Research Centre. CERC Studies in Comparative Education. Hong Kong: The University of Hong Kong. Amigoe Di Curaçao. www.amigoe.com [Retrieved daily in 2006, 2007, 2008]. Barton, P.E. (1990). From School to Work. Princeton, NJ: Educational Testing Service Policy Information Center. Cited in Levine, D.U. and Levine, R.F. (1996). Society and Education. 9th edition. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Bean, A.J. (1990). “Using Retention Research in Enrollment Management.” In The Strategic Management of College Enrollments, Hossler, D. (Ed). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Belgarde, L. (1994). Indian Colleges: A Means to Construct a Viable Indian Identity or a Capitulation to the Dominant Society? Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association, New Orleans. Cited in Levine, D.U. and Levine, R.F. (1996). Society and Education. 9th edition. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Bemmel van, Ad (2006). Hogescholen en hbo in historisch perspectief. http://www.hbo-raad. nl/?id = 418. [Retrieved July 13, 2007]. 274 R. Tormala-Nita and G. Cijntje

Brint, S. and Karabel, J. (1989). The Diverted Dream. New York: Oxford University Press. Cited in Levine, D.U. and Levine, R.F. (1996). Society and Education. 9th edition. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Carnergie Classification of Higher Education. http://www.carnegiefoundation.org/classifications. [Retrieved in 2007, 2008] Carnoy, M. (1976). Education as Cultural Imperialism. New York: David McKay. Central Bureau of Statistics (2005). Development of the Employed Population of the Netherlands Antilles: 1992–2001. Willemstad: Census 2001 Publications. Central Bureau of Statistics (2005). Education. [retrieved January 31, 2009] http://www.cbs.an/ education/education_f1.asp Dahlheimer, R. (1988). “Management of Non-university Post-secondary Institutions: The German fachhockschulen.” In Change in Higher Education; The Non-university Sector, Goedegebuure, L.C.J. and Meek, V.L. (Eds). Management and Policy in Higher Education. Culemborg: Lemma, pp. 73–80. De Offíciale Eilandsgids (2002). Willemstad: Caribbean Cartographics NV. Author. Edenburgh Consultants (2006). Mid-Term Evaluatie van de deel programma’s Funderend Onderwijs en Beroeps Onderwijs in de Nederlandse Antillen. February–Mei, 2006. Eilandgebied Curaçao Online. Curaçao Government Education Portal. http://Curaçao-gov.an [Retrieved July 2006 to date]. Ewell, P. (Ed.) (1989). “Enhancing Information Use in Decision-Making.” In New Directions for Institutional Research. No.64. San Francisco, CA: Jossey- Bass. Ewell, P. (1995). “Working over Time: The Evolution of Longitudinal Student Tracking Data Bases.” In New Directions for Institutional Research. no.87. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Goedegebuure, L.C.J. (1992). Mergers in the Netherlands. Restructuring Higher Vocational Education. Utrecht: Centre for Higher Education Policy Studies. Goedegebuure, L.C.J. and Lynn Meek, V. (1991). Restructuring Higher Education: A Comparative Analysis Between Australia and The Netherlands. Comparative Education, 27 (1) (1991), pp. 7–22. http://www.jstor.org/pss/3099353 Goedegebuure, L.C.J. and Vos, A.J. (1988). “Mergers and the Restructuring of Higher Vocational Education in the Netherlands.” In Institutional Amalgamations in Higher Education: Process and Outcome in Five of Countries, Harman, G. and Meek, V.L. (Eds.). Armidale: Department of Administrative and Higher Education Studies, University of New England. Haynes, J.D. (2006). Workforce Training in Rural Mississippi. Dissertation, Mississippi State University. HBO Raad. http://www.hbo-raad.nl/?id = 418 [Retrieved July 13, 2007]. HBO-raad (2007). Doorstroomagenda mbo-hbo. http://www.hbo-raad.nl/hbo-raad/publicaties/ cat_view/43-publicaties/41-2007?start=10 [Retrieved July 13, 2007]. Heaviside, S. and Carpenter, J. (1994). Public Secondary School Teacher Survey on Vocational Education. Washington, DC: National Center for Education Statistics. Cited in Levine, D.U. and Levine, R.F. (1996). Society and Education. 9th edition. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Hooftman, J. (2007). “Knowledge for Curaçao: The Answer to the Antillean Brain Drain.” In Amigoe di Curaçao. June 9, 2007. http://amigoe.com Johnson, D. (2007). Workforce Development via Targeted Industry Training Grants and Ohio Two-Year Community College. Dissertation: Liberty University. Kennedy, J.L. (2007). “Jobs of future hard to identify.” In South Florida Sun Sentinel. Monday, June 25, 2007. A Commentary 2D. Kivinen, O. and Rinne, R. (1990). The Limits for Expanding Higher Education? The Case of Finland. European Journal of Education 25 (2). Kroc, R. and Hanson, G. (2001). “Enrollment Management and Student Affairs.” In Institutional Research: Decision Support in Higher Education, Howard, R. (Ed.). Florida: Association for Institutional Research. Kroc, R.J., Howard, R., Hull, P. and Woodard, D. (1997, May). Graduation Rates: Do Students’ Academic Program Choices Make a Difference? Paper presented at the Annual Forum of the Association for Institutional Research, Orlando, FL. 15 The Case for Associate Degrees in Curaçao 275

Lederer, J. (2005). An Analysis of Community College Delivery of Employer-Focused Education. University of Washington. Leeflang, O. (2006). Deltaplan: voor een massive aanpak gericht op het kansrijk maken van de Antilliaanse Jongeren. Een samenvattende gespreksnotitie van Minister Omayra Leeflang ter behoeve van de DELTAplan dialoog. Willemstad. Author. Levine, D.U. and Levine, R.F. (1996). Society and Education. 9th edition. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Lively, K. (1993). “Rocky Road of Reform.” In The Chronicle of Higher Education 41 (33): A54–A56. Cited in Levine, D.U. and Levine, R.F. (1996). Society and Education. 9th edition. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Marshall, J. (1995). The President’s Apprentices. Reason 26 (10): 39–41. Cited in Levine, D.U. and Levine, R.F. (1996). Society and Education. 9th edition. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Moens, M.B. (2005). Heeft Nederland wel zo weinig hoger opgeleiden? Associate degree vult gaten in onderwijssysteem. Den Haag: Central Bureau of Statistics. Nederlands Organization for International Cooperation in Higher Education (NUFFIC) (2004). Dutch Higher Education. http://testing.nuffic.nl/international-organizations/dutch-higher- education [Retrieved July 2007]. Nederlands Organization for International Cooperation in Higher Education (NUFFIC) (2005a). Waardering van buitenlandse getuigschriften in Nederland. Landenmodule Verenigde Staten Afdeling Diplomawaardering & Certificering. Den Haag: NUFFIC. Nederlands Organization for International Cooperation in Higher Education (NUFFIC) (2005b). The Educational System in the Netherlands. Den Haag: NUFFIC. Porter, J.D., Fenske, R., and Keller, J. (2001). Planning and Policy Analysis. Chapter 5. Institutional Research: Decision Support in Higher Education, Howard, R. (Ed.). Tallahassee, FL: Association for Institutional Research. Römer, R. (1985). De Ministaat: Problemen van Kleinschaligheid. Overdruk uit een Decennium Later. Willemstad: University of the Netherlands Antilles. Ross, D. (2007). Two-Year Colleges Offering Baccalaurete Programming. Dissertation, University of Nebraska-Lincoln. The Economist (2007). The Economist Intelligence Unit. Country Report on World Economy. http:// www.marketresearch.com/vendors/viewVendor.asp?VendorID = 458 [Retrieved in 2007]. The Netherlands uses MBO and Curaçao uses SBO to denote postsecondary non-tertiary education. SBO in the Netherlands stands for Studiecentrum voor Bedrijf en Overheid, which is a private company that organizes conferences and short-term courses for companies as well as for the government on demand. (See www.sbo.nl/oversbo). Tormala-Nita, R. (2003). Educational Reform in Curaçao: The Perspectives of Rector Magnificus in Curaçao. PhD Dissertation, Marquette University. Tormala-Nita, R. (2007). “Education for All and Its Influence on At-Risk Student Policy in Curaçao, Netherlands Antilles.” In Education for All: Global Promises, National Challenges, Baker, D.P. and Wiseman, A.W. (Eds.). Vol. 8. pp. 325–336. Ámsterdam/Boston/London/ New York: Elsevier. University of the Netherlands Antilles. Http://www.una.an [Retrieved July 2007]. Author. United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) (1997. International Standard Classification of Education: I S C E D 1997. http://www.unesco.org/education/information/nfsunesco/doc/isced_1997.htm [Retrieved in 2007]. Wardekker, W., Volman, M., and Terwel, J. (2003). “Curriculum Theory in the Netherlands.” In International Handbook of Curriculum Research, Pinar, W.F. (Ed.). New Jersey/London: Lawrence Erlbaum. Wikipedia. Community College. In Wikipedia. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Community_college [Retrieved July 2007]. Author. Wikipedia. International Standards and Classification of Education. In Wikepedia. http:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Standard_Classification_of_Education [Retrieved 2007 and 2008]. Author. 276 R. Tormala-Nita and G. Cijntje

Whitepaper. http://www.investCuraçao.com/02a01.html [Retrieved July 2007]. Author. Zemsky, R. (1990). Breaking the Mold. Policy Perspectives 2 (2): 1–8. Cited in Levine, D.U. and Levine, R.F. (1996). Society and Education. 9th edition. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Part IV Introduction: Responding to Globalization: Reform in Higher Education

Globalization flows allow community college model characteristics to circumvent the world. The first grouping of chapters depicts how flows that influence educational reform stem from multiple countries. Sylvia Bagley and Val Rust illustrate how globalization has created a unique situation in which nonformal adult education, which first originated in Denmark and later influenced educational reform throughout Scandinavia, has since influenced educational change in the United States in the form of the folk high school, a precursor of the US community college model. Camille Morris and Jeanette Grant Woodham explore how privatization models and international aid projects originating in Canada and the United States have various imprints in the Caribbean British West Indies. Don Dellow and Olda Hoare explore the consequences of adopting the US model in light of regional changes that do not favor this model. In a country with a long history of British influence on public education, the junior colleges of Belize are molded on the American model. The second grouping of chapters illustrates the changing construct of the community college model as globalization influences a total transformation, and in some cases the elimination of the community college model itself. In many countries, community colleges have evolved or been consumed by universities of technology or university colleges. In Uganda, W. James Jacob, Yusuf K. Nsubuga, and Christopher B. Mugimu depict the various constructs of community college models, including public and private models. In South Africa, Carl Wolhuter illustrates how the community college model has been completely contained within the university structure. In Israel, Nitza Davidovitch and Yaacov Iram critically explore why community college models were originally introduced, their strengths and challenges, and why these models are currently undergoing transformations. In all cases, the lack of prestige has facilitated the emergence of these new constructs, some of which included being absorbed into the university sector. Combined, these chapters illustrate how globalization has impacted institutional change and reinforced the unique adaptation of each community college model. Chapter 16 Community-Based Folk High Schools in Norway, Sweden, and Denmark

Sylvia S. Bagley and Val D. Rust

Introduction

In the broader discussion of the American community college and how it has served as a model to other countries around the world (Kintzer and Bryant, 1998), little has been written about its impact in the Scandinavian countries of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway. This is likely because there is no direct counterpart to the community college in Scandinavia – instead, these countries offer a variety of educational opportunities which, collectively, serve the diversity of purposes met by community colleges in the United States. While the Scandinavian “folk high school” (known as folkehøjskole in Denmark, folkehøgskole in Norway, and folkhögskola in Sweden) has long been cited as the Scandinavian equivalent of America’s community-based tertiary education system (e.g., see Greenberg, 1991), it is actually only one unique facet of Scandinavia’s approach to nonuniversity adult education. Scandinavian countries meet the diverse goals of American community colleges in various ways; here, we focus specifically on “folk high schools.” This system of nonformal adult education originated in Denmark in the mid-1800s, and, like the community college system in America, was founded on the premise of “welcoming all who desire to learn, regardless of wealth, heritage or previous academic experience” (AACC, 2007). Folk high schools emerged in response to the need to educate rural citizens who would not otherwise have access to higher education; since then, they have spread to urban areas as well, but continue to serve a unique set of functions in each Scandinavian country. In Norway and Denmark, folk high schools remain resolutely outside of the official educational system, offering a year of courses which do not directly contribute toward one’s degree, but instead offer students the invaluable opportunity to explore various topics and subjects without concern for grades. In Sweden, folk high schools offer both a nongraded “year off,” as well as the opportunity for students to complete their upper secondary school requirements in a noncompetitive, individualized setting. In this chapter, we use Scandinavian folk high schools as a counterexample to the prevailing trend of exporting American models of tertiary education to other countries, given that – prior to the emergence of the first “junior college” in America in 1901 – Scandinavia had already developed its own unique form of

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 279 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 280 S.S. Bagley and V.D. Rust egalitarian, community-based education. Indeed, as we shall discuss, the folk high school model itself was imported to America by a handful of socially conscious individuals who were inspired by its underlying philosophy; while these early schools were ultimately short-lived, and did not directly influence modern community colleges, we hope (like Gilliland, 1986) to show that researchers interested in improving and/or expanding the American community college model could benefit from a comparative study of folk high schools, a form of tertiary education which remains little known in the United States.

Methodology

Data for this chapter were collected from both primary and secondary sources. Both authors have often been to Scandinavia. Rust has spent considerable time in Scandinavia and has written extensively on Norway’s educational system (e.g., see Rust, 1989). Bagley – of Norwegian descent – traveled to Norway and Sweden in May 2007, specifically to visit representative folk high schools in each country, gathering pamphlets and brochures, and talking to dozens of teachers and citizens about their impressions. In addition, Bagley conducted an interview with Øyvind Brandt, director of information for Norwegian folk high schools, and a former folk high school teacher himself. Additional data was collected through extensive reading of books, articles, and online sources. Academic literature on folk high schools in the last 30 years or so is scarce, with Steven Borish’s seminal ethnographic text on Danish folk high schools, The Land of the Living (first published in 1991), remaining the primary recent work on the subject. Fortunately, the Internet is a wonderful source of up- to-date information on folk high schools in Scandinavia; each country has a central Web site (see bibliography) with basic information on the folk high school system (often in English, for foreign visitors), and each school has its own Web site with further detailed information on courses offered.

Tertiary and Community Education in Scandinavia: An Overview

The need to make higher education accessible to larger populations of students has long been met in America through community colleges, which serve four primary functions: career (vocational–technical training); collegiate (academic transfer of general education courses); remedial (compensatory classes); and so-called community education, which meets the short-term goals of community members seeking classes for personal interest, recreation, or lifelong education (Cohen and Brawer, 2003). As we will discuss throughout this chapter, the latter function is the one most clearly addressed by Scandinavian folk high schools – which, like 16 Community-Based Folk High Schools in Norway, Sweden, and Denmark 281 community colleges, provide services “created out of local community interests and demands” (Wang, 2004); yet the need for remedial courses is also being met, in Swedish folk high schools. As noted previously, the above set of four goals – career, collegiate, remedial, and community education – are not met by a single institution in Scandinavia. Over the years, Denmark, Sweden, and Norway have each developed a range of post-compulsory educational opportunities – usually funded by the government – in order meet the shifting needs of their adult populations. Before discussing adult education in Scandinavia, however, we begin by briefly describing the compulsory education system leading to tertiary education. In Scandinavian countries, compulsory education lasts from first to tenth grade. The period from first to sixth or seventh grade is known as primary school; the period from seventh or eighth to tenth grade is known as lower secondary school. After graduating from lower secondary school, Scandinavian students are entitled to attend upper secondary school (usually for 3 years) on either a vocationally oriented track or an academically oriented track. After 1 year of general education courses, students on the vocational track may choose from a wide range of career-driven subject areas, including options as diverse as construction, economics, welding, bartending, or tourism. Thus, the vocational–technical training aspect of American community colleges is offered to Scandinavian students while they are still teenagers in upper secondary school. Meanwhile, students on the academic track make progress toward entering a university rather than focusing on a specific career goal; however, it is important to note that even students who have been on the vocational track are given the opportunity to qualify for higher education as part of their general secondary schooling, by taking additional courses. Unlike in the United States, university undergraduate degrees in Scandinavia typically require 3 (rather than 4) years of study, and are highly specialized. Rather than taking 2 years of broad lower division courses (such as those offered at community colleges in the United States), students in Scandinavia enter a university with a specific undergraduate degree in mind, and begin working immediately toward it. Thus, the “collegiate” goal outlined by Cohen and Brawer (2003) – that is, the use of community colleges as “transfer” colleges to 4-year universities – does not, in general, apply to the Scandinavian higher education system. There is an exception, however. In 1969, the Norwegian government began a movement to implement “regional colleges” throughout the country, in an attempt to “extend equal opportunity and employment-oriented education to rural and remote areas” (Kintzer, 1974, p. 303). Today, there are 25 “university colleges” throughout Norway, though they are no longer necessarily in rural or remote areas. These colleges offer more vocationally oriented courses (lasting between 2 and 4 years), as well as some introductory subject-area courses which may be applied to a university degree. Oslo University College, for instance, offers around 50 different professional higher education programs, and enrolls approximately 11,000 students each year. It was formed in 1994 by merging 17 smaller colleges in the Oslo area; similarly, the university college in Bergen (the country’s second largest city) was formed in 1994 282 S.S. Bagley and V.D. Rust through the merging of six former independent colleges, and currently enrolls approximately 6,000 students per year. University colleges are under the same regulation as universities, and are considered to be on par academically; indeed, credits are easily transferable between university colleges and universities. The two remaining goals of American community colleges – remedial education and community education – are the focus of this chapter. All three Scandinavian countries offer adult citizens the opportunity to take remedial courses which will allow them entrance into higher education: in Norway, these courses are offered through what is known as a folk university (folkeuniversitetet); in Sweden, they are offered through either a folk high school (folkhögskola) or a folk university (folkuniversitetet); and, in Denmark, they are offered through a variety of “liberal adult education” venues (known collectively as folkeoplysning). The goal of short- term “community education” is also met through each of these venues, as well as through folk high schools in both Denmark and Norway. We should point out here that the term “folk high school” – while originating from a uniquely Danish concept – has taken on different forms over the years in each Scandinavian country. Swedish folk high schools are distinct in that they offer remedial education courses in addition to broader community education, while both Danish and Norwegian folk high schools remain resolutely outside of the formal education system. We should also note that we will not be discussing German and Austrian folk high schools (Volkshochschulen) here; while sharing the same name as their Scandinavian counterpart, these schools fill a unique national role of their own. Finally, due to space constraints, we will not be discussing folk high schools in either Finland or Iceland, though these non-Scandinavian countries are part of the Nordic Folk High School Council as well. In the following section, we describe the current status of folk high schools in Scandinavia. First, however, we discuss the origin of folk high schools as a unique educational concept.

Folk High Schools: A Scandinavian Phenomenon

The theoretical and inspirational force behind folk high schools was the Danish Lutheran bishop Nikolai F. S. Grundtvig (1783–1872) (Allchin and Lossky, 1997; Fain, 1980a; Hart, 1927; Hollman, 1936). Denmark found itself crippled by the devastating Napoleonic wars in the second decade of the 1800s, and Grundtvig was the driving force for reviving a spirit of nationalism in his native country. He challenged the pervasive ideology of rationalism in higher education, arguing that while the university might remain grounded on the foundation of rationalism, a different kind of national educational institution should also be founded – one which was grounded in passion and nationalistic feelings. He believed a school like this could help restore Denmark’s cultural heritage and national spirit. Grundtvig was concerned with the common people, the “folk” of the nation. He believed that both spiritual and national feelings could only be restored through 16 Community-Based Folk High Schools in Norway, Sweden, and Denmark 283 music, poetry, myths, informal lectures, and community meetings. Although Grundtvig never established a school, he is universally regarded as having given birth to the idea of a “school for the people” – a “folk high school” which would equip peasants with the intellectual and spiritual equipment necessary to restore both nation and church (Allchin, 1994). The first Danish folk high school appeared in 1844, in what is today known as Schleswig Holstein, in Germany. The concept quickly spread outside Denmark, first to Norway (in 1864), then to Sweden (in 1868), and finally to Finland (in 1889). Early folk high schools were originally created to meet the everyday needs of farmers (Begtrup and Lund, 1980), to help them resolve “basic economic and social needs,” with an emphasis on “personal development, good citizenship, and democratic participation, together with practical knowledge of agriculture” (Mortensen, 1967). A sharp distinction was made at the time between “formal education” and the type of education offered at folk high schools. In formal education, a primary reason for studying is often to qualify for a job and to earn a living. The folk high school does not address vocational issues so much as it claims to be a school for life. As we shall see, this emphasis on self-determination – and an explicit resistance to “rationalizing” education in terms of work – remains a distinctive feature of Scandinavian folk high schools even today, despite the prevailing trend to address market demands through restructuring higher education (Fägerlind and Strömqvist, 2004). Grundtvig’s initial vision for folk high schools was different from what eventually emerged (Borish, 2004). Grundtvig’s ideal was to bring together all of Denmark’s “best minds” into one central folk high school, to prepare them for becoming leaders in their democratic nation. Instead, as folk high schools in all three Scandinavian countries began to appear, each developed its own ideas about what was most needed for local citizens. Norwegians, for instance, explicitly rejected Grundtvig’s emphasis on elitism, instead advocating the teaching of peasant dialects (Paulston and LeRoy, 1980). Both Norway and Finland emphasized the propagation of nationalism, using folk high schools as a means to instill patriotic pride in citizens (Fain, 1980; Paulston, 1980). In Sweden, folk high schools played an integral part during the formative years of its democracy (Erickson, 1980), and currently contribute to Sweden’s guiding educational principle of lifelong learning (Strömqvist, 2006). These days – while they are no longer the only nonuniversity adult education option for students – folk high schools remain a unique and culturally valued form of nonformal education in Scandinavia, offering students the opportunity to learn and explore without concern for grades. Modern folk high schools in Scandinavia share the following common goals and characteristics, which we will address in more detail shortly: • A desire to foster social and democratic participation • A boarding-school environment, in which learning to get along with each other is considered an important aspect of the folk high school experience (though not all students live at the schools) • No exams or course-specific grades 284 S.S. Bagley and V.D. Rust

• Pedagogical freedom • An emphasis on developing both personal and social skills Folk high school management is decentralized – with each school given an enormous amount of freedom – yet they operate under the auspices of a national folk high school association, which is responsible for policy concerns, political lobbying, marketing, and development. In addition, all Scandinavian countries (as well as Finland and Iceland) are part of a larger Nordic Folk High School Council, which meets four to five times a year to discuss broader issues and concerns about the future of folk high schools. In the following sections, we describe the current state of folk high schools in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, using a specific folk high school as a case study in each country. We end by discussing how the folk high school idea was transplanted briefly to America at the turn of the century, and note that researchers interested in exploring alternative conceptions of community-based higher education would do well to study folk high schools in more detail.

Danish Folk High Schools

The first folk high school in Denmark came about through the initiative of a professor named Christian Flor, whose stated goal was to create an institution where “farmers and other citizens can receive useful instruction – not so much with regard to technical operations as with regard to his position as a son of the country and a citizen of the state” (Borish, 2004, p. 183). Another key figure in the establishment of the first Danish folk high schools – and someone considered to have “an even greater influence … than Grundtvig or Flor” – was a man named Christen Kold. In 1851, after meeting with Grundtvig, Kold established a school in Ryslinge, on the island of Fyn, which was visited by several prominent future folk high school principals. From 1864 to 1876, a “veritable explosion” of new schools occurred across the Danish countryside (p. 193). There are currently 79 folk high schools throughout Denmark, with both short-term and long-term courses offered. Approximately 6,500 students each year enroll in the latter (which last anywhere from 8 to 40 weeks), while approximately 45,000 participate in the former. The schools receive financial support from the Danish government, and, as at universities, tuition is free; however, students must pay their own boarding fees. Long-term courses cost approximately 1,200 Danish kroner per week (for boarding), while the cost of short-term courses varies greatly. Students are not allowed to work while attending a folk high school. Lifelong learning, democracy, and citizenship are the primary concepts upon which the schools are based; to this end, teaching is conducted through dialogue, discussion, and cooperation, with teachers and students exhibiting mutual respect for each other. According to the Web site of the Danish Folk High School Council: “The Folk High School is a place to meet across differences and become valid 16 Community-Based Folk High Schools in Norway, Sweden, and Denmark 285 actors in society: to learn to live together in respect and reciprocity in spite of, or even because of, these differences.” As in all three countries we discuss in this chapter, there is great diversity in the types of Danish folk high schools, with some having a radical political or gender orientation, others exhibiting a conservative Christian religious agenda, and still others focusing specifically on athletics, music, or foreign languages. Four Danish folk high schools are currently geared toward senior citizens, while a few Youth High Schools are specifically for students between 16 to 19 years of age; at the moment, there are no folk high schools specifically addressing the needs of minority or immigrant students. Most courses are taught in Danish. Although all schools maintain a high degree of autonomy in terms of what they choose to teach, they must submit to the tenets of the “Law of the Free Boarding Schools.” This law stipulates the following requirements: • The minimum age of enrollment is 17.5 years old. • No exams or tests may be given. • While specific areas of interest may change, every school must offer a set of “general education” courses. • Personal enlightenment and democratic education must be the primary aims. General subject area offerings (which are different at each school) include humanities and social sciences; athletics and gymnastics; art and creativity; music, theatre and dance; nature, science and technology; society, politics, media, and traveling; and social services, therapy, and health. While folk high schools exist explicitly outside of the formal Danish educational system, and students do not receive any type of formal academic credit for their work, many students take courses which eventually lead to a career as, for instance, an actor, a nurse, or a journalist.

Danish Case Study: Djursland Folk High School

Djursland Folk High School (http://www.djfh.dk/) is located just north of Århus, on the east side of Jutland. It is one of the newer folk high schools in the country, having taken over a renovated space previously occupied for many decades by an old-folks’ home and hospital. The school is overseen by a board of directors, who set the mission of the school and hire its leaders. Djursland takes advantage of the nearby urban life in Århus, but, like most folk high schools, is situated in a rural, farm-like, open-air setting which exposes students to life in nature. In 2007, the staff consisted of just 13 people, including the director, the cook, the assistant cook, an IT specialist, and an historian. Djursland Folk High School attempts to establish a lively environment for students of all ages, who come from the entire district of Djursland. There is room for at least 40 people to live in the dormitories at any given time, although the enrollment rate is typically much larger. Djursland provides a wide variety of year- long and/or short-term courses in music, drama, art, social studies, natural sciences, 286 S.S. Bagley and V.D. Rust sports, ceramics, outdoor life, and Internet technology. In addition to these courses, the school offers a full schedule of debates, lectures, projects, concerts, festivals, and excursions. Each day begins with a general assembly at 8:30 a.m., with students engaging in modules of 1.5 h each; the instructional day ends at 6:00 p.m. According to the school’s Web site, it aims, among other things, to help each student “find the melody in one’s life,” to “paint and draw outside the lines,” to “get better at what you already do well,” and to “play the leading role in your own life.”

Norwegian Folk High Schools

Although isolated Norwegians were familiar with Grundtvig’s ideas, it was a Norwegian named Ole Vig (1824–1857) who is considered to be primarily responsible for inspiring the formation of folk high schools in Norway. He published a popular journal called The Norwegian Folk School, and advocated on behalf of establishing a folk school which would “stem from … the common culture, the natural mode of Norwegian life” (Fain, 1980, p. 104). One of Vig’s students eventually opened Sagatun, the first folk high school in Norway, in 1864. There are currently 77 folk high schools (47 “free” and 30 “Christian”) located throughout Norway; most are in rural areas, but a few exist in metropolitan cities such as Oslo and Bergen. The majority of folk high schools (67) are owned and run by private organizations or foundations; ten are run by county or municipal authorities. As in Denmark, tuition is covered by the government, but students must supply the costs of their own boarding, excursions, and other materials. Loans are available to cover these extra expenses. A major distinction in Norwegian folk high schools has been that between so-called free and “Christian” schools. Christian folk high schools began appearing in the early 1900s, with more of an emphasis on recruiting younger students (15–16- year-olds rather than 17–18), training them in moral values, and giving them tests and evaluations (a practice strictly looked down upon in “free” folk high schools). In recent years, however, “free” and “Christian” folk high school organizations have come together to form a stronger political presence; in the spring of 2007, the two organizations began moving into a new, communal office located in downtown Oslo, and – as just one example of their newfound collective power – specifically lobbied to keep folk high schools “exam-free” for another 7 years. About 6,000 students attend folk high schools in Norway each year; approximately 10–12% of Norwegians have attended one at some point in their life. According to Øyvind Brandt, director of information for Norwegian folk high schools, an informal (unpublished) study was conducted a few years ago which indicated that approximately 32% of all 18-year-olds were interested in attending a folk high school; it is Brandt’s stated goal to learn more about why only one third of these teenagers ended up attending. Most students attending Norwegian folk high schools are between the ages of 18 and 25, and most have completed their upper secondary education; however, there 16 Community-Based Folk High Schools in Norway, Sweden, and Denmark 287 are exceptions. Two folk high schools – the Nordnorsk Pensjonistskole in Sømna and the Norsk Senter for Seniorutvikling in Melsomvik – are geared specifically for senior citizens, while Ål Folkehøgskole in Døve is exclusively for deaf students. The majority of folk high schools in Norway provide on-site housing; indeed, living at the school amongst one’s classmates is considered an essential part of the overall folk high school experience. As described on the Norwegian folkehøgsko- lene English-language Web site: Folk high schools are one-year boarding schools based on the idea of learning for life. We provide an opportunity for you as a student to grow as a person and as a friend, in a small, unique learning community. On offer is a variety of exciting subjects such as outdoor life, theatre, music, media, and more. These are schools where you broaden your horizon, deepen your social insights, get more confidence in yourself, and learn tools for lifelong learning. Indeed, an important emphasis in Norwegian folk high schools is “to form a community, a common bond within the student body, in class and out of class.” Courses are taught in a hands-on method, with students contributing ideas and suggestions. A wide range of subjects are offered, including arts and crafts, Bible studies, computers and IT, cooking and baking, creative writing, dance, international studies, leadership training, media and communication, motors and engines, music, Norwegian language and culture, organic farming, photography, riding and horse care, sign language, social services, sound engineering and stage design, sports and outdoor life, and theater. Some schools offer a handful of core subjects to choose from; others – such as Toneheim Folkehøgskole, a renowned folk high school which focuses exclusively on classical music – emphasize only one or two. Students spend between 10 and 20 h per week studying their core subject, and may choose from a variety of electives as well. Many schools offer courses in Norwegian language and culture for international students, and most schools incorporate school excursions. The priorities of Norwegian folk high schools have shifted over the years. After World War II, there was enormous debate in the country over how to spread and maintain democracy; thus, in 1948, a “Folk High School Law” was passed, man- dating the existence of folk high schools around the country in order to encourage democratic ideals. In the 1970s, emphasis shifted toward personal growth and development. Until this time, all students enrolled in a particular folk high school were only offered one basic set of courses; in the 1980s, this changed, and students were able to select from a wider variety of options. In 2002, the Norwegian Folk High School Council (the national organization which oversees management of all folk high schools across the country) successfully lobbied to get the Folk High School Law renewed for a second time (it had been renewed once in the early 1980s). Although it is difficult for new folk high schools to be built in Norway, those already in existence are guaranteed funding, and are allowed to operate with relative freedom. The council was also able to guarantee, in law, that no exams may be given in any folk high school, thus securing the ability of folk high schools to emphasize personal growth and development without concern for passing tests. According to Brandt, the Folk High School Council is determined to maintain its autonomy, and to be allowed to operate outside the 288 S.S. Bagley and V.D. Rust

confines of the formal Norwegian school system. The goal, he maintains, is for folk high schools to continue to be “an arena for the individual” rather than to serve a larger governmental (or market-driven) purpose.

Norwegian Case Study: Elverum Folk High School

Elverum Folk High School (http://www.elverumfhs.no/english.html) – located in a forested area 2 h north of Oslo, in between Lake Sagtjernet and the Glomma River – is a representative example of multi-subject folk high schools. It was founded in 1917 by a wealthy man named Helge Vaeringsåsen, who had attended the first folk high school in Norway (in Sagatun), and left 1 million Norwegian Kroner in a fund to build a folk high school in Elverum. Elverum, like other folk high schools throughout the country, strives to develop a concept known as danning, which translates roughly into “formation” of the “whole human being.” According to the rektor (principal) of the school, Åsmund Mjelva, Elverum’s goals are to develop personal growth and responsibility in students, to help them to “believe in themselves,” and to provide them with “tools for a better life.” The subjects taught at the school – which change on a regular basis, depending on student demand – are simply a means to this more important end. About 90% of students at Elverum live on campus. Students are responsible for taking care of their own living space, and have weekly meetings to discuss any issues or concerns that may arise. No alcohol is permitted on campus, students are not allowed to return to school with visible signs of having been drinking, and no drug-taking is allowed. Four meals a day are offered at the school; students can eat breakfast, lunch, and supper on their own time, but everyone comes together for dinner, and nobody can leave the table until everyone has finished. Core subjects offered at Elverum (some unique, some similar to other folk high schools) include African aid and culture (which involves a trip to Africa); extreme backpacking; band, rock, pop, and soul; photography; theater; outdoor life; Norwegian; snowboarding; and arts and crafts. Electives include fishing, football, photography, outdoor life, glassblowing, guitar, craft-making, ceramics, kickboxing, rock climbing, knife-making, choir, art, motor sports, dark room photography, piano, snowboarding, bodybuilding, sports and games, theater, African dance and music, woodworking, wool dying and designing, and volleyball. Wednesdays are a “main group” day, with all students at the school doing activities and projects together, including attending seminars, and participating in the school choir. By law, students at Elverum cannot receive any grades or evaluations. Instead, students are assessed simply on attendance, and receive a certificate at the end of the school year listing the subjects they have taken, and how many absences they have had (which cannot equal more than 10%). Students themselves take a survey at the end of the year rating their experiences at the school and offering suggestions for improvement; this is the extent of formal evaluation. 16 Community-Based Folk High Schools in Norway, Sweden, and Denmark 289

In the 2006/07 school year, students from 17 different countries attended Elverum – indeed, international participation is common in Norwegian folk high schools, and encouraged. There are 120 spots at Elverum, and these are typically filled long before the deadline; last year, according to Mjelva, there were 470 applications. In general, students are accepted on a first-come, first-serve basis. The oldest student at Elverum last year was 39, but one year there were two older housewives in their sixties, who, according to Mjelva, said they were “tired of always doing work for other people and wanted some time for themselves.”

Swedish Folk High Schools

In Sweden, the original idea for a folk high school came from Professor Christian Flor, principal and founder of the first Danish folk high school (Forster, 1944). Flor was surprised by what he saw as a “lack of interest in Sweden … by peasant farmers and labourers in matters of state,” and expressed his concern to Dr. Sohlman, editor of the Swedish daily paper Aftonbladet. Sohlman began advocating on behalf of a school for the common folk in Sweden, and sent one of his subedi- tors, Dr. Ålund, to Denmark to study the movement. Intellectuals soon took up the debate, and by 1868 the first folkhögskola was founded in Skåne, near the border of Denmark. The founders of Hvilan Folkhögskola stated that they wanted to create “a place of instruction where the young could not only develop their physical powers and improve their minds, but also their souls, and infuse into their daily life the higher aspirations, and learn that in the less luminous positions good and far- reaching work for the community lay to hand” (Forster, p. 88). By 1870, 20 schools had been founded in Sweden. In what would remain a typical decentralized managerial framework, much control was given to the principals, with the schools changing continually to meet the needs of the people. For example, when initial winter courses were found to be insufficient, they were extended to year-round courses, and students were allowed to take a second year of study. The lantmannaskola (agricultural school) soon arose as a counterpart to the more general social science courses offered, but it shared the same space and leadership. By the turn of the century, youths in industrialized parts of the country began learning about folk high schools, and attended classes during their holidays. There are currently 148 folk high schools across Sweden. Of these, 105 are run either by various “popular movements” or NGOs, and the remainder are run by county councils or regions. Approximately 30,000 students take part in long-term folk high school courses each year. As in Norway, the minimum age of enrollment is 18, but there is no maximum age limit. As in both Denmark and Norway, tuition is covered by the government, but students must pay boarding costs and other expenses, which average approximately 4,000 SEK (Swedish kroner) per month (as a point of comparison, the average monthly salary in Sweden is about 25,000 SEK). All students are provided with about 2,000 SEK per month from the government, and are able to receive a loan for up to 4,000 additional SEK per month. 290 S.S. Bagley and V.D. Rust

The Swedish word folkbildning is used to denote liberal, nonformal, voluntary adult education. As noted on the English-language Web page of the Swedish Folk High School Council: Folkbildning’s philosophy presumes that all citizens are free and independent individuals, with the right to participate in all aspects of a democratic society. The activities should provide a comprehensive approach, stimulate curiosity and critical thinking; as well as be a part of the crucial process of lifelong learning. Folkbildning creates the conditions necessary for people to freely pursue knowledge and contributes toward giving them the opportunity to change their lives. As in Norway and Denmark, the original folk high schools in Sweden came about due to the realization that “the common folk” needed to be educated beyond an elementary school education in order to make informed decisions about their country and their own future. According to Swedish Folk High School Council Web site, the primary objective of Swedish folk high schools these days is to provide a “general civic education”: Folk High Schools offer a unique opportunity to enhance each individual’s human resources. The students’ experiences of working life and society are put to use, and their contribution is very vital. The schools constitute small, educational societies where each individual makes a difference. Studying in a warm and open environment, working closely with other students and staff stimulates personal growth and development. Folk high schools are given the freedom to develop their own curricula, within certain limits set by the government. Governmental guidelines stipulate that all folk high schools in Sweden must • Emphasize common goals and values, as well as human rights • Encourage multiculturalism • Keep local demographics in mind when developing curricula • Encourage lifelong learning • Coordinate cultural activities with available resources in the area • Provide accessibility for handicapped students • Promote general health and well-being, including an awareness of environmental issues and global justice A general council evaluates each folk high school once a year to ensure that these mandates are being met, and each school submits a report describing its goals and progress; this is the extent of the formal institutional evaluation which takes place. Unlike Norwegian and Danish folk high schools, Swedish folk high schools are unique in that they are funded partly on the basis of the “basic courses,” or allmän kurser, they offer. Successful completion of these courses (which last between 1 and 3 years, depending on previous levels of education) provide students with the equivalent of an upper secondary school “leaving certificate,” and allow students to apply to universities, which in turn are required to admit a certain quota of students with folk high school allmän kurs certificates each year. Courses in the allmän kurser include Swedish, civics, science, English, religion, and mathematics. As in Norway and Denmark, no grades are given to students for specific courses; students are simply held accountable through attendance, and may not miss more than 10% of class time. However, in addition to providing proof of behorighet 16 Community-Based Folk High Schools in Norway, Sweden, and Denmark 291

(indicating that a student is “capable” of moving on to university), the allmän kurser certificate indicates one cumulative grade (from 1 to 4) for a student’s overall performance (omdöme). The following distinctions are made: • Excellent study aptitude (4) • Very good study aptitude (3) • Good study aptitude (2) • Poor study aptitude (1) Factors taken into consideration when determining a student’s omdöme grade include the development of their knowledge and skills, their capacity for analyzing and processing information, their motivation and persistence, their organizational abilities, and their social skills. Teachers meet to discuss a student’s performance in all the classes, looking at the “whole person” when coming to a collective decision on the final score.

Swedish Case Study: Ingesund Folk High School

Ingesund Folk High School (http://www.ingesund.se/) is located in the Swedish/ Norwegian border town of Arvika, a 2-h train ride from Oslo. It was founded in 1905 by Valdemar Dahlgren, in Western Värmland off the shore of the Glafsfjord. Students may choose to live in one of three dormitories or commute from the local community, but most live on campus. Students wishing to take allmän kurser at Ingesund have a variety of options to choose from. In addition to a regular “academic” set of allmän courses, they can choose a special “profile” emphasizing either advanced Swedish, studies on homo-, bi-, and transsexuals (“HBT”; gay and lesbian issues), Spanish and Italian, Web design, nature and biology, or handicrafts. These thematic offerings vary from year to year, in accordance with the perceived needs and interests of the community. In addition to allmän kurser, Ingesund offers three other “tracks” of study: music, theater, and environmental studies. Ingesund’s music school is quite renowned, and entrance is competitive. Students enrolled in the music school usually attend for 3–5 years rather than 1, and sleep in a different dormitory. Ingesund also offers shorter-term courses for community members. During the 2006/07 school year, a highly attended “travel course” was offered to senior citizens, consisting of weekly courses to learn about a foreign destination, and then a culminating trip. Finally, Ingesund houses a special program for unemployed citizens, who take courses in basic computer skills with the goal of eventually finding work. Again, the specific needs of the community are taken into account when determining what types of classes to offer at the school. Classes at Ingesund are small, with only 10–20 students per class, and often fewer. The emphasis is on communication and dialogue, with teachers serving more as facilitators than lecturers. Students are strongly encouraged to make connections between the material and their own lives. For instance, during a biology class lesson (observed during a visit to the school in May 2007), students listened to a special 292 S.S. Bagley and V.D. Rust lecture on environmental issues, then had an open discussion about the ideas they heard. Afterwards, a student gave a presentation on hearing, using a model of a human ear. Discussion was then opened to the class, with various students sharing their own experiences regarding hearing issues. One student pulled back her hair to reveal a hearing aid; another student discussed her son’s inability to accurately gauge his volume when speaking. The atmosphere was relaxed and friendly.

American Folk Schools

American folk high schools (generally known as “folk schools,” thus dropping the confusing “high school” distinction) originated from two major sources: first, Danish emigrants wishing to preserve their cultural traditions, churches, and educational practices; and second, Americans hoping to copy the Danish model in order to vitalize and bring about fundamental change among farmers, hill people, and the poor in America. The first folk schools in America were established by Danes who emigrated to America either to escape the domination of the Lutheran Church (Mortensen, 1967), and/or to find greater economic prosperity (Houston, 1971). Once they were settled in America, they set about establishing various mechanisms to retain their culture and religious heritage. The first folk schools in America were Elk Horn Folk School in Elk Horn, Iowa (1877); Ashland Folk High School in Grant, Michigan (1882); West Denmark Folk High School in West Denmark, Wisconsin (1884); Nysted Folk High School in Nysted, Nebraska (1887); Danebod Folk High School in Tyler, Minnesota (1888); Grand View College in Des Moines, Iowa (1896); Brorson Folk High School in Kenmare, North Dakota (1902); and Atterdag College in Solvang, California (1911). These folk schools quickly changed characteristics “beyond recognition” (Kulich, 1964), however, and were ultimately short- lived (Larson, 1980), particularly as community colleges began to blossom across the country and addressed many of the needs previously met by folk schools. American interest in community-based education – including folk (high) schools – flourished once again in the 1960s and 1970s. In 1976, the Folk School Association of America (FSAA) – now known as the Institute for People’s Education and Action (IPEA; http://www.peopleseducation.org/) – was founded, with the purpose of “advocating and organizing around the Scandinavian concept of the folk school as an adult learning center.” Their current mission is to “identify, support, and facilitate community-based, learner-led education as a strategic tool for community organizing,” and they rely on both individual and organizational membership fees to stay afloat. According to the IPEA Web site, existing folk schools in America include (but are not limited to) the following, which we list here simply to provide a sampling of the diversity of folk schools in America: • The North House Folk School (http://www.northhouse.org/) in Minnesota, which aims to “create a rich, positive environment that inspires life-long learning in a non-competitive environment” 16 Community-Based Folk High Schools in Norway, Sweden, and Denmark 293

• The Driftless Folk School (http://www.driftlessfolkschool.org/) in Wisconsin, which aims to “support healthy, sustainable communities and personal development by providing creative and meaningful educational opportunities and inspiring lifelong learning for individuals and families” • The Alabama Folk School (http://campmcdowell.com/folkschool/index.htm) at Camp McDowell, which provides “the opportunity for people to come and stay for a week in order to study a topic of their interest” • The Clearing Folk School (http://www.theclearing.org/) in Wisconsin, which aims “to provide diverse educational experiences in the folk school tradition,” in a noncompetitive environment without grades or degrees • The Camp Sister Spirit Folk School (http://www.campsisterspirit.com/) in Mississippi, focusing on social issues such as racism, sexism, and homopho- bia, and emphasizing “awareness of and appreciation for a shared background through direct, person-to-person interchange” As should be clear from the brief descriptions above, American folk high schools – just like Scandinavian folk high schools – are designed with local needs and interests in mind, each one offering a unique set of experiences to students. Some – such as the Alabama Folk School – offer weeklong retreats; others, such as Driftless Folk School, Clearing Folk School, and North House Folk School, offer daylong or after- noon classes in local crafts and skills; still others, like the Camp Sister Spirit Folk School, simply serve as a central site for various cultural events and retreats. Despite this diversity of goals and settings, however, they all maintain a common emphasis on learner-centered, nonthreatening, nongraded education. To this end, they remain a distinctive – albeit far less ubiquitous – alternative to community colleges.

American Case Study: Highlander Folk School

Highlander Folk School (http://www.highlandercenter.org/) is a rare American folk school which has endured since its inception in the 1930s. It opened its doors in 1932 in Monteagle, Tennessee, and continues today under the name of Highlander Research and Education Center (Adams, 1980; Bledsoe, 1969). The key player in its establishment was Myles Horton, a devout Christian who identified deeply with the mountain people of Tennessee, and hoped to provide them with socially meaningful educational experiences. While enrolled in the University of Chicago’s Graduate School of Sociology, Horton met a Danish-born Lutheran minister who suggested that the Danish folk school could serve as a model for Horton’s school. Horton began immediately to study Danish culture, language, and folk schools; in addition, he read books such as J. C. Campbell’s The Southern Highlander and His Homeland (1921), which gave him additional information about the southern mountain life and people, and how a folk school might contribute to their welfare. In September 1931, Horton traveled to Denmark to see folk high schools for himself, and he was impressed with the schools’ strong sense of purpose and moral mission (Horton, 1989). In May 1932, Horton returned to the United States, where 294 S.S. Bagley and V.D. Rust he and a partner obtained permission to locate the school on the farm of Lillian Johnson at Monteagle, Tennessee. Since its inception, Highlander has maintained a flexible approach to education, and its programs and personnel have been in constant flux. There are no grades, credits, examinations, or degrees, and “the needs of the students largely determine the curriculum of the sessions” (Glen, 1988). At the core of Highlander’s current educational activities are residential workshops, clustered around themes such as Grassroots Think Tank, Multilingual Capacity Building, Seeds of Fire: Youth Organizing, and more. Programs last anywhere from 2 days to 8 weeks, and they focus on specific, concrete subjects. A workshop might attract between 15 and 40 adults of various racial, religious, and educational backgrounds, and assists participants in analyzing and responding to the ways in which problems affect them personally. Staff members refrain from imposing a preconceived set of ideas on students, instead using consultants, movies, audio recordings, drama, music, and written materials to build on the students’ knowledge, and to introduce new values, options, and perspectives. Participants then evaluate their findings, assess their new understanding of their problems, and develop plans to initiate or sustain activities once they return to their communities. As reflected in its Web site mission statement, Highlander’s goals are very much in line with that of Scandinavian folk high schools: The goal of Highlander was and is to provide education and support to poor and working people fighting economic injustice, poverty, prejudice, and environmental destruction. We help grassroots leaders create the tools necessary for building broad-based movements for change. Thus, the guiding philosophy of Highlander is that the answers to society’s problems lie in the experiences of ordinary people themselves.

Conclusion

As indicated by the title and topic of this book, the American community college model has had an enormous impact on the educational systems of many countries around the world. In this chapter, however, we have provided a counterexample to this trend by illustrating an alternative community-based educational format – one which originated prior to the establishment of the first “junior colleges” in America, and has existed largely outside this prevalent model. Unlike many educational systems, folk high schools in Scandinavia did not emerge through the ubiquitous model of “cross-national borrowing” outlined by Phillips and Ochs (2003), which involves a linear process of governmental “attraction” to a new idea, legislative decision-making, implementation, and “internali- sation” by citizens (pp. 451–452). Instead, the process was more dialectical and “grassroots” in nature, with key individuals and groups taking the initiative to form individual schools, and advocating on behalf of their proliferation. In Denmark, for instance, Grundvig provided the initial conceptual framework for the idea of folk high schools, but it was men such as Flor and Kold who actually 16 Community-Based Folk High Schools in Norway, Sweden, and Denmark 295 established the first schools, which served as a concrete inspiration for others. In Norway, a popular journal first disseminated the idea of folk high schools, which quickly became reality; however, it was not until the crisis of World War II – when democracy in Norway was seriously threatened – that the broader need for a means to educate all citizens in democratic ideals was seen, and a “folk high school law” was put into place by the government. Similarly, in Sweden, it was key individuals who advocated on behalf of educating “peasant farmers and laborers,” and eventually a unique system evolved which combined both “general” social science courses and agricultural courses. In America, folk high schools were started by motivated philanthropists (such as Myles Horton), who learned about this unusual form of community education, and decided to try importing it. While American folk (high) schools continue to exist in various parts of the country, however, they were never internalized as an essential part of the country’s higher educational system. These days the closest counterpart to Scandinavian folk high schools in America are rural community colleges, many of which offer residential boarding (Moeck et al., 2007), and are deeply embedded within the local community’s lifestyle and economic structure (Miller and Tuttle, 2007). Like folk high schools, rural community colleges are limited in terms of the number of programs they are able to offer to students (Hardy and Katsinas, 2007), and must gear their programs toward perceived local needs. Thus, while urban and suburban community colleges characteristically “strive to be all things to all people” (Cejda and Leist, 2006, p. 253), rural community colleges in America are more like Scandinavian folk high schools (and Norwegian University Colleges) in their attempt to meet the specific needs of local constituents. Yet there are still enormous differences between Scandinavian folk high schools and rural community colleges in America. Folk high schools in all three Scandinavian countries emphasize lifelong learning and personal development above all else (Cohen, 1993); and, while strategic economic or career-oriented objectives may be embedded (either explicitly or implicitly) within the courses offered, these are ultimately secondary to the broader goals of nurturing the “whole human,” and allowing citizens a “transitional year” in which they can consider future educational and employment opportunities. Indeed, higher education in Scandinavia has a long tradition of being viewed as a “social good” (Fägerlind and Strömqvist, 2004, p. 13), and folk high schools fit squarely within this stated goal. With that said, Scandinavia has not been immune to the effects of globalization and internationalization of the marketplace. While Scandinavian countries remain committed to maintaining a certain level of national autonomy in educational affairs, market-oriented thinking has caused “a restructuring of the public sectors in the Nordic countries … [and has] strongly influenced their higher education systems” (p. 14). Thus, while their place in the overall educational system is relatively secure at the moment, folk high schools must either evolve to meet competing demands (as is happening in Sweden and Denmark) or continue to stake a strong lobbying claim on behalf of existing outside the realm of market-based educational policies (as Norway has successfully done, at least for the time being). It remains to be seen how well Scandinavian folk high schools will flourish in the uncertain economic future. 296 S.S. Bagley and V.D. Rust

As noted earlier, the amount of recent research on folk high schools remains slim, with no data currently available on how folk high school students fare once they enter the job force or enroll in a university. This is likely because, as we have shown, Scandinavian folk high schools exist to serve a different purpose – one more geared toward personal growth and inner development than economic advancement. To this end, we believe that American community colleges can benefit from investigating the folk high school system, which remains committed to meeting the needs of local communities on a level outside of purely economic necessity. In addition, folk high schools offer a unique historical perspective on how institutions of higher education can play a vital part in local communities – a topic addressed recently, for instance, in an article by Miller and Tuttle (2007), who nonetheless do not draw upon the folk high school model in their exploration of nonacademic and noneconomic results of community college activities in rural areas. In sum, we believe that Scandinavia’s folk high schools offer a constructive counterexample to the rapid proliferation of the American community college model around the world. While this model provides an invaluable paradigm for countries struggling to develop a more equitable system of higher education, the history of Scandinavian folk high schools shows us that community education can emerge in a variety of forms – and that there are multiple ways to ensure democratic access to learning.

Bibliography

AACC (American Association of Community Colleges). About Community Colleges. Retrieved November 29, 2007, from http://www.aacc.nche.edu/Template.cfm?section = AboutCommunityColleges Adams, F. (1980). Highlander folk school: social movements and social change in the American south. In R.G. Paulston (Ed.), Other dreams, other schools: folk colleges in social and ethnic movements. Pittsburgh, PA: University Center for International Studies. Alabama Folk School Web site. Available at: http://campmcdowell.com/folkschool/index.htm Allchin, A.M. (1994). Heritage and prophecy: Grundtvig and the English-speaking world. Norwich: Canterbury Press. Allchin, A.M., & Lossky, N. (1997). N.F.S. Grundtvig: an introduction to his life and work. Århus, Denmark: Århus University Press. Association for Community Colleges (ACC). First European Community College. Retrieved July 20, 2007, from http://www.acc.eu.org/uploads/First_European_Community_College_(FECC).pdf Begtrup, H., & Lund, H. (1980). Mobilization and renewal in rural Denmark. In R.G. Paulston (Ed.), Other dreams, other schools: folk colleges in social and ethnic movements. Pittsburgh, PA: University Center for International Studies. Bledsoe, T. (1969). Or we’ll all hang separately: the Highlander idea. Boston, MA: Beacon Press. Borish, S.M. (2004). The land of the living: the Danish folk high schools and Denmark’s non-violent path to modernization. Nevada City, CA: Blue Dolphin Publishing. (Original work published 1991). Camp Sister Spirit Folk School Web site. Available at: http://www.campsisterspirit.com/ Campbell, J.C. (1921). The southern highlander and his homeland. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Cejda, B.D., & Leist, J. (2006). Challenges facing community colleges: perceptions of chief academic officers in nine states. Community College Journal of Research and Practice, 30(3), 253–274. 16 Community-Based Folk High Schools in Norway, Sweden, and Denmark 297

Clearing Folk School Web site. Available at: http://www.theclearing.org/ Cohen, A. (1993). Accommodating postcompulsory education seekers around the world. Community College Review, 21(2), 65–75. Cohen, A., & Brawer, F. (2003). The American community college (4th ed.). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Danish Folk High Schools Web site. Available in English at: http://www.folkehojskoler.dk/the- danish-folk-high-school Drifless Folk School Web site. Available at: http://www.driftlessfolkschool.org/ Djursland Folk High School Web site. Available at: http://www.djfh.dk/ Elverum Folk High School Web site. Available in English at: http://www.elverumfhs.no/english.html Erickson, H. (1980). Contributions to the Swedish democratic movement. In R.G. Paulston (Ed.), Other dreams, other schools: folk colleges in social and ethnic movements. Pittsburgh, PA: University Center for International Studies. Fägerlind, I., & Strömqvist, G. (Eds.). (2004). Reforming higher education in the Nordic countries: studies of change in Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden. Paris: International Institute for Educational Planning. Fain, E.F. (1980a). Grundtvig, folk education, and Scandinavian cultural nationalism. In R.G. Paulston (Ed.), Other dreams, other schools: folk colleges in social and ethnic movements. Pittsburgh, PA: University Center for International Studies. Fain, E.F. (1980b). The quest for national identity and community in Norway. In R.G. Paulston (Ed.), Other dreams, other schools: folk colleges in social and ethnic movements. Pittsburgh, PA: University Center for International Studies. Forster, F.M. (1944). School for life: a study of people’s colleges in Sweden. London: Faber & Faber. Gilliland, J.R. (1986). Folkhighschool: the people’s college of Scandinavia. AACJC Journal, April/May. Glen, J.M. (1988). Highlander: no ordinary school: 1932–1962. Lexington, KY: The University Press of Kentucky. Greenberg, J.A. (1991). Exporting the community college concept: worldwide variations. New Directions for Community Colleges, 75, 69–77. Hardy, D.E., & Katsinas, S.G. (2007). Classifying community colleges: how rural community colleges fit. New Directions for Community Colleges, No. 137, Chapter One, pp. 5–17. Hart, J.K. (1927). Light from the north: the Danish folk high schools, their meanings for America. New York: H.H. Holt. Highlander Research and Education Center Web site. Available at: http://www.highlandercenter.org/ Hollman, A.H. (1936). Democracy in Denmark: Part II: the folk high school. (Translated by A.G. Brandeis). Washington, DC: National Home Library Foundation. Horton, A.I. (1989). The Highlander folk school: a history of its major programs: 1932–1961. Brooklyn, NY: Carlson. Houston, G. (1971). The origins, development, and significance of the Atterdag College – a Danish folk high school in America. Unpublished doctoral dissertation. University of California, Los Angeles. Ingesund Folk High School Web site. Available at: http://www.ingesund.se/ Institute for People’s Education and Action Web site. Available at: http://www.peopleseducation.org/ Kintzer, F.C. (1974). Norway’s regional colleges. Higher Education, 3(3), 303–314. Kintzer, F.C., & Bryant, D.W. (1998). Global perceptions of the community college. Community College Review, 26(3), 35–55. Kulich, J. (1964). The Danish folk high school: can it be transplanted? The success and failure of the Danish folk high school at home and abroad. International Review of Education, 10(4), 417–430. Larson, D.C. (1980). The movement to preserve Danish culture in North America. In R.G. Paulston (Ed.), Other dreams, other schools: folk colleges in social and ethnic movements. Pittsburgh, PA: University Center for International Studies. Miller, M.T., & Tuttle, C.C. (2007). Building communities: how rural community colleges develop their communities and the people who live in them. Community College Journal of Research and Practice, 31(2), 117–127. Moeck, P.G., Hardy, D.E., & Katsinas, S.G. (2007). Residential living at rural community colleges. New Directions for Community Colleges, No. 137, Chapter Eight, pp. 77–86. 298 S.S. Bagley and V.D. Rust

Mortensen, E. (1967). The Danish Lutheran church in America. Philadelphia: Lutheran Church in America. North House Folk School Web site. Available at: http://www.northhouse.org/ Norwegian Folk High Schools Web site. Available in English at: http://www.folkehogskole.no/ index.php?page_id = 44 Paulston, R. (1980). The Swede-Finn movement for ethnic separatism in Finland. In R.G. Paulston (Ed.), Other dreams, other schools: folk colleges in social and ethnic movements. Pittsburgh, PA: University Center for International Studies. Paulston, R., & LeRoy, G. (1980). Folk colleges and change from below. In R.G. Paulston (Ed.), Other dreams, other schools: folk colleges in social and ethnic movements. Pittsburgh, PA: University Center for International Studies. Phillips, D., & Ochs, K. (2003). Processes of policy borrowing in education: some explanatory and analytical devices. Comparative Education 39(4), 451–61. Pine Tree Folk School Web site. Available at: http://www.ptfolkschool.org/ Rust, V.D. (1989). The democratic tradition and the evolution of schooling in Norway. Westport, CT: Greenwood. Statistics Sweden. Average monthly salary. Retrieved November 27, 2007, from: http://www.scb.se/ templates/tableOrChart____20516.asp Strömqvist, S. (2006). Forms of student support in Sweden: past, present and future. International Institute for Educational Planning, UNESCO. Swedish Folk High Schools Web site. Available in English at: http://www.folkhogskola.nu/ page/150/inenglish.htm Wang, W. (2004). UCLA community college review: community education in the community college. Community College Review, 32(3), 43–56. Chapter 17 Community Colleges Embracing Change: The Anglophone Caribbean Perspective

Jeanette Grant-Woodham and Camille Morris

Introduction

Caribbean countries are small states, vulnerable to global economic shifts. It is therefore imperative that the governments invest in available resources that can improve the economic and social conditions of the countries and the people. As human capital is a vital and necessary resource, quality education for the human capital is fundamental in strengthening the capacity of the countries. Investing in education, particularly tertiary education, is paramount, to benefit from the information and technological explosion taking place. Tertiary education is required to understand the intricacies of new systems and provide the analysis needed for experimentation and new ways of exploiting resources and systems to generate economic growth and improve social standards. Geography. This chapter examines the situation in Anglophone Caribbean, commonly referred to as the British West Indies. These countries include Jamaica, Bermuda, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, The Bahamas, Antigua and Barbuda, Montserrat, The Cayman Islands, Dominica, Trinidad and Tobago, Turks and Caicos, St. Kitts and Nevis, Guyana, St. Lucia, Belize, Anguilla, Barbados and British Virgin Islands (BVI). These islands were originally inhabited by Aborigines, the Arawaks, Caribs, and Mayans, until they were colonialised by Europeans. The unfamiliar culture and life style of the Europeans negatively affected the indigenous peoples and many of them died, particularly the Arawaks. There are still small groups of Caribs in Dominica, Amerindians in Guyana and Mayans in Suriname and Belize. The islands went through periods of slavery and colonization and, with the exception of the Cayman Islands, Montserrat, BVI, and Turks and Caicos Islands which have remained dependents of Britain, have become independent states. As each country has adopted a model of the systems of operation developed by their colonizer, the political, legal and education systems of the independent countries remain similar to the British model. Economics. Their common history, but even more, their similar economic and social situation, brought the countries together in 1973 to form a regional organization, the Caribbean Community and Common Market (CARICOM), which is similar to the economic Unions/Blocs formed by other states (Hall, 2001, p. xxi); it is

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 299 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 300 J. Grant-Woodham and C. Morris not exclusive to former British Colonies. In its effort to deepen and broaden integration within the region, observer status was awarded to Haiti and Suriname, Britain (a colonizing country), and tertiary level institutions. Classified as a developing region, the countries are primarily agriculture based, and tourism is the only activity that is common to all the territories. The fragile agrarian economies depend on the North American and European markets and a stable global system. Shifts in the global economy have adverse effects on these countries whose import bills far exceed their export potential. Social Situation and Education. While the employment rate has increased since independence, the standard of living has not been sustainable. The instability of the economies has caused, high interest rates, increasing import bills, instability of currency, failed investments, increased population, increase in crime and violence, and growing unemployment. Many Caribbean people have migrated to other countries with the hope of financial security, and the remittances from family members abroad significantly supplement the income of those in the Caribbean. The demand for tertiary level education increases with each set of graduates from the secondary level institutions. While some countries can afford to fully subsidize education, others can only provide partial assistance. In both instances, lack of finance has been noted as a major barrier to tertiary education in the region by students, employers and educators.1 This, coupled with the need to increase access to tertiary education in the region, has affected the standard of living of many. Therefore, in spite of the policies employed by some countries to promote and foster education for all, it is still a serious concern at all levels, particularly at the tertiary level. Tertiary education consisted of teacher training colleges, a regional university, technical/vocational institutions and theological colleges (managed by church bodies). The system of operation mirrors the British model, including tests and examinations. The latter were particularly daunting because they were prepared and marked by British examiners. Except for the elite, few went through the secondary system, and those who did, primarily went directly into the employment sector. The bridge, in the form of the community college, between the secondary level and university was not established until the late 1970s.

Literature Review

The discussions on education and its relation with development have led many to agree that the two are inextricably linked. Each fuels the other; they impact each other and lead to acquisition of knowledge through research and expansion of technological capabilities. Howe (2005) approved the marriage of the two principles, citing Case and Harbison’s proposals of improved quality of life and sustained development, which are the primary ingredients for a prosperous society. He noted that Harbison saw the underutilization of human resource as costly to any country; he describes it as an “intractable condition” (Howe, 2005) affecting small states, including the Caribbean countries. 17 Community Colleges Embracing Change 301

The recognition of the value of an educated, skilled and energized labor force is paramount to all countries, of all sizes, irrespective of their history, economic state and political persuasion. Developing countries have at some point or other lamented the need to promote human capital through education, to gain economy, social and psychological development. The Caribbean is not an exception to this. Clarke (2001) discusses Demas’s formula for the success of the private sector, notably the development of the company’s human resources and advocates an intellectual centre to serve as a national and regional instrument of development. Peters (2001, p. 47), also quotes Demas as supporting tertiary education, noting however, that the region must accept and view post secondary education as an integrated system of universities as well as “Technical and Vocational Institutes and Colleges, Community Colleges, Nursing and Para-Medical Training”, among other tertiary level educational institutions. Peters is of the opinion that the region, in fact, heeded to the suggestion not only of different tertiary level institutions, but multi-purpose institutions, in order to respond to the diverse needs of the people of the region and “partly responds to the challenge of achieving economies of scale which continue to be a developmental imperative for the tertiary education sector in small states” (Peters, 2001, pp. 47–48). Barry Chevannes (UNESCO Papers, 2003) explains that the regional university (UWI), despite its expansion of curricula and buildings, is not able to meet the rapidly expanding demands in time. This limitation fuelled the development of local institutions of higher learning, including the Community Colleges. He further stated that the Demas Report of 1974, which was a result of the Intergovernmental Committee on Caribbean University Education, set up by the Caribbean Heads of Government, was partially responsible for the development of the Community Colleges in the region. Chevannes points out that the Report calls for the establishment of Community Colleges and especially that these institutions be articulated with the UWI, as a process of continuity, expansion and development of the former English speaking colonies.

The Need for the Community College

Chevannes’ discourse on the inability of the regional university to meet the demands for tertiary education describes an age-old problem. In the early 1960s in Jamaica, the privilege of a university education was not enough to propel the national economy forward. The need was for an active decision to provide access to tertiary education and at the same time respond to labor market needs. The community college models were seen as political, social, and economic necessities and rationalized as such. As the models of community colleges developed in North America and were explored in other parts of the world, their influence could not be ignored by the regional (Caribbean) governments as a way of addressing post secondary education needs and community sustainability. Prior to the introduction of the community college models, the tertiary landscape in Jamaica featured the establishment of the West Indies College, now Northern Caribbean University (NCU) in 1907, one of the oldest private institutions. 302 J. Grant-Woodham and C. Morris

The Farm School opened in 1910 became the Jamaica School of Agriculture in 1942 and changed its name to College of Agriculture in 1982 and in 1995 to the College of Agriculture, Science and Education (CASE). In Trinidad and Tobago, The Caribbean Union College started in the early 1930s and was declared a Junior College by 1947; in Barbados the Erdiston College started in 1948 offering 1-year training programs and by 1954 was transformed into a teacher training institution. In the 1940s, tertiary education institutions in Jamaica included University College of the West Indies (UCWI) in 1948, now the University of the West Indies (UWI) and two other campuses in Trinidad and Tobago and Barbados 1961 and 1963 respectively. These institutions, along with the College of Arts, Science and Technology (CAST), now the University of Technology (Utech) which began in 1958 in Jamaica, formed in large part the tertiary education landscape along with Teacher Training and theological Colleges. In Dominica, the Princess Margaret Hospital School of Nursing started in 1959 as an apprenticeship training system; in Grenada, The Grenada Teachers’ College (GTC), The Grenada Technical and Vocational Institute (GTVI), The Institute for Further Education (IFE), The National Institute of Handicraft (NIH), The Mirabeau Agricultural Training School (MATS), The Domestic Arts Institute (DAI), The Continuing Education Program (CEP), and The School of Pharmacy, all became community colleges. The 1960s marked the beginning of the road to independence in the region, and the need for post secondary education institutions became more urgent. Self rule and political bargaining required commitment of services to the masses to secure power and leadership. The commitment to education required not only the existence of institutions, but also the need for such institutions to be within the reach of the community. The community colleges were to carry the mantle.

Caribbean Community College Models

For the sake of sustainable development, accessible, quality and accountable tertiary education became paramount. The inclusion of the Community College models widened the tertiary education sector, which has experienced, and is still experiencing, a transformation since the adoption of the models. This transformation can be seen in the increased acceptance of community colleges as valuable tertiary education institutions. The rationale for the establishment of the community colleges throughout the region, though similar, had some differences. As community colleges were established on the basis that they should be community-oriented and have a localized mission, they are expected to respond to the post secondary education needs of the people in their vicinity. In Jamaica, the need for sixth form classes prompted an urgent response and the community college model therefore took on the “binary” form, which would provide high school students who were unsuccessful at the secondary level examination another opportunity to pursue higher education to enter a university. This is unlike the model developed in Grenada, which was based on the need 17 Community Colleges Embracing Change 303 for accountability, efficiency, and effectiveness of the post-secondary institutions that existed independently. The amalgamation of the eight institutions, including the sixth form institution, defined the Grenada model as “multi-purpose.” It is so defined because it provides programs at varying levels to accommodate the needs of all the students. It is interesting to note that in most of the countries included in this study, the community colleges were formed from amalgamations. Even more intriguing is the fact that many of the mergers included teacher training institutions and vocational institutions and if the sixth form departments were not involved in the initial merger, they were included later. Thus the Grenada experience is very common. In Dominica, the Clifton Dupigny College was formed by the merger of the Technical College and the sixth form college. The Government has also planned for the inclusion of the School of Nursing and the Teachers’ college to be a part of the merger. Similarly in St. Kitts and Nevis, the Clarence Fitzroy Bryant College is made up of the School of Nursing, the College/Academic studies and the Technical College. The same is true of St. Lucia, where the Sir Arthur Lewis Community College is an amalgamation of the Teachers’ College, the technical college and the “A” level college. The A level college was not included in the initial merger of Antigua State College, but was later added to create the academic section. The original merger was established through the union of the Teachers’ Training College and the Technical College. In the Cayman experience, the Hotel Training School, the Maritime and Trade Training Schools, the Secretarial/ Business section and the Sixth Form section were merged to form the Community College of the Cayman Islands. With the exception of the Barbados Community College and The H. Lavity Stoutt Community College in BVI, which began originally as multi-purpose institutions, the other institutions were established as “specialized” models, became “binary models” with the inclusion of the sixth form component and later progressed into “multipurpose” models. The amalgamation did not change the nature of the programs that were previously offered at the individual institutions. The process standardized the operations to make it more accommodating and efficient and, most importantly, responsive and relevant to the needs of the people. Also defined by pre-existing conditions of the region, many of the community colleges became national institutions,2 “unshackled by traditions” (Roberts, 2000) and therefore experimental and innovative in nature. Whether started by private initiative and endorsed by the government, or government-established, Caribbean community college models were established as “specialized” models, offering tech/Voc College and occupational studies. The category includes the teacher training institutions which were developed and fostered throughout the region. The sixth form education component added another dimension to the institutions, which really did not make them multipurpose or binary in the strictest sense of the words, but allowed them to offer potential students a myriad of opportunities to suit their needs. Community Colleges through-out the region can now be defined as multipurpose tertiary level institutions. The transformation of the tertiary education sector, the demands of the community and the institutions, and economic as well as political inputs along with global changes, have influenced the transition to multi purpose/dimensional operations. In the 304 J. Grant-Woodham and C. Morris

Caribbean proverbial phrase, these institutions now offer everything, “from a pin to an anchor”, in tertiary education.

From a Pin to an Anchor

The link between the community college and the community cannot be broken, unless the college fails. Therefore the relation between the two must get stronger over time. Relations with the community must move from just accommodating community meetings, to problem solving issues, sustaining the cultural heritage and the growth of the individual and the community. Therefore, the community colleges must retain the emphasis on life-long learning, which involves the facilitation of cultural and social education. The Caribbean models maintain this interaction with the communities, particularly because of the social needs that must be addressed, including crime and violence, unemployment, and attitude (negative) to education and drugs to improving the standard of living of the people. The agenda for development directs the community colleges not only towards modern ways of reaching the community, but also institutional growth to accommodate, manage and adopt new principles and policies of operation, that have increased its appeal. Raby (1995) noted that the community college models, because of their nature, “are not highly regarded by governments, scholars or the populace.” The argument is true on some grounds; however, in the context of the Caribbean, the community college models have been accepted as legitimate and worthwhile to pursue. The attitude of the governments was based on the educational need of the country, with the increasing demand for tertiary education, and alternatives to established institutions with limited flexibility. Unlike the governments, the scholars and the populace maintained their skepticism of the community college because it suggested a less than traditional education institution. With no prestige attached, questions concerning the type and quality of education emerged and perpetuated a perception of mediocrity. There are still some persons today who hold to the original thoughts of community colleges as not being able to offer higher level quality education and therefore see the institutions as the places for lower class, academically challenged students. Interestingly, the establishment of pre-university institutions which offer post secondary programs (specifically, high school completion certificates) and some diploma programs and which may rightfully be classified as a model of community colleges, are considered more prestigious than community colleges, primarily because of the name and the stigma attached to the latter. However, with the expansion in curriculum, which includes the development of the Associate Degree programs and the establishment of collaborative arrangements, the image of the colleges has changed. One fundamental structural expansion was the acceptance of the Prior Learning Assessment Recognition (PLAR) and older, working students admitted to the institutions. The latter is important because it facilitates greater access to education and a less burdensome means of doing so for many who have years of working experience but little or no formal education. 17 Community Colleges Embracing Change 305

In this context, the strategic objectives of government are achievable with institutions such as community colleges, especially those that are multi-dimensional in purpose, which offer greater opportunities for higher education. From community and remedial studies to associate degrees and baccalaureate studies, as well as post-graduate studies, the community colleges, through strategic repositioning, have been breaking traditional boundaries and ideas and providing quality and relevant education to the region and their countries. They have managed to appeal to the masses as valuable tertiary level institutions through continued improvements in the quality, quantity and type/level of programs they provide. They have also taken the responsibility of register these institutions and having their programs accredited by national accreditation agencies.

Forces that Influenced Strategic Repositioning

Strategic repositioning is necessary for the survival of any organization or entity. It involves an analysis of the current situation, trends and practices and an understanding of the demands of the market. Fundamentally, transformation depends upon the ingenuity of those involved to evaluate and manipulate the existing and new resources to achieve workable solutions (in the case of the Caribbean, somewhat limited) and options that keep the entities sustainable. This, combined with the acceptance and willingness to adapt to technological growth, information explosion, political, economic and social imperatives, and human resource needs, is paramount to the creation of a relevant tertiary education sector that is influenced by national, regional and international shifts. Globalization, and economic and social imperatives however qualified, and by no means easily manipulated, do affect the response of community colleges to tertiary education needs.

The Globalization Effect

Globalization has affected every facet of life. It has altered the intrinsic value of many goods and services. It has overvalued and undervalued many things, and education is no exception. Giddens (1990) provides one of the most interesting discussions on globalization. He defines it as the intensification of worldwide social relations which link distant localities in such a way that local happenings are shaped by events occurring many miles away and vice versa. This ‘intensification of worldwide social relations’ of which he speaks has resulted in the emergence of hundreds of tertiary level institutions over the last decade and still more to come, offering prospective students a plethora of possibilities for educational advance- ments. The neo-liberal propagation has been exposing alternatives to education that may have been available but unknown to many. In addition, the intrinsic value of qualifications is changing, fostered by the change in global standards. Requirements for positions are changing: what was 306 J. Grant-Woodham and C. Morris required in the early 1990s for some positions do not apply in the twenty-first century. Employees are compelled to upgrade their skills and qualifications in order to qualify for promotions. Job security no longer exists and to stay in the job market requires frequent upgrades in knowledge to manage the tasks. Competition is a major consideration in the technological age. Community colleges compete with each other for their market space as they appeal largely to the same group of people. Additionally, they compete with regional and international institutions that have been penetrating Caribbean borders. The opening up of borders through liberalization of industries and sectors, which is a feature of globalization, has been welcome in some instances but in other cases, such as the education sector, the effect is felt primarily at the tertiary level. There are count- less and diverse scholarships that are offered by receiving (foreign) institutions and governments for which Caribbean nationals have been applying with success. There are full scholarships as well as part scholarships, and they range from academics, Tech/Voc to sports scholarships. Globalization, or rather the intensification of world activities, also influences the length, mode of delivery, the evaluation and the structure of programs. Without eliminating the traditional 3- and 4- year college programs, the demand for shorter programs is based on the need for the students to gain knowledge and get back into the workplace to apply the information. Many employers cannot wait for employees to gain 3 or 4 years of study before they join the workforce. Moreover, in the balance of life and work, short-term courses are more appealing. Further, convenient education offered in flexible time schedules is a marketing strategy. The ability to work without having to leave home and to do so in one’s own time has become more appealing. No longer are students depending on classroom, face to face teaching. To reach out to potential students, different modes of delivery have been adapted by institutions as a means of gaining greater market share and respond to the education needs of students far and wide. Internet, tele-conferencing and video-conferencing techniques bring education into homes, making it easier for students to manage their activities and earn a qualification. Also, institutions review their programs for relevance and strength and adjust them to meet the requirements of the employment group. This involves the inclusion of a practical component in more courses of study. The global influences have awakened more than just the need to change; they have also provided the information for possible ways to go forward. The information cycle is never-ending and community colleges have more than enough examples of similar circumstances in North America and the rest of the world not to learn and adapt the examples to fit their specific situations.

Economic, Social and Human Resource Imperatives

Government legislation, socio-economic imperatives, and human resource needs have also affected the ability of the community colleges to assert their position as tertiary education providers. As national institutions in some countries, the 17 Community Colleges Embracing Change 307

community colleges benefit from a large share of the funding and in the case of Cayman and the Bahamas, the governments have been supportive of the institutions becoming university colleges. Additional funding and procurement of needed resources, particularly teaching staff, are some of the investments that have been slow in getting to the community colleges. Despite these efforts there is still a need to enlarge the capacity of the community colleges and remove political interference so that the institutions can move forward to fulfill their mission. Crime, violence, and drug trafficking are damaging the Caribbean states. Solutions to the problems have eluded the governments for years, and as the ills worsen, governments must be challenged to guide each generation away from that lifestyle. Ironically, it goes back to the emphasis on education and life-long learning to bring about an improved standard of living. The community colleges are challenged in their efforts to provide support that will encourage tertiary level enrolment by the political control that is evident in many communities which draws the young people in other directions than in pursuing education and changing their lives positively. Further, the shifts in human resource needs have required the community colleges to restructure their plans and programs to meet the demands. The direction of the society is influenced by the global setting; therefore as the occupational needs emerge, the community colleges must stretch themselves to facilitate the new developments. The Caribbean is challenged by the large number of physically capable human capital, who are not educated and therefore cannot benefit from the growing demand for specialized labor. There are persons with skills that are taught to them by family members or friends but who have no certification of their skills to improve themselves. The need to develop the region’s knowledge and capacity to participate equita- bly in the international arena is therefore vital and requires that more education is provided to more people throughout their lives. Unfortunately, challenged by limited resources such as human resource, technology and adequate support from the governments, the reach of the community colleges is limited. Political maneuvering often affects the stable functioning of the institutions as political parties change and political obligations are altered. Those who are affected by this are the students who are caught in middle and the community colleges that depend largely on government funding. Significantly, as a result of this, community college administrations are forced to become more flexible and more ingenious to be able to adjust more quickly to changes.

Challenges to the Community Colleges

Accreditation, Equivalencies and Standards. The permeation by offshore institutions into the Caribbean has turned up the heat on a number of issues. A great concern of the governments of the region is accreditation. With the copious choices for tertiary education afforded by the influences of globalization, being able to distinguish educational institutions and quality education is paramount. 308 J. Grant-Woodham and C. Morris

Accreditation is not synonymous with quality; however, accreditation suggests that there is some recognition that will be afforded to institutions that have been assessed and found satisfactory by agencies that evaluate programs to ensure that “education provided by institutions of higher education meet acceptable levels of quality” (US Department of Education). This includes a sense of confidence in the institution’s mission and goals; the quality of the faculty and students; the quality of academic programs and the level and appropriateness of resources (University Council of Jamaica, 2007). The challenge for the Caribbean is the lack of a regional accreditation agency to standardize the operations of assessing and granting colleges license to operate. Each country has its own policy on accreditation. There are legal agencies in some countries, for example in Jamaica, the University Council of Jamaica (UCJ), which is mandated to increase the availability of University level training in Jamaica, through accreditation of institutions, courses and programs for recognition and acceptability. The Council is empowered to confer degrees, diplomas, certificates and other academic awards and distinctions on those who have pursued courses approved by the Council at associated tertiary institutions (UCJ). The UCJ’s power extends to offshore universities to the extent that institutions and programs are recognized by the Council. There are eight overseas Institutions with Accredited Programs3 in Jamaica. Accreditation by The UCJ confirms the credibility of the programs that are offered, and therefore their acceptance by society. The Belize scenario proves beyond doubt the condition of the Caribbean countries. The National Accreditation Council of Belize Act which was passed in 2005 is still not enforced because of financial constraints and there is still no accreditation body or agency that is ready to work with the mandate. Accreditation agencies in the region are very few. In most territories, power is vested in the Ministries of Education who confer rights to institutions to operate in the country. Although government recognition is an official notice, the absence of legal entities to assess, evaluate, grant operational status to an institution and monitor the educational system undermines the quality of service being offered. Additionally, it may render the education null and void outside that country, and therefore unusable in the regional and global spheres. As Roberts (2006) indicated, the institutionalization of regional and national accreditation has become accepted in principle as a desirable quality assurance mechanism for the region; the failure to effect such a system for quality assurance may harm the local institutions as well as the students who are the consumers of the product. Therefore while CARICOM is discussing the regional accreditation framework, individual countries are trying to organize a system to legitimize tertiary level institutions operating in the countries and to control the request of offshore institutions for rights to operate. Funding. Insufficient funding is a major concern for community colleges. As government funded institutions, they are mandated to provide access by allowing among other things financial flexibility. Programs are priced below market cost, which limits the potential profit of the institutions. It should be mentioned 17 Community Colleges Embracing Change 309 here that the financial obligations to community colleges across the region varies. In Jamaica it was understood that the community college framework would not change in terms of its mandate to increase access to tertiary education and provide the relevant post-secondary education as needed by the communities. With one regional (UWI) and one public university (UTECH), government budget allocation for the community colleges is significantly less than for the two universities. With less than what is needed from the government and a mandate to serve a large post secondary population, the community colleges in Jamaica have to be ingenious about generating income to support their development plans. For other countries like Antigua, Cayman Islands and BVI, where there is only one community college, the financial support is greater. However, it still does not rival the support to the universities and therefore the growth process of the colleges is slower. Teaching staff and physical facilities require significant resources, the former more so, as the inclusion of new programs may require the recruitment of additional staff. The technological demands contribute substantially to the financial considerations of the colleges. Modern technology is required to keep up with the flow of information required to maintain relevant education. Similarly, the need for teaching aids is becoming increasingly important. Consequently, sourcing additional funding is a common situation among the community colleges. In addition, financial flow is not as fluid as in the universities to facilitate the involvement of colleges in conferences across the region and around the world. Community colleges have to consciously plan ahead for many conferences/workshops (travel expenses), particularly those outside their country and the region, and too often many colleges are not able to have representatives present at the meetings. The rationale for attending some workshops is the possibility of gaining information that can be used to enhance the educational experience at the institutions. Conferences foster working relationships with established tertiary education institutions, which allow the sharing of best practices. The inability to participate in many of the educational workshops is a disadvantage to the Caribbean institutions that are grappling with many serious issues, for example in programming and resources.

Overcoming Obstacles Through Relevant Agencies

University Council of Jamaica (UCJ). What one community college cannot do on its own, it can do with other similar institutions. Such is the case in the Caribbean, through the UCJ, which has been instrumental in working with governments and institutions in the region to establish regulation policies to protect their interest. At the local level, the shared information has aided in the standardization of programs offered in the institutions. Regionally and internationally, the UCJ’s involvement with The Caribbean Area Network for Quality Assurance in Tertiary Education (Canqate) is influencing a unified response to the protection of quality tertiary education (Gilchrist, 2004). 310 J. Grant-Woodham and C. Morris

Council of Community Colleges of Jamaica (CCCJ). At the institution level, the Jamaican experience has been a significant contributor to the success and appeal of the community colleges. The combined effort of the community colleges has led to the achievement of many provisions which would have otherwise proved difficult, though not impossible, for the institutions. The CCCJ was established by an Act of Parliament in 2001 to oversee the activities of the eight community colleges in Jamaica and for standardizing the relations, both external and internal, among the colleges. The jurisdiction of the CCCJ does not go beyond the borders of Jamaica and there are no other such organizations in the region. Prior to its official recognition in 2001, the CCCJ, organized and spearheaded by the Principals of the colleges, had been working from 1981 to establish soli- darity among the institutions through organization and collaboration efforts. The 2001 recognition of the CCCJ legitimized its responsibility for coordinating the activities of the eight community colleges,4 which involves harmonizing the program curriculum, preparing common examination papers and marking of scripts. The CCCJ is also mandated to supervise and promote the community colleges. Its power is directed from the Ministry of Education and its executive body is drawn from the private sector and other areas and confirmed by the Ministry. Membership is mandatory and the Heads of the community colleges in Jamaica are members of the body, but do not have direct management of the Council itself. The body is financed by a subvention of the Ministry of Education as well as a fee budget, which allots a percentage of the tuition fee collected from each community college to the Council. Presently the CCCJ is working to standardize the articulation of programs between the colleges and the UWI. This move would afford graduates from the eight community colleges articulation privileges in the programs for which they are seeking partnership. In this scenario, no college is left behind unless it chooses to ignore the lead and the developments of the administration. The standardization of activities, no doubt, had to be worked into the system slowly, considering the differences that existed and still exists among the colleges. A body such as the CCCJ affords benefits to all the colleges, so that each college need not battle for its own recognition. While the CCCJ provides a collaborative environment for the Community Colleges, they retain their competitive edge by offering programs that are not examined by the CCCJ, but other bodies including the CXC, and the National Vocational Institution, Heart Trust NTA. This harmonization of activities has led to the involvement of the colleges with associations such as the Association of Community Colleges of Canada (ACCC), New Brunswick Community College (BDCC) and the American Association of Community Colleges (AACC) as well as special arrangements with City College in the United Kingdom, and by so doing, extending their presence into the regional and international scene. By associating with these higher education bodies, the colleges are able to share the best practices and information to improve the tertiary education offered by the community colleges. Through the AACC, the community colleges belonging to the CCCJ are also members of the Community College Baccalaureate Association (CCBA), an association which promotes the development of the baccalaureate program in 17 Community Colleges Embracing Change 311

community colleges. This dynamic relation serves to influence the development and offer of degree programs at the institutions and to provide relevant and necessary information and guidance to that end. Not only can the institutions benefit through the sharing of information, but there is also the possibility for community colleges to initiate or engage in partnerships with tertiary institutions and organizations in other countries to broaden their reach internationally, to tap other possibilities, and provide tertiary level alternatives to their students. The arrangement with City College, United Kingdom facilitates collaboration for enhancing the contributions to further education and training to the greater benefit of the faculty and students. It proposes among other things, the examination and promotion of joint activities, development of joint curricula and evaluation mechanisms, and exchange of faculty and students as well as development of articulation programs. The ACCC involvement with the CCCJ led to a “Strategic Outlook and Best Practices in the Dissemination of the Community Model in the Caribbean” consultation assessment in 2002. The report highlighted some of the limitations and challenges of the institutions, including the fact that the physical infrastructure for some of the colleges required attention, as well as the desire by some institutions to explore diverse delivery alternatives for programs. The assessment report also suggested strategic activities that should be considered for future development of the colleges. Since the assessment exercise, many of the colleges have begun improvements on their physical structure and resource acquisitions. Many community colleges have been actively working on the recommendations of the ACCC which include upgrading the library facilities and student services response. The Moneague College, for example, has started and is almost at the completion stage of its new Student Services Centre, Examination administration building and other facilities. Similarly, the Knox Community College began its physical upgrade, with expansions to the library facilities, and administrative and student services, as well as the acquisition of library resources. The improvements are funded from assistance provided by the Ministry of Education and funds raised by the institutions, as well as special donations. Since the colleges are supported by the government, the assistance is usually shared among the institutions. Strategic planning and direction involve both an internal and external review. The consultation assessment also reviewed the collaborations with other post secondary/tertiary level institutions, noting that, “students and staff spoke proudly of these (articulation and franchise arrangements with University of the West Indies and University of Technology) relationships and the opportunity for students to start their degrees without relocating” (Lobban, 2002). These collaborations have added more flexible conditions for tertiary education through the colleges. Franchising, articulation (course exemption and two-plus-two) and consortium, are some of the partnership arrangements that the colleges have added to their agenda for institutional development. Private Sector Collaborations. Other forms of collaborations have assisted the community colleges in improving their image and appeal to the population. The mission to provide access to quality tertiary education to prepare human resource for the workforce has been aided by the ability of the intuitions to partner 312 J. Grant-Woodham and C. Morris with private sector organizations and companies. Labor market research by the community colleges informs program development and structure to meet the needs of the private sector. In so doing, the community colleges can produce the labor force to match the needs of the private companies. Agreements with the companies usually afford students entry into organizations through internships. After the completion of study, they are often granted full time or part time employment. Through this means, each stakeholder (community college, student and employer) benefits from the agreement. The community colleges are able to develop their capacity to identify needs and create the opportunity for students’ involvement. Consequently, increasing the student enrollment and intrinsically improving the perception of the institutions as capable of offering and delivering quality education helps to strengthen the image of the community college. For the students, the opportunity of pursuing post-secondary education is fundamental, but even more advantageous is the possibility of gaining meaningful employment after study. Having been educated on the basis of the need for skills or academic certification, the idea of being rightly placed in a working environment is fundamental to the process of improved social condition and standard of living. The satisfaction of the employers rests in the recruitment of educated individuals trained and adequately suited for the job. Caribbean Knowledge and Learning Network (CKLN). Through integration of the tertiary level institutions in the region, the CKLN proposes to “strengthen the tertiary level sector,” by encouraging new approaches to learning. The plans include the introduction of technical capacity and facilities to allow internet connectivity, e-learning and knowledge sharing (Caribbean Knowledge, 2008). Further, it proposes to improve the relevance of education by increasing the number of accredited programs, fostering specialized learning and, importantly, ensuring the convergence of fragmented regional and international initiatives to maximize results in the region as well as the international market. Franchising (The UWI and Community College Experience). Franchising arrangements are usually associated with commercial entities such as KFC, Burger King and Taco Bell. The context of education is similar, yet different. Franchise refers to a business arrangement in which a party purchases the right to engage in marketing particular products or services according to a specified or suggested plan. Brissett and Grant-Woodham (2004) explain that the agreement involves the use of trade name and trademark, payment of a fee, and rendering of substantial assistance by the franchiser to the franchisee. As practiced by the UWI, the University granted rights to some tertiary level institutions including Community Colleges to deliver specific UWI programs. The programs are the property of the UWI, and the UWI establishes strict quality assurance measures, which include the provision of the course outlines by the UWI and approval of faculty for the delivery of the program at the community colleges. Additionally, examination scripts are prepared and second- marked by the university. The arrangement is extensive and sets out the administrative details including fees and registration policies. There is also the matter of a franchise fee which is a minimal fee charged by the University for administrative matters. The institutions are assessed for their capacity to deliver the program. 17 Community Colleges Embracing Change 313

Universities that are involved in franchising, such as the UWI, view the arrangement as a major decision and in some cases costly to the University. The UWI expects that students who participate in the programs outside of the physical environment or University Centers (UWI 12 Non-Campus countries) should have a comparable experience to students at the University. When the idea of franchising emerged within the UWI circles, it was called ‘divestment.’ Franchising of baccalaureate programs might not make Community Colleges degree-granting institutions in the strictest since; however, they have become degree offering institutions. Although franchising is still a viable option for many colleges, the benefits of being degree-granting institutions are becoming more appealing. This is in keeping with the development trend of the community colleges in the region. Initially, the University franchised its Certificate or non-degree programs outside the campus. These certificate programs had many benefits, particularly for the students in the instance of matriculation. The UWI divested its programs to off-campus institutions as early as 1986 and formally enforced the arrangement in 1998. In Jamaica alone, with ten community colleges out of 13 institutions offering UWI Certificate programs, the number of students enrolled stood at 620 (UWI/TLIU Divestment Report, 1998/1999). By the academic year 1999/2000 the number had increased by 27 (UWI/TLIU Divestment Report, 2000). There were approximately 14 institutions in Jamaica and the Bahamas and three arrangements in the region, at Antigua State College, Clarence Fitzroy Bryant College (St. Kitts and Nevis) and Sir Arthur Lewis Community College (St. Lucia). These arrangements were more economical for non-campus students and created greater access for students in the region. Students who had completed the UWI certificates offered at the community colleges were able to matriculate into the University to pursue baccalaureate programs. The success of the franchised certificate programs encouraged and is still encouraging the initiation of other programs, including the baccalaureate studies. As the demand for higher levels of qualifications increases, the community colleges have tried to respond. The request for franchise of the bachelors programs at the UWI has increased and for the first time the UWI has franchised a full degree, the B.Sc. Nursing (generic). The response to the franchising of the degree programs has seen a decrease in the student enrollment for the certificate programs and an increase in the registration for the degree programs. For the Nursing program alone, it grew by 37.5% in the 2002/035 academic year with only one community college, and by the 2004/05 academic year, with the introduction of another community col- lege6 offering the program, there was a dramatic increase of 221.21%, representing only the new students. In 2006, when a third community college7 began delivering the program, the numbers did not increase from the 2005 figure of 109. However, in 2007 the enrollment jumped to 129 from 109 in 2006, an increase of 18.35%. In Jamaica there are three Community Colleges offering the full degree program; Brown’s Town Community College (BTCC) established in 2000, Excelsior Community College (EXED) in 2002 and Knox Community College in 2006. The franchise for the full degree means that the entire program is delivered at these Community Colleges and the practical component is managed by the staff at each 314 J. Grant-Woodham and C. Morris

College. Students are taught the same courses as those at the UWI and they write the same examination papers. Very few administrative arrangements warrant the students traveling to the UWI. Similarly, other colleges have the franchise for level I or II of other UWI programs from the Faculties of Social Sciences, Humanities and Education and Pure and Applied Sciences. The institutions offer either the first year or both first and second year programs and students complete their studies at the UWI (Campus). These institutions include the Management Institute of National Development (MIND), Jamaica, The Jamaica Constabulary Staff College, the Sir Arthur Lewis Community College, St. Lucia, Antigua State College and the Clarence Fitzroy Bryant College, Kitts/Nevis. At the end of the program, students are awarded a degree from the University in collaboration with the community College. BTCC and Knox are located outside the urban area of Jamaica. Their decision to expand their curriculum and offer degree level programs benefited the institution as well as the people whom they serve. The decision to franchise the programs relieves students of financial, travel and, in many cases, accommodation concerns. Financially, students at the community colleges pay a fraction of the cost of the degree program at the University because of the subsidy provided by the government. Franchising does not change the status of the community college; rather it makes the colleges more relevant to the growing needs of the community. The fear that the community college model may be destroyed because of the decision to offer franchise programs at the baccalaureate level is dispelled by the fact that the colleges must remain relevant to the communities to which they are mandated to, and respond to the needs of the people. The continuation of the college is dependent on its ability to satisfy the educational desires of the people and not to dictate the demands of the environment. Therefore, without adulterating their mandate, the colleges have been able to tap into the degree-providing market through franchising, which increases their appeal and status. Franchising also stimulates growth of the community college, and the institutional capacity of the college must be developed to accommodate the delivery of a baccalaureate program. Library upgrade for example, which includes the acquisition of resource materials for the students and the lecturers, is necessary and significant. This development in the library inevitably deepens the resource base of the colleges and their ability to provide higher-level qualification. Similarly, the desire of the university to maintain its quality assurance record works to the advantage of the colleges. In the university’s bid to provide access to tertiary education in collaboration with the colleges, the university must ensure that the certificate has the seal of quality. Through the university’s quality assurance measures, it encourages colleges to adopt favorable policies and practices that will improve its academic standing and service to its clients. Articulation Arrangements. Community Colleges have also broken ground in the Caribbean through articulation arrangements. Certificates, diplomas and secondary school qualifications from community colleges may be used by students as entry qualifications for the Universities. They allow students what is called normal matriculation or advanced placement into a university program. Traditionally, university acceptance was based on the CXC, ‘O’ level and ‘A’ level examination passes. 17 Community Colleges Embracing Change 315

However, in their study, Roberts and Brissett (2003), examined the use of nontraditional qualification as a way to enter the university. The non-traditional qualifications include Teachers’ Certificates and Diplomas, Associate Degrees and Professional Certificates and Diplomas. Consequently, with further developments in the associate degrees, community colleges have been negotiating for greater recognition of their programs by universities (TLIU, 2002). Admittedly, certificates and diplomas still offer matriculation possibilities for students, that is, as an entry qualification, while associate degrees developed and offered by the colleges have higher intrinsic values that may afford students from community colleges exemption from equivalent courses at the universities. These courses may qualify as the first-year of a university program. Not only have the colleges been negotiating for greater acceptance of their programs by the universities, but they have also adjusted their programs to match the changes in the system. Associate Degrees in the British Caribbean may be offered after a period of 2 or 3 years full-time or equivalent part-time study. Colleges have been following the 3-year arrangement for many years. However, the issue surrounding the length of time it would take to earn a baccalaureate degree after completing 3 years of an Associate Degree became a very relevant matter. Outside of partnerships, students with Associate Degrees would have to go through the entire baccalaureate program of 3 or 4 years, depending on the program, and the university. The duration of study may be a deterrent to many potential tertiary level students. Thus the discussion, and in some quarters, the actual restructuring of the Associate Degree program to 2 years was a strategic move by some community colleges, to respond to the concern of present and potential students. Students are now considering the duration of the study, and are also in tune with the need to make the programs relevant to the new waves of collaboration and partnerships available. The CCCJ for example restructured four Associate Degree programs, which were previously 3 years, to 2-year programs. These were the Associate Degrees in: Hospitality and Entertainment and Tourism in 2002, Business Studies in 2002, Library Studies in 2003 and Management Information Systems (MIS) in 2000. There are two notable types of articulation arrangements: Advanced placement and Two-plus-two arrangements. Articulation with advanced placement allows for exemption from some courses at the university level. Where the courses from the partnering institutions are similar, it is agreed that students need not duplicate the course at the university. This arrangement does not necessarily reduce the duration of the program, as credit transfer is not necessarily involved, that is, the arrangement between the community college and the university may not stipulate the transfer of credits, and therefore, students would be expected to pursue other courses to complete the required number of credits that are mandatory for graduation. Only recently has the Two-plus-two arrangement been accepted by the UWI. The agreement between the UWI and the community colleges gives acceptance to an Associate Degree as equivalent to the first year of the degree program. This makes the transition from the associate degree to the baccalaureate program continuous for the students. Students would therefore spend 4 years in study, 2 years for the Associate Degree and 2 years for the Degree. In effect, this system 316 J. Grant-Woodham and C. Morris is essential to the transfer of credits from one institution to another. The acceptance of the “ two-plus-two” arrangement is a clear indication of the transitions in our education system. Like the community colleges model, the two-plus-two formula was adopted from the United States. Its acceptance in the United States has influenced the relationship among institutions in the region. The UWI has accepted a number of invitations for two-plus-two arrangements with colleges across the region. Under these arrangements is an applied standard regulation and students who satisfactorily complete the Associate Degree at the community colleges are able to articulate into the university, at level two of the Degree program. At present there are three arrangements of this kind with the UWI. They are: the T.A Marryshow Community College, Grenada, the Sir Arthur Lewis Community College in St. Lucia and the Clarence Fitzroy Bryant College in St. Kitts and Nevis.8 All three institutions have two-plus-two arrangements for the Bachelor’s Degree in Tourism with the UWI Cave Hill Campus. Consortium arrangements between universities and Community Colleges are not pursued in the Caribbean. It may be argued that such arrangements do not facilitate equality as one institution would be more powerful in size and resources than the other. Therefore, fearing loss of identity, Community Colleges have not sought such partnerships. However, other forms of affiliation exist. International Institutional Collaboration. The appeal of a North American education increases with the mounting opportunities for students to enter the universities. With the liberalization of the education system, the universities have been finding their way into the Caribbean and have been successful in claiming market shares in the territories. Significantly, the Community Colleges have been finding ways to take advantage of the offshore institutions that have an interest in the region. As the colleges establish partnerships with universities in the region, they have also initiated links with international universities, primarily those in North America and England, to facilitate the delivery of undergraduate and post-graduate degrees. H. Lavity Stoutt Community College (HLSCC) in BVI has articulation arrangements with University of the Virgin Islands (UVI), St. Thomas, Wright State University (WSU), Ohio, USA, Missouri Southern State University (MSSU), USA, Arkansas Tech University (ATU), USA, and St. Augustine’s College (SAC), North Carolina, USA. They also have arrangements with other institutions for example, Chartered Management Institute (CMI), UK, United Kingdom Maritime and Coast Guard Agency (UKMCA), and New England Culinary Institute (NECI), Vermont, USA. In Grenada, the T.A. Marryshow Community College is linked to the US-based St. George’s University (SGU) in such a way as to offer the first and second year program arts and science programs to all students. Many of these international arrangements afford students the opportunity to leave their country to complete their studies at the home institution. Such prospects are appealing to those who are interested in travel and to find other opportunities abroad, such as further studies or employment. Community Colleges engage in and initiate as many arrangements as they choose with foreign/overseas institutions. The number of arrangements in the case 17 Community Colleges Embracing Change 317 of BVI is representative of their willingness to seek out viable partnerships. Further, the Community Colleges are adding more versatile programs to their array of program offerings. These include Associate Degrees in Entertainment, Hospitality, Agriculture and Allied Heath fields. Strategic collaboration of any kind can guarantee many benefits, including an improved image and educational track record. However, the benefits of collaboration extend further than program association (franchise or articulation) to include financial advantages. Offshore institutions operating in the region often require physical space for their operations. In many instances colleges have been able to assist these institutions at a cost. At times, the offshore institution might offer assistance in the form of resource materials for the libraries or generally an agreed sum for the rental of the space. The ability to generate income, which is not the primary consideration, is however important to the colleges to augment their facilities. This can, and in many instances does, improve the readiness of the colleges for franchise and articulation arrangements and other possible partnerships, and enhances the image of the institution.

New Grounds

The development for Community Colleges, and their evolution into multi-purpose institutions, has occurred in stages. Institutions that were once stigmatized are now developing their own degree programs in response to growing needs. The Barbados Community College was granted power to offer and grant degrees in a number of disciplines. It is only one of the Colleges in the region that have become degree- granting institutions. Other degree granting Community Colleges include the College of the Bahamas, Excelsior Community College (Jamaica), Montego Bay Community College (Jamaica), and Knox Community College (Jamaica). The significant point here is not only that the colleges are becoming degree- granting institutions, but the fact that they are also developing their own degree programs. Importantly this progression is only a foretaste of the academic and research-oriented development that is taking place in the Colleges. It is, therefore, not implausible to fathom the request for franchise of post-graduate programs by the colleges and the eventual development of their own programs in years to come. E-learning and online delivery have become an important part of the Community College efforts to bring the teachers and the system up to date with the aid of technology. Inspired by the proliferation of online delivery needs, the Community Colleges are not only expanding their physical space but also the virtual market. The Jamaican experience has been gaining ground with the CCCJ’s initiatives, which have been focusing on online delivery and the decision of one Community College (Excelsior Community College) to establish a partnership with Fielding Graduate University (United States) to train a core of teachers in course con- version and course delivery. Without resources comparable to the universities, 318 J. Grant-Woodham and C. Morris the Community Colleges in their own small way have been making a breakthrough in relevant areas to keep in line with the present realities and requirements of tertiary education.

Benefits of the Community Colleges in the Region

Politically, the colleges satisfy the agenda of access to tertiary education, but more importantly, to enhance democratic principles by providing literate, thinking and rational human resource who are able to make informed decisions. Socially and economically the intellectual resource (if active) adds value to any society. The effort to promote this resource is particularly important to the Caribbean because of the limited resources and potential social breakdown because of crime, violence and drug trafficking. Education has improved the standard of living of many Caribbean people, through the provision of personal and occupational development, to seek meaningful employment or to become entrepreneurs and create employment for others. Economically, the intellectual contribution to the system is evident in research and development, and the creativity to manipulate ideas and develop new possibilities. At the community level, the colleges have been instrumental in encouraging good community relations as well as producing community leaders who have transformed the way in which some community organizations operate.

Conclusion

The multi-purpose model of Community Colleges in the region has influenced their change from a means to an end, through the provision of higher level studies. Community Colleges, because of their small scale, have developed relations with both commercial and educational institutions as a means of establishing ground in the society. This has proved to be a meaningful path, which has yielded notable rewards for the colleges, as the graduates have found their place in both the educational arena and in the wider society. The institutions have responded in several ways to societal challenges: (a) deepening partnerships, (b) initiating new collaborations of a varied nature, (c) improving existing programs, (d) creating new programs and (e) providing a full range of programs that improve self esteem and respond to the growing needs of each society. The community colleges appreciate the benefits of partnerships, with the understanding that the progress of the society demands some level of growth, and that if and when required to do so, the Community Colleges should be able to stand on their own. The colleges are engaged in several programs that address the immediate concerns of the community to enrich and empower the lives of the citizens. 17 Community Colleges Embracing Change 319

Continued improvements in the Community College model in the Caribbean will require extensive market research to obtain information on the human resource needs and shortfalls in the region. Education, and in this context, tertiary education, must be relevant to the circumstances of the society. It must respond to the needs of the market. The community colleges must be ready to engage in market research, a necessary tool to keep the institution abreast in the education market. In line with the need for market research is also the need for the colleges to institute frequent self assessment studies to ensure quality tertiary education. The activity should include the evaluation of the programs by the students, teaching staff and services to ensure the satisfaction of the stakeholders (who are primarily the students). Additionally, there is a need to preserve the integrity of the institutions by ensuring quality education and service. As the Community Colleges embrace change, they should remain accountable to all the partners involved: the students, the community and the society. The Caribbean Community College model is proposed to be the source of most, if not all, post-secondary education, by being multi-purpose institutions. This is significant because of the historical setting and cultural organization. Globalization and government regulations have sought to endorse the direction of the Community Colleges to expand their reach as necessary to permeate the societies and provide an alternative to the traditional educational experience at the community level.

Notes

1. Result for the TLIU Human Resource Needs Assessment Research, conducted by the Tertiary Level Institutions Unit at the University of the West Indies in the 12 contributing countries in the Caribbean. 2. Community Colleges which are national tertiary level institutions, T.A Marryshow Community College in Grenada, Community College of the Cayman Islands, Antigua State College, H. Lavity Stoutt Community College in British Virgin Islands, Clarence Fitzroy Bryant College in St. Kitts and Nevis, Sir. Arthur Lewis Community College in St. Lucia and St. Vincent and the Grenadines Community College. 3. The institutions are: Eastern Connecticut State University, Florida International University, Manchester Business School, Mount Saint Vincent University, Nova Southeastern University, St. Stephen’s College, University of New Orleans, and University of South Florida. Retrieved July 2007 from the University Council of Jamaica Website, http://www.ucjamaica.com/credit/ index.htm. 4. The Community Colleges in Jamaica are: the Portmore Community College, Excelsior Community College, Knox Community College, Brown’s Town Community College, Montego Bay Community College, Bethlehem Moravian College and College of Agriculture, Science and Education. 5. Brown’s Town Community College in St. Ann Jamaica. University of the West Indies, Tertiary Level Institutions Unit (TLIU). 6. Excelsior Community College in Jamaica started the delivery of the UWI B.Sc. Nursing (generic). 7. Knox Community College in Jamaica started the delivery of the UWI B.Sc. Nursing (generic). 8. Articulation, Franchising and Two-Plus-Two Arrangements Facilitated by the Tertiary Level Institutions Unit, 2003–2006. UWI/Tertiary Level Institutions Unit (TLIU). 320 J. Grant-Woodham and C. Morris

References

Brissett, Nigel and Jeanette R. Grant-Woodham. 2004. Impact Assessment of the UWI’s Franchise Arrangement: Certificate Programmes in Northern Caribbean. Tertiary Level Institutions Unit Lightrays, Issue No. 7. Caribbean Knowledge and Learning Network. http://www.ckln.org/index.php?option = com_ content&task = view&id = 14&Itemid = 28 Chevannes, Alston. 2003. Legislation of Tertiary Education in the Caribbean. IESALC/UNESCO, Collection Higher Education in the Caribbean. Clarke, Lawrence. 2001. Extract from Reflections on the Economics of Development in Small Countries. In K. Hall (Ed.) The Caribbean Community: Beyond Survival. Kingston: Ian Randle. Giddens, Anthony. 1990. The Consequences of Modernity. Cambridge: Polity. Gilchrist, Carl. 2004. Canqate: a mandate for quality education at world standards. Jamaica Observer, Tuesday, November 09, 2004. http://www.jamaicaobserver.com/news/html/ 20041108T000000–0500_69168_OBS_CANQATE__A_MANDATE_FOR_QUALITY_ EDUCATION_AT_WORLD_STANDARDS.asp Hall, Kenneth (Ed.). 2001. The Caribbean Community: Beyond Survival. Jamaica: Ian Randle. Howe, Glenford. 2005. Contending with Changes: Reviewing Tertiary Education in the English- Speaking Caribbean. IESALC/UNESCO, Collection Higher Education in the Caribbean. Lobba, Noreen. (December 7–13, 2002). Strategic Outlook and Best Practices in the Dissemination of the Community Model in the Caribbean. Consultant Report for: Assessment Mission 1, Jamaica. Peters, Bevis. 2001. Tertiary Education Development in Small States: Constraints and Future Prospects. Caribbean Quarterly, 47 (2&3) 44–55. Raby, Rosalind. 1995. http://eric.ed.gov/ERICDocs/data/ericdocs2sql/content_storage_01/ 0000019b/80/14/d9/3b.pdf Roberts, Vivienne. 2000. Strengthening the Caribbean Tertiary Education System Through University of the West Indies and College Linkages. International Studies Educational Administration. Journal of the Commonwealth Council for Educational Administration and Management, 28 (2) 36–46. Roberts, Vivienne. 2006. Accreditation and Evaluation Systems in the English Speaking Caribbean: Current Trends and Prospectus. In K. Hall and R. Cameron (Eds.) Higher Education: Caribbean Perspective. Kingston: Ian Randle. Roberts, Vivienne and Nigel Brissett, et al. 2003. Pathways to Tertiary Education in the English- Speaking Caribbean. Barbados, UWI/TLIU. The Caribbean Area Network for Quality Assurance in Tertiary Education (CANQATE). Accessed June 2, 2008: http://www.bercol.bm/canqate/about.htm. The University of the West Indies: Quality Assurance Strategy; the System in Action. First Edition 2000–2001. Office of the Board of Undergraduate Studies, Mona, Jamaica. TLIU: The Associate Degree in the Caribbean, with Particular Reference to the OECS Countries. University of the West Indies, Tertiary Level Institutions Unit (TLIU), 2002. TLIU: Information (Quantitative) On UWI Divested Certificate Programmes as at September 1998. Tertiary Level Institutions Unit (TLIU), UWI, Mona Jamaica. (Quantitative) On UWI Divested Certificate Programmes as at May 2000. Tertiary Level Institutions Unit (TLIU), UWI, Mona Jamaica. (Quantitative) On UWI Franchised Programmes 2001–2006. Tertiary Level Institutions Unit (TLIU), UWI, Mona Jamaica. University Council of Jamaica Website: http://www.ucjamaica.com/credit/index.htm Information on the University Council of Jamaica, retrieved July 2007 from http://www.ucjamaica.com/ credit/index.htm University of the West Indies/TLIU (1997): Report on Workshop, Articulating TLI/UWI Program in Agriculture. Castries, St. Lucia. United States Department of Education: http://www.ed.gov/admins/finaid/accred/index.html Chapter 18 The Junior College System of Belize

Olda Hoare and Donald A. Dellow

Those interested in the 2-year college movement around the world will find the junior college movement in Belize to be an interesting study. Nowhere else, to our knowledge, have 2-year colleges, called junior colleges, had a longer history than the country’s national university. And, interestingly, in a country with a long history of British influence on public education, the junior colleges of Belize are modeled on the American junior/community college model! In this chapter, we will attempt to provide a contemporary snapshot of the structure, mission, academic programming, and current issues of the Belizean junior colleges, acknowledging that the impact of globalization is changing them significantly as we write.

Belize: The Country

Belize is a small country (population of 309,760) located on the Caribbean coast of Central America, bordered on the north by Mexico and on the west and south by Guatemala. It is a parliamentary democracy based on the Westminster system. English is the official language for both speech and written communication. The country has a rich admixture of Caribbean, Central American, and British colonial influence. Formerly a predominantly agrarian society with sugar and bananas being the prime exports, Belize has recently become a major ecotourism destination, as well as a major port of call for cruise ships sailing from the United States. The Belize Barrier Reef, the second largest reef in the world, has long been a major destination for skin and scuba divers. Recently, oil deposits were discovered, bringing much speculation about the size of these deposits and their eventual contribution to the country’s economy. The economy is very sensitive to world market fluctuations and struggles to find ways to remain stable. The United States is the largest trading partner of Belize. There is a rich ethnic diversity in Belize, with large numbers of Mestizo, Creole, Garifuna, East Indian, Ketchi, Yucatec, and Mopan Mayas. Other ethnic groups include German and Dutch Mennonites, Chinese, Arabs, and Africans. The mainland of Belize is approximately 180 miles long and up to 68 miles wide, with over 200 islands (cays), ranging in size from a few hundred feet to

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 321 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 322 O. Hoare and D.A. Dellow

25 miles long and 4 miles wide. Its land mass of approximately 8,900 square miles is about the same size as New Hampshire with 9,200 square miles of land mass and Cyprus with a land mass of 9,250 square miles. There are major highways connecting most of the major areas of the country, although the highway to the extreme southern part of the region, the Toledo area, is still a gravel highway for much of the way, making it difficult for students to travel very far to attend tertiary education institutions. A visitor to Belize will find a tropical climate with a friendly multicultural population that marches to a Caribbean beat.

History of the Junior College Movement in Belize

It is important to understand the major role junior colleges play in the higher education system of Belize. In 2008, higher education in Belize is comprised of ten junior colleges, one public university (University of Belize), one regional university (University of West Indies School of Continuing Studies) and one private university (Galen University). And although this number of institutions is impressive for a small country, it is significant to note that most of the institutions are junior colleges and most of the institutions are less than 10 years old. Tracing the history of the junior colleges in Belize is very informative to understanding the current role of these institutions as mainly transfer institutions, not characterized by the “open access” characteristic of most 2-year institutions, as described by Raby elsewhere in this book. Much like other British colonies, higher education in Belize has been disadvantaged by the reluctance of the colonial power to establish institutions of higher learning in the colonies. Despite various recommendations from individuals and commissions established to study the need for higher education in Belize, the British power refused to grant permission to establish universities or colleges in Belize. Finally, in 1948, the British colonial power relented and approved the establishment of the University College of the West Indies (UCWI), located in Jamaica, whose purpose was to lead the way for the political, economic, and social development of the Caribbean region, of which Belize formed a part (Aird, 2004). The establishment of the UCWI opened the need for institutions to prepare candidates to sit external exams to qualify for scholarships and matriculate to UCWI (Aird, 2004). Belize developed Sixth Form institutions to fill that need. The Sixth Form provided educational preparation beyond the typical secondary school experience, but was not considered to be college-level work with credits awarded. The Sixth Form was an important stepping stone for the emergence of the junior college. The first junior college was created in 1966 when St. John’s Sixth Form submitted a proposal, which was accepted by the government of Belize, to offer an associate’s degree modeled on the American junior college. St. John’s College Sixth Form became St. John’s Junior College and became a member of the American Association of Community and Junior Colleges (AACJC), although, there is no 18 The Junior College System of Belize 323 written record of the rationale behind St. John’s Junior College joining AACJC. However, the consensus of Belizean educators queried on this point suggests it was thought there would be added prestige for the college if it demonstrated membership in an American organization dedicated to these types of institutions. There is also evidence that an educational nationalism was developing and Belizeans wanted to have their own college and not be totally reliant on UCWI. And so the idea of the junior college was firmly planted on Belizean soil, but would germinate slowly. It would be 2 decades before two more junior colleges were created. There have been seven more junior colleges created since 1992, the most recent being in 2007.

National Planning and Policy Development

The current higher education scene in Belize cannot be understood without a brief discussion of the lack of national planning and policy development. Roberts (2001) noted that Belizean higher education has both suffered and benefited from benign neglect. … Belize has largely allowed higher education to flourish or flounder on its own, which has permitted institutions a high degree of autonomy. Evidence of this benign neglect can be seen in the absence of any tertiary/higher education specialists working for the Belize Ministry of Education, leading to a lack of system-wide planning and coherent policy development. Hoare (2007) interviewed junior college administrators and found that most believed there was a policy “vacuum.” She found considerable evidence that junior college administrators in Belize believed that political interference, arbitrary decisions, a lack of an equitable-funding model, and a nonexistent policy framework greatly affected their ability to develop and expand to accommodate a much larger population. These observations support Barrow (2001) in his call for a national higher education policy framework in Belize that would guide the development of academic programs to meet national needs. The junior colleges try to influence decisions of the Ministry of Education through their Association of Tertiary Level Institutions in Belize (ATLIB). This voluntary organization of all higher education institutions seeks to provide a collective voice with which to encourage new policies and/or react to the policies or actions of the government or the Ministry of Education. As noted by Hoare (2007) the group often finds itself reacting to issues after decisions have been made, therefore seeking to delay implementation or change the decisions. The association is the primary advocate for the improvement of higher education in Belize. In an informal survey of a group of deans, Dean Olda Hoare noted that as a group, the deans recognize some of the deficiencies of the junior college system to be the absence of a higher education act and accompanying higher education policy, limited research and professional development opportunities for faculty, lack of a financial aid program for students, the absence of a quality assurance framework, and transfer 324 O. Hoare and D.A. Dellow and articulation mechanisms for the University of Belize. The deans’ recognition of these problems has provided impetus for the development of a national higher education policy, and more recently, the development of the National Transfer and Articulation Framework. Interestingly, while in other countries, the Ministry of Education would spearhead these initiatives, in Belize, the junior college administrators have committed institutional resources and time to develop the framework.

Role and Mission of the Belizean Junior Colleges

As noted earlier, the primary rationale for developing the junior college in Belize was to facilitate the transfer of students to the UCWI. The reality, however, was that the American-styled associate’s degree made it easier for students to transfer to the United States, where the degree fit more clearly into baccalaureate degrees offered at American universities, rather than to UCWI. It was relatively easy for students to transfer into universities in the United States and by anecdotal account they did so in large numbers. This process was facilitated by an early US foreign policy initiative in Belize that provided generous scholarship funding for students who wanted to study in the United States. Since there is no centralized database of students’ academic records, it is impossible to determine how many students took advantage of this opportunity. In the first chapter of this volume, Raby notes that most community colleges have an open access philosophy that promotes societal change for the poor. Open access, with appropriate funding, is not yet a characteristic of the Belizean junior colleges. It was noted in the Belize National Report on Higher Education (Chan, 2005) that when St. John’s Junior College developed an American style curriculum it “presented an opportunity to an elite population to pursue an Associate’s Degree.” This perception of the colleges being for the elite still persists today. Although the junior colleges cannot be considered open access, one is struck by how similar the mission statements of the colleges are to those of US community colleges. The missions focus on the personal and professional development of the individual and on the development of the local community. A couple of examples of junior college mission statements will illustrate this point: Muffles Junior College, a Roman Catholic Junior College under the auspices of the Sister of Mercy, commits itself to quality education that is relevant to the needs of a Belizean society. It strives to develop the total person – spiritually, morally, psychologically, intellectually, emotionally, physically, and socially (Muffles Junior College Webpage, 2009). The mission of Sacred Heart College Junior College is to provide an opportunity for youths and adults to pursue quality tertiary education relevant to the developmental needs of Belize. Sacred Heart College Junior College subscribes firmly to the belief of community development through cooperation. It seeks then to build a partnership with local communities by offering courses which stimulate the growth and development of the individual – spiritually, morally, psychologically, intellectually, emotionally, physically, and socially – and ultimately, the community. It is clear that the mission statements focus on the colleges providing an education for the public good (Sacred Heart Junior College Catalog, 2007). 18 The Junior College System of Belize 325

The Colleges and Their Enrollments

The number of junior colleges in Belize continues to grow, albeit without a national plan. In 2007, the Ministry of Education announced the creation of two new junior colleges, bringing the total to ten. One of the newest junior colleges, Escuela Mexico Junior College, was established in very close proximity to an existing junior college, Corozal Junior College, where there is a limited population base. This situation raises the question of whether competition between the colleges will undermine the economic viability of both institutions. Since there are few if any rules and regulations for the establishment of higher education institutions, the opening of colleges seems to be very arbitrary and often based on political intervention. The ATLIB has requested that the Ministry of Education place a moratorium on the establishment of junior colleges until a policy on higher education could be established (Hoare, 2007). The Belizean junior colleges and their 2006 enrollments are listed in Table 18.1 below. In general, the colleges are located to provide countrywide access. However, in fact, the figures in Table 18.1 raise concern about the economic viability of so many small campuses with enrollments under 100 students. It is apparent that operating a junior college in Belize is much less expensive than operating a similar institution in the United States, but if there is no additional funding to accompany the expansion and the continuation of small campuses, the entire system may suffer the consequences. In reviewing the statistics for the 2006/2007 academic year, there were 3,794 students enrolled in associate degree programs at the junior colleges and University of Belize. Of that number, 64% (2,431) were enrolled in junior colleges and 36% (1,363) were enrolled at the University of Belize. Although there have been some improvements in access, higher education in Belize is still largely restricted for

Table 18.1 Belizean junior college enrollments (Data for this table were collected by Olda Hoare [9/07]) Junior college and year established 2006 headcount Fall 2007 headcount St. Johns Junior College (1952)a 763 774 Stann Creek Ecumenical Junior College (1986) 284 301 Corozal Junior College (1986) 470 502 Muffles Junior College (1992) 362 452 Sacred Heart Junior College (1999) 498 503 Seventh Day Adventist Junior College (1999) 72 65 San Pedro Junior College (2000) 81 Wesley Junior College (2003) 70 167 Escuela Mexico Junior College (2007) 153 52 Independence Junior College (2007) 60 aSt. John’s College began offering tertiary education in 1952, but was approved to offer associate degrees in 1966. At the same time, St. John’s became a member of the American Association of Community and Junior Colleges and changed its name to St. John’s Junior College. 326 O. Hoare and D.A. Dellow the poor. In 2000, for example, only four tenths of a percent of the poorest students compared to 13% of the richest accessed a higher education (Career Development Bank, 2005). As noted earlier, it is a common public perception in Belize that higher education is considered elitist because of the small percentage of students who are actually enrolled. Yet, access has dramatically expanded to provide opportunities for students in areas that were previously not being served. In the 1950s and extending to the latter half of the 1980s, tertiary schools existed only in Belize City. Today, however, every district in Belize has at least one higher education institution that serves that geographic region. But there is still a large percentage of students who cannot afford to finance their education because of the high cost of tuition and other fees.

Local Governance

Of the ten Belize junior colleges, five maintain joint status as public and church- related institutions, continuing a long tradition of church support of educational development in the Caribbean. Although students do not have to be members of the church to be enrolled, they may have to take some courses that are religious in nature to receive a degree. At the Catholic institutions, certain religious courses, such as theology, must be included in the general education curricula and other religious activities, such as spiritual retreats and liturgies, are strongly encouraged. With respect to the appointment of administrators, the church also plays a major role through its local representative on the boards of management of the institutions. Also, the administrator of a church-sponsored institution must be a practicing member of the religious order. The other nonchurch-related junior colleges are each governed by a local board of trustees or management boards representing the local area. At these institutions, there is a general sentiment (although no clear policy statements) that administrators are appointed by their respective management boards with the consent of the government. Boards of management for junior colleges are usually nominated by current members and their composition complies with the model stated in the rules and policies governing secondary schools, since there are no official regulations for junior colleges. This composition includes participation of the local church, business community, parent teacher association, community organizations, and the Ministry of Education.

The Curriculum Dilemma

As noted earlier, the associate degree programs in Belize were modeled after those of junior colleges in the United States. The programs generally included general education requirements (36–42 credit hours) that are similar to those in 18 The Junior College System of Belize 327 the United States, with the one exception being that they include Belizean History and Caribbean Literature courses. The programs also required 36–42 credit hours of specialized courses, again very similar to those in the United States’ community colleges. A typical general studies associate degree program is presented in Table 18.2. In reviewing this program of study, it is easy to see why students graduating from a junior college are able to transfer to US institutions. The junior colleges of Belize have offered a variety of programs, the names of which will be very familiar to American educators. As would be expected, the number of additional programs colleges can offer depends on their population base and the nature of their local communities. Sacred Heart, one of the larger junior colleges, offers degrees in general studies, network administration, computer technician, environmental science, marketing, international business, tourism management and biology. In each case, a review of the programs reveals requirements similar to those one would expect to find in an American community college. These American-styled curricular patterns are now facing serious challenges. The Caribbean Single Market Economy (CSME), an initiative of Caribbean community (CARICOM), is intended to benefit the people of the Caribbean region by improving opportunities in the production and sale of goods and services to attract investments. It is also meant to facilitate the free movement of the workforce in the region (CARICOM) and facilitate education transfer between regional institutions. As a recent signatory to this initiative, Belize must adhere to its mandates, principles, and regulations; thus, the adoption and promotion of the Caribbean Advanced Proficiency Examinations (CAPE) as a requirement for receiving an associate’s degree in CARICOM countries. The examination is administered by the Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC) for Sixth form and junior college students. The exam is a precursor to the award of an associate degree (now called CAPE

Table 18.2 Associates degree in general studies (http://www.shjc.edu.bz/syllabi/genstudies_ course.html [Accessed 03/22/2008]) Sacred Heart Junior College San Ignacio, Cayo, Belize Semester 1 (August–December) Semester 4 (August–December) College English 1 College English 3 College algebra 1 Basic Web page design Introduction to computer Applications Caribbean literature Natural science World history Belizean literature Introduction to tourism Functional Spanish Moral decision making Semester 2 (January–May) Semester 5 (January–May) College English 2 Technical writing College algebra 2 Global business 2 Communication Psychology Introduction to business Introduction to gender issues Introduction to sociology General studies internship Math of finance English literature Semester 3 (Summer) Health education Belizean history Research methods 328 O. Hoare and D.A. Dellow associate degrees) in areas such as business studies, computer science, environmental science, general studies, humanities, mathematics, modern languages, natural sciences and technical studies. The Ministry of Education informed the junior colleges that they needed to adopt the CAPE to enable students the opportunity to obtain a CAPE associate’s degree. The requirement does not prevent the continuation of the American-styled curriculum model, but it does make it more difficult for institutions to do so. In order to prepare students for the CAPE exams, the junior colleges must adopt a very structured modularized curriculum that would prepare students to sit for CAPE examinations in seven different areas, for each degree (see Table 18.3). To prepare for those seven exams, students must take more courses in each of the areas for which the CAPE exams are given. In the example in Table 18.3, the program requires

Table 18.3 The CXC associate degree equivalent A student pursuing an associate degree in arts with majors in Economics and Sociology at Muffles Junior College can qualify for the CXC associate degree by sitting the Caribbean Advanced Proficiency Examination (CAPE) in the following seven units: 1. Caribbean studies unit 1 (compulsory) CRS 101 Caribbean society and culture CRS 102 Caribbean development 2. Communication studies unit 1 (compulsory) CS 101 College English I CS 102 Language and community CS 103 College English II 3. Information technology unit 1 (compulsory) IT 101 Information systems IT 102 Information processing and presentation IT 103 Information and communication skills 4. Economics unit 1 (compulsory) EC 101 Introduction to economics EC 102 Principles of microeconomics EC 103 Intermediate microeconomics 5. Economics unit 2 (compulsory) EC 201 Principles of macroeconomics EC 202 Intermediate macroeconomics EC 203 International economics 6. Sociology unit 1 (compulsory) SY 101 Sociology, culture, and identity SY 102 Social institutions: family, religion, education SY 103 Social stratification and social mobility 7. Sociology unit 2 (compulsory) SY 201 Population studies SY 202 Social order, social control and deviance SY 203 Social development and poverty (http://www.mjc.edu.bz/pdf/Catalog2007-2007.pdf [Accessed 03/22/2008]) 18 The Junior College System of Belize 329 three economics courses for Economics Unit 1 and three more for Economics Unit 2. Each unit would have a separate CAPE exam. This has required institutions to eliminate the breadth of their coursework and eliminate some courses in general education. Table 18.3 presents an example of a CAPE associate degree. It will be noted there are no mathematics or science courses in this example program and very limited general education coursework. Based on anecdotal evidence, there does not appear to be a unified perspective in the junior college leadership on whether the colleges should offer both the CAPE associate degree and the American-style associate degree. All of the junior colleges have made some accommodations to prepare their students to sit for the CAPE exams and some colleges are offering CAPE associate degrees. At the present time, some colleges still offer the American-style associate’s degrees because there are still many students who wish to attend 4-year institutions in the United States, Latin America and the University of Belize, none of which recognize the CAPE exams as entry requirements. There is an increasing probability, however, that because many of the usual general education courses are not required in the CAPE degrees, there will not be enough enrollment to continue offering the courses for the non-CAPE associate degree.

Faculty Qualifications and Pedagogy

The majority of the junior college teachers have bachelor’s degrees. As one administrator put it: “Our faculty members generally have only one degree higher than that which the college offers.” This situation is a consequence of the limited opportunities available for faculty to pursue degrees at the graduate level. Additionally, faculty members who earn graduate degrees remain on the same salary scale as those with bachelor’s degrees so that there is very little financial reward for obtaining higher degrees. In fact, the difference in salary between having a bachelor’s and a master’s amounts to about BZ$200 (US$100). Although computer technology is prevalent in all of the junior colleges, the lecture method is still the predominant mode of instruction. There are few opportunities for faculty development activities to assist faculty in developing new teaching skills and instructional designs.

Facilities

Hoare (2007) found that a major problem for many junior colleges was the sharing of facilities with the secondary schools. Six of the junior colleges share facilities with their local secondary schools, placing serious time constraints on how and when computer and science labs and other instructional resources can be utilized. Several administrators express dissatisfaction with this arrangement, citing the 330 O. Hoare and D.A. Dellow need for the junior colleges to be separated from their local high schools in order to establish a college culture and to forge a unique identity (Hoare, 2007). There is little support from the Ministry of Education for new facilities or new equipment, ostensibly because the primary focus for educational improvement has been on further improving the primary and secondary schools. There is little hope this situation will change any time soon.

Junior College Leadership

The leadership for the junior colleges is provided by the deans of the campuses. The deans are generally hired by the local school principal or the local board, after being selected from the teaching ranks of an institution. They serve in the same role as presidents in American community colleges, working with a board of trustees or a management board. They manage budgets, oversee curriculum development, encourage and arrange for professional development activities and serve in a liaison capacity with the Ministry of Education. Most of the deans have a master’s degree, many from United States institutions. There is an acknowledged need and demand for professional development for the deans, but there are few opportunities for this development in Belize.

Financing the Junior Colleges

The global economy is putting considerable pressure on most developing countries to engage in public/private funding schemes for their higher education systems. Belize already has a distributed funding model where funding for the junior colleges comes from the government and student tuition. A recent message from the Minster of Education encouraged even more diversification of funding in the future: And institutions, themselves, must be more creative and effective in their efforts to achieve a greater level of self-sustainability. This will require, of necessity, a review of the tuition and fee structures, a greater emphasis on research and consultancies and a willingness to explore new avenues for financing such as income diversification schemes. Seeking out grants, endowments, and increased alumni support must form an integral part of your institutions’ work program. (Fonseca, September 7, 2006) In a rather unique methodology, the government of Belize provides financial sub- ventions to all public and church-affiliated junior colleges, based not on the number of students, but rather on the number of faculty and staff of each institution. Each college receives salary grants totaling 70% of their salary bills each month. Each college creates a list of employees and salaries and submits them to the Ministry of Education. The Ministry determines whether the figures seem appropriate and then makes funding available to the colleges. There is no apparent methodology 18 The Junior College System of Belize 331 by which the Ministry judges whether the number of employees is appropriate for the number of students at the college. The government does not provide funding for capital projects, so local support, often from the local public school system, is required for capital projects and maintenance. In a Minister of Education publication (Chan, 2005 ) for 2005/2006, the Ministry reported spending BZ$1,260/US$630 per postsecondary student. Since there is little transparency in the financial system, it is not possible to compare the relative cost of an education at each institution.

Student Support and Tuition

Student tuition is a critical component of the funding of the junior colleges. The government provides merit scholarships for high school graduates who obtain six or more Caribbean Examination passes. The government also provides free tuition for all second-year students pursuing associate degrees. The tuition for the first year, however, must be provided by the individual students themselves, if they do not receive a merit scholarship. In 2007, the tuition at the junior colleges ranged from BZ$29/US$14.50 to BZ$40/US$20 per credit hour for full-time students.

Major Challenges for the Future

It is clear that Belize must have a better educated workforce if it is to compete in a global economy. And yet, as the reader will note from the previous discussion, there are legion problems that currently beset the junior colleges. The economy, the political situation, a lack of policy and representation in the Ministry of Education, and the geopolitical politics of CARICOM make for an uncertain future. In closing this chapter, the authors want to highlight some of the major challenges the junior colleges are facing early in the twenty-first century. We will highlight a few of the challenges we feel are most evident. The need for a higher education policy that provides direction for the future. A great deal has been said in this chapter about the lack of a national higher education policy and representation of higher education in the Ministry of Education. The junior colleges have definitely benefited from benign neglect by being able to develop their institutions without too much interference from the Ministry, and yet, they too have been disadvantaged by that neglect, in the form of inadequate funding and a lack of understanding of their role in the overall picture of the economic development of the country. It is clear that there must be a more coherent education policy, with adequate funding and oversight, if the colleges are to make the changes necessary for their students to be prepared to work in a global economy. Access to higher education. In 2002, Belize had a tertiary enrollment rate of 5.8% of the 20–24-year age group, compared with 28% for Barbados. It is clear 332 O. Hoare and D.A. Dellow there is a great need to open the Belizean higher education system to more people by providing an effective financial aid program especially designed to benefit the poor and disadvantaged. Whether because of the lack of funding or the history of the British model of selecting only the brightest for higher education, or a combination of both, there has been little interest, to date, in developing remedial/developmental programs for those who have not performed well on entrance examinations and failed to meet the admission requirements of the junior colleges. In fact, the lack of these programs is a common reason why students do not access higher education. Only three junior colleges in the last 2 years have committed to offering developmental education for students who do not meet their entry requirements. It will be critical for Belize to find ways of expanding access to the junior colleges and having the remedial/development support for those who have the ability, but did not perform well on examinations. It seems clear that the global economy is rewarding those countries with either cheap labor or a well-educated citizenry. The critical question for all countries is: “What percentage of the human resources of a country can be under-educated and still allow the country to compete in a global economy?” In the knowledge economy, the notion of lifelong learning is critical to ensuring an educated populace. However, in Belize, programs at the junior colleges are designed mainly to accommodate traditional students and fail to address the needs of nontraditional students, relegating them to low-income jobs requiring few skills. Another dimension of the access issue relates to financial access. At the present time, there is no student-aid assistance program, either through direct subsidies or through low-cost loans, for students in their first year of college. There was previously a loan program, but financial exigencies in the government eliminated the program. The practice of giving free tuition to second-year students was surely meant to reward those students who performed well and persevered to their second year. Yet the practice does so at the expense of reducing the number of students who may want to attend a junior college but cannot afford the tuition their first year. It is clear that a need-based financial aid program will be necessary if Belize wants to increase enrollments in the junior colleges. Currently only one junior college is offering financial aid to its students through a program with a local-lending institution. Hopefully this model will be extended across the country. As the Belizean junior colleges add programming for the CAPE associate degree, what will happen to the American-style associate degree? At the point of this writing (2008), it seems that the Belize junior college system is caught in a major identity crisis. On the one hand, Belize is a member of CARICOM and as such is required by that membership to offer the CAPE curriculum at the tertiary level, with the intention of promoting the mobility of an educated workforce and the transfer of tertiary students within the Caribbean community. The CAPE curriculum, which is comprised of prescribed modules and exit examinations, is very much in the British tradition, and is perceived by many junior college deans to be restrictive and problematic for those campuses wanting to preserve the American-style community college curriculum model. Many junior college administrators, if not most, believe 18 The Junior College System of Belize 333 that the US model provides a more effective response to providing a workforce to meet the demands of a global economy (Hoare, 2007). So it is not too surprising that many junior college administrators (Hoare, 2007) are frustrated and undecided about how to respond to this situation; adopt the CAPE curriculum completely, or adopt the CAPE curriculum in some form and maintain the North American curriculum format. It is generally assumed that regional alliances or free-trade blocks are the best way to respond to the global economy. In the case of the CARICOM agreements, however, the requirements for a unified higher education curriculum within CARICOM may enhance mobility within the region and create a regional nationalism but impede educational mobility to other parts of the world. The critical issue for Belize junior colleges is whether they will be able to have curricula that can satisfy both the CAPE requirements and still maintain curriculum models based on the North American higher education system, so that there is educational mobility to the north and the rest of the world. As the Bologna Agreement changes the European system of higher education and China becomes a much greater educational powerhouse, will the CAPE associate degree prepare students to transfer and/ or prepare them for the global marketplace? Will Belizean junior colleges become more like comprehensive community colleges to better serve their local communities? It is clear there is an emerging awareness of the need for junior colleges to have a more comprehensive service to their communities. Regardless of which way the associate degrees develop in Belize, there will need to be greater outreach into the communities the colleges serve. While a few of the colleges now offer more technical and vocational programming, there will need to be more programs developed that are tailored to local needs if the local communities are to prosper in the global economy. It is clear the general associate degrees in either the CAPE or US models will not suffice to provide the skill sets and knowledge base required for any emerging industries. An emerging industry in Belize is Ecological Tourism. There are a number of programs that might prepare more young people and older nontraditional students for employment in this sector. Of course, in a small country like Belize, with limited resources, it would behoove everyone to have national coordination for curriculum development so resources are not wasted. Greater financial resources will be needed. Belize, like many developing countries, followed United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization’s (UNESCO) early recommendations to emphasize primary and secondary education over higher education. This explains, in part, why today there is no recognition of the need for greater funding and support for higher education. More funding for needy but capable students, more funding for facilities so campuses can become collegial, and more funding for salaries and professional development are all necessary to build a stronger junior college system in Belize. The economy has been rife with corruption and miss-steps during its initial movement into independence, but a more efficient and ethical government will be required if these financial resources can be provided. 334 O. Hoare and D.A. Dellow

The Belizean Junior Colleges: A Beacon of Hope for the Future

Belizean junior college educators are deeply committed to their role of educating students for a global community. And anecdotal evidence offered by many US college/university educators attests to the success of former Belizean students who transferred from the junior colleges to US institutions. One cannot visit their country or their institutions and be a stranger for very long. As a result of their small country and close connections, they work together to better their institutions with an enthusiasm that is refreshing and infectious to fellow educators who visit their beautiful country. The Belizean junior colleges will continue to play a vibrant role in the educational development of Belize’s citizens as they struggle to prepare for a global economy. The system has many challenges ahead, but the short but exciting history of these institutions portends a creativity and resiliency that will make their future one for higher education colleagues to follow.

References

Aird, C.E. (2004) The origins and evolution of Belizean higher education and factors influencing its development. An unpublished doctoral dissertation: Boston College. Barrow, D. (2001) Issues and concerns in the management of tertiary institutions in Belize: A national higher education policy. Journal of Belizean Affairs, 3, 6–13. Caribbean Development Bank (2005) Annual Economic Review-Belize, 2005. Retrieved 9/12/06 from http:/www/caribank.org. Chan, M.A. (2005) The Belize national report on higher education. UNESCO. Available at www. iesalc.unesco.org.ve Fonseca, F. (2006). Remarks delivered by Hon. Francis Fonseca, Attroney General and Minister of Education, at opening of the National Tertiary Education Conference, Belize Biltmore Hotel (September 8, 2006). Accessed on 9/4/2007 from http://www.moes.gov.bz/ Address/2006.09.07.NTEC Hon.Francis.htm. Hoare, O. (2007) A case study of governance of higher education in Belize: Implications for finance and curricula in higher education. An unpublished dissertation: University of South Florida. Muffles Junior College Homepage, Orange Walk, Belize (2009). Acessed on 1/24/2009 http:// www/mufflescollege.edu.bz/login.htm. Roberts, F.D. (2001) Belize: A new university and a new direction. International higher education newsletter, Summer. Accessed 9/3/2007 from http://www.bc.edu/bc_org/avp/soe/ cihe/newsletter/News24/text010.htm. Sacred Heart Junior College Catalog, St. Ignacio, Belize (2007). Chapter 19 Higher Education in Uganda: The Role of Community Colleges in Educational Delivery and Reform

W. James Jacob, Yusuf K. Nsubuga, and Christopher B. Mugimu

Introduction

Uganda is a landlocked country in Eastern Africa with a total population in 2006 of 29.9 million1 and one of the highest annual population growth rates in the world at 3.2% (World Bank, 2008). Over 80% of Ugandans derive their livelihood from the agricultural sector. Uganda has obtained recent milestones in its national education development, including universal primary education, and in 2007, universal secondary education. Expansion is beginning to trickle into the higher education subsector and the future expansion of higher education institutions (HEIs) at all levels will be required to meet the growing demands. Many factors have made higher education expansion in Uganda possible, including improved security, especially in the Northern Region, restoration of macroeconomic stability, removal of economic distortions, and an improvement in terms of trade (MOFPED, 2006). There are hundreds of colleges in Uganda that make up a major part of the human resource development in all regions of the country. Community colleges range in size from private colleges with nothing more than one or two rented classrooms in an office building to HEIs that comprise large campuses with thousands of enrolled students. In this chapter, we will discuss the historical development of higher education with a specific focus on community colleges. Sections include an in-depth analysis of the types of Ugandan HEIs, unique features of Ugandan community colleges, case studies of example community colleges, and current and future trends in Ugandan higher education and community colleges. Musisi (2003) identifies four phases in the historical development of Ugandan higher education. Prior to the first phase, which began in the 1920s, schools were predominantly owned and operated by Christian missionaries. During the 1920s, the British government assumed direct responsibility and Makerere University was founded in 1922 as a technical college to serve students from the British East African territories of Kenya, Tanganyika, and Uganda. Following the Asquith Report in 1949, the college obtained a semiautonomous status and was affiliated to London University. Human resource development entitled the “Africanization of the Civil Service Structure” was the primary focus of the second phase in which significant higher education developments occurred, including granting of London

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 335 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 336 W.J. Jacob et al. degrees to students of Makerere College (1953) and later the establishment of the Royal Technical College in Nairobi (1956). In 1961, the establishment of the University College of Dar es Salaam ended Makerere’s predominance as the soul higher education provider in this region. In 1963, these three colleges merged ushering in the third phase by forming the University of East Africa. Musisi (2003) notes that Makerere undergraduate enrollment increased from 1,331 in 1964/1965 to 1,805 in 1967/1968. By 1967/1968, Makerere achieved 20% East Africanization of its academic staff. By 1970/1971, the number of Ugandans studying at Makerere grew to 2,638. Various factors, including the looming independence from Britain, led to the breakup of the University of East Africa in 1970, thus forming autonomous universities at Dar es Salaam, Nairobi, and Makerere. The 1970s and 1980s constituted the fourth phase of higher education development, a period of history in Uganda that was ravaged by civil war. The education sector suffered from neglect and severe underfunding. Currently there are five public universities in Uganda,2 one university college, and 27 licensed private universities which award different degrees. Following the liberalization of the Government Macro Policy, and realizing that the demand for trained professionals is growing as the social economic sector grows, the government now sponsors over 4,000 students each year offering different courses at different public HEIs (Bitamazire, 2005). It is also noted that there is significant investment by the private sector including nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in higher education. The National Curriculum Development Centre (NCDC) established in 1973 develops all curricula for all educational subsectors in Uganda including primary, secondary, technical, and other tertiary education levels (NCDC Act, Chapter 135, Laws of Uganda, Revised Edition 2000). The National Council for Higher Education (NCHE) was established in 2001 to coordinate all activities of higher education that included awarding degrees, diplomas, and postprimary certificates. The government enacted the Universities and Other Tertiary Institutions Act (UOTI Act) in 20013 to provide a framework for management and administration of HEIs in the country and give legal backup to the expansion of the quality of higher education. As provided for in the UOTI Act, NCHE is responsible for licensing private universities and it sets academic and management standards for all universities in the country. The UOTI Act also mandates the management, creation, and running of both private and public universities and other tertiary institutions as core functions of NCHE. In the new Business, Technical, Vocational Education and Training Bill 2008, recently passed by the parliament of Uganda, the mandate of NCHE has been changed to only degree-awarding institutions, while previously it coordinated all higher institutions and all tertiary institutions. This administrative oversight is quite a hefty load for NCHE, however, especially at the rate in which HEIs have expanded in this country. Government leaders agree that NCHE will be better off and more focused if they address university issues delegating some of its administrative role to other government regulating bodies like the Department of Business, Technical, Vocational Education and Training (BTVET), especially in relation to tertiary institutions and colleges (Okinyal, 2008). 19 Higher Education in Uganda 337

Types of Higher Education Institutions

In Uganda, only students who have successfully passed their post-Advanced or A-level and Uganda Advanced Certificate of Education are eligible to enter postsecondary or higher education.4 However, Uganda also has postprimary education opportunities offered by means of tertiary institutions, which cover primary, lower secondary5 and upper secondary leavers (Government of Uganda (GOU), 1992). Education beyond the secondary level, especially education at the college or university level, is an institution for higher learning with teaching and research facilities constituting a graduate school and professional schools that award master’s degrees plus doctorates and an undergraduate division that awards bachelor’s degrees. Tertiary education in Uganda includes both postprimary and postsecondary (O-level) types of education and encompasses training high-level, technical, managerial, and professional personnel with practical skills that will enable them to manage the world of work (see Table 19.1). The Government White Paper on the Education Policy Commission Report (GOU, 1992) identifies a need for a firm foundation of vocational and intermediate technology education and training for economic development in Uganda. To cater for this demand, the BTVET was established in the Ministry of Education and Sports (MOES) to coordinate all activities in the subsector and formulate policies for technical and vocational institutions.

Table 19.1 Types of Ugandan Non-university HEIs No. of Years Admissions for Course Type of HEI Specific Level Award Completion Tertiary • Technical A-level Ordinary Diploma 2 Colleges (Technical) • Colleges of A-level Ordinary Diploma 2 Commerce (Business) • Specialized A-level Ordinary Diploma 2 Institutions (various (i.e., Agriculture, professions) Forestry) Advanced Diploma (AD) Technical UPPET (Universal O-level Craft Certificate 2yrs + 1 for Institutes Post-Primary (in various Advanced Education and technical Certificates Training) skills) Technical UPPET (Universal Primary Junior Technical 3 Schools Post-Primary Leaving Certificate Education and Certificate Training) (PLC) Community UPPET (Universal PLC Community 3 Polytechnics Post-Primary Polytechnic Education and Certificate Training) 338 W.J. Jacob et al.

BTVET institutions are categorized according to the admission policies and award either diplomas, certificates or both. In 1994, there were significant restructuring throughout the line ministries training institutions. Various ministries used to have their own training wings and this responsibility did not always reside with the MOES. For instance, the Agricultural Training College was located in the Ministry of Agriculture along with fisheries training. The 1994 reforms altered this formula. There are also publicly funded institutions of tertiary education which are used as departmental training environments for public servants as a way of improving the world of work. These institutions were established to improve the work ethics and also to improve the productivity of the public servants. The public government BTVET institution’s services are supplemented by the Uganda Association of Private Vocational Institutions (UGAPRIVI) which is an umbrella organization for private training institutions. Its mission is to enhance unity, development, and ensure facilities of collaborations and networks within private vocational training institutions and other actors in partnership. UGAPRVI has 281 registered institutions, but, only a small percentage is officially registered with the MOES. These private HEIs offer a number of skills which include, but are not limited to, tourism management, catering and hotel management, computer training, tourism and travel, housekeeping, customer care, secretarial studies, business training, medical equipment maintenance, bicycle repair, painting and decoration, beekeeping, typing, accountancy, business/office administration, beauty consultancy, cosmetology, hairdressing, home economics, animal/crop husbandry, public health, handicrafts, general fitting, agriculture, mechanics, painting, and decorating.

Unique Features of Ugandan Community Colleges

The private sector is by far the predominant sector for community college delivery in Uganda (Table 19.2). There are thousands of private firms and institutions that offer informal technical training skills to individuals who have no education at all or may be school dropouts. Private vocational technical schools target primary school graduates – those who have completed their Primary Leaving Examinations (PLE) – as well as adults with no education or primary school dropouts. Successful graduates of Private Vocational Technical Schools may receive certificates of completion, but these certificates are not recognized by the MOES. Multipurpose private technical schools operate in normal work settings and therefore offer “on-job” or “on-spot-training” to workers and individuals who join without any prior knowledge of their area of study and offer specialized training for workers to learn how to use specialized equipment or machinery. Bananuka and Katahoire (2008) indicate that most students acquire expertise and technical skills in food processing, fabrication, welding, manufacturing tools and equipment, motor vehicle mechanics, and motor parts manufacturing from small-scale industries and 19 Higher Education in Uganda 339 Tailoring & Cutting Garments, Motor Vehicle & Cutting Garments, Motor Vehicle Tailoring Mechanics, Electrical Installation, Agriculture, and Education Teacher Technical Tailoring & Cutting garments, Motor Vehicle & Cutting garments, Motor Vehicle Tailoring Mechanics, Electrical Installation, Agriculture, and Leather & Tanning Tailoring & Cutting garments, Motor Vehicle & Cutting garments, Motor Vehicle Tailoring Mechanics, Electrical Installation, Agriculture, and Leather & Tanning Engineering, Industrial Ceramics, Mechanics, Refrigeration & Air Conditioning, and Water Engineering Studies, Hotel Management, Human Resource Catering, Accounting, Stores management, Marketing, management, and Project Planning & management Engineering, Technical Teacher Education, Business Teacher Engineering, Technical Studies Carpentry & Joinery, Blocklaying & Concrete Practice, Carpentry & Joinery, Carpentry & Joinery, Blocklaying & Concrete Practice, Carpentry & Joinery, Carpentry & Joinery, Blocklaying & Concrete Practice, Carpentry & Joinery, Draftsmanship, Civil & Building Engineering, Electrical Draftsmanship, Civil Business Administration & Management, Secretarial Civil Engineering, Electrical Engineering, Motor Vehicle Engineering, Electrical Motor Vehicle Civil Certificate (JTC) Certificate (FTC) Certificate Certificate (BTC) Certificate (ATC) Certificate (BCTC) (ACTC) Certificate • Junior Technical Technical Junior • Technical Full • • Basic Technical Technical Basic • Technical Advanced • • Advanced Craft Technical Craft Technical Advanced • • Ordinary Diploma (OD) • Diploma (AD) Advanced • Ordinary Diploma (OD) • Diploma (AD) Advanced • Degree • Ordinary Diploma (OD) • Certificate 17 NA 25 600-800 4 NA 4 29 4 NA 6 42 4 17 Public Private Public Private Private Public Private Public 4 Basic Craft Certificate • Public Private Public Private Public Private (3 yrs) Schools (3 yrs) Institutes (2-3 yrs) Institutes (3 yrs) (2 yrs) (2 yrs) (Kyambogo Univ, Univ, (Kyambogo MUBS) Community Polytech-nics Farm Schools (2-3 yrs)Farm Public Vocational Technical Technical Vocational Vocational Training Training Vocational Technical Colleges Colleges Technical Universities (2-5 yrs) Universities Unique Features of Ugandan Community Colleges

PLE Technical Vocational UCE JTC UCE JTC UACE FTC ACTC UACE of Commerce College Table 19.2 Table Minimum Qualification RequiredUACE InstitutionOD ATC Ownership Total Award Areas of Focus 340 W.J. Jacob et al. firms, without having any certification or recognized credentials. Many people in Uganda (if not the majority) gain useful practical knowledge and skills through nonformal education means. Community colleges in Uganda now offer opportunities for highly-gifted graduates holding a Junior Technical Certificate (JTC) to further their education by attending a university, which have potential for mobility opportunities. From a Vocational Technical School, Farm School, or Community Polytechnic, one can enter a Vocational Technical Institute or a Vocational Training Institute. After completing the institute, the individual can proceed to a Technical College to pursue an Ordinary Diploma in technical courses. Upon receiving an Ordinary Diploma, individuals can either continue with their education in pursuit of an Advanced Diploma for 2 years or can join Kyambogo University to work toward a course in bachelor’s degree in electrical engineering, motor vehicle engineering, civil engineering, etc. While Advanced Diplomas may have been a popular choice in the past, the majority of current students prefer to enroll in a degree course rather than pursuing an Advanced Diploma in technical education (NCHE, 2007). A gifted technician, who completes a Technical Institute or Vocational Training Institute program – with an Advanced Technical Certificate or Advanced Craft Technical Certificate – and is interested in teaching as a career, can enroll in and complete a 1-year certificate in teaching of technical education currently being offered by Kyambogo University.

Types of BTVET Community Colleges

Under BTVET, there are a number of community college options, and students can choose from a number of public or government-aided or private institutions. Technical schools are postsecondary vocational schools that train students in a variety of practical skills. In Uganda, these schools teach mechanical and industrial arts and applied sciences. These institutions are meant for primary leavers and award Uganda JTCs. There are 25 public technical schools in Uganda that offer carpentry and joinery, block laying and concrete practice, tailoring and cutting garments, and motor vehicle mechanics. Farm schools are technical schools that offer agriculture on top of the stated skills above. In Uganda, there are four farm schools and at the end of the 3 years, successful students who satisfy the requirements at one of these farm technical schools are awarded a JTC in Tropical Agriculture. Community polytechnics are low-cost vocational training institutions which provide education and training for primary leavers and other targeted groups such as out-of-school children, unemployed, and underemployed persons. Community polytechnics were first proposed in the Government White Paper on Education in 1992, to offer a more flexible learning mode of vocational training through a modular approach. Initially 900 were proposed, with each subcounty having one. This robust HEI expansion proposal has not materialized as well as the government had hoped due to logistical, infrastructural, and procedural arrangements. In addition and largely due to stringent budget restrictions, in 2003, only 16 community polytechnics 19 Higher Education in Uganda 341 and one polytechnic instructor’s college was established (MOES, 2003) and these figures have not changed through June 2008. Existing community polytechnics offer carpentry and joinery, block laying and concrete practice, tailoring and cutting garments, motor vehicle mechanics, electrical installation, agriculture, and some other specializations. The instructor’s college awards a Diploma in Technical Teacher Education and a Certificate in Technical Teacher Education depending on the level of education at admission. Initially BTVET officials thought the community would participate more in community polytechnics. But in Uganda, community participation has been minimal at the higher education level, including involvement in community polytechnics which are located at the subcounty level and are in principle supposed to offer programs based on local needs and job relevance. Community members do contribute to higher education regarding student fees. Community polytechnics have management committees established within their respective communities, but even here community participation has been at best minimal. Technical institutes provide integrated business technical vocational education and training. The curriculum is geared to developing a variety of skills needed in industries as well as in other economic and social spheres. There are 34 technical institutes that offer the following technical skills: carpentry and joinery, block laying and concrete practice, tailoring and cutting garment, motor vehicle mechanics, electrical installation, agriculture, and leather and tanning. Technical institutes award both the Craft Certificate Part I (2-year program) and the Craft Certificate Part II (an additional 1-year program). Technical colleges offer specialized training in specific fields; emphasis is placed on scientific-based skills and craftsmanship. In Uganda, there are five technical colleges that award diplomas in the subjects: Architect Diploma in Draftsmanship, Ordinary Diploma in Civil and Building Engineering, Ordinary Diploma in Electric Engineering, Diploma in Industrial Ceramics, Ordinary Diploma in Mechanics, Ordinary Diploma in Refrigeration and Air Conditioning, and Ordinary Diploma in Water Engineering. Uganda Colleges of Commerce include five public colleges: Aduku, Kabale, Pakwach, Soroti, and Tororo. Nakawa College of Commerce merged with the Makerere University Business School (MUBS) 10 years ago and since that time offer diploma and advanced certificate courses in addition to other university courses.6 However, all students admitted for diploma courses by MUBS are on private sponsorship unlike the other five colleges whose majority of students are funded by the government. Colleges of Commerce enroll over 4,000 students each year. Although these colleges have high completion rates, there are generally scanty job opportunities for individuals graduating from the system.

Governance of Community Colleges and Other Tertiary Institutions

Public universities are governed by a Council with a Chancellor as the titular head and under the provision of the UOTI Act. The Vice Chancellor is the chief 342 W.J. Jacob et al. executive officer of public universities and is assisted by Deputy Vice Chancellors, University Secretary, and Bursar. Many private institutions and colleges are headed by rectors, including the Islamic University in Uganda and the Catholic National Seminaries. Directors may preside over institutes in university settings while schools and faculties are presided over by Deans who are elected by their faculty in respective units and are approved by the University Approvals Board. Schools, institutes, and faculties consist of smaller units (departments) that are presided over by Department Heads. Each department pursues specific aims and missions that are in alignment with their respective disciplines. Faculty boards or councils are the highest governing bodies in the administration of schools, institutes, or faculties. The boards set standards for teaching, research, curriculum development, and student admissions. Other tertiary institutions and community colleges – such as technical colleges, colleges of commerce, and technical institutes – organizational structures are slightly different from that of universities. For these HEIs, the Principal presides over the college or institute, assisted by Deputy Principals, Academic Registrar, Bursar, Department Heads, Instructors, and Student Body Administrators. Nonuniversity institutions and colleges are managed in accordance with policy guidelines formulated by their board of governors. Community members play a minimal role in the administration and development of all types of Ugandan community colleges. What is needed is a significant culture shift regarding what role community members should play in the ownership and development of HEIs and community polytechnic programs. To date, most administration and participation have been left to MOES. And except for primary schools, community polytechnics, vocational institutes, and other colleges are highly centralized and regulated by MOES. As a result, there is limited participation from local communities. Ilahi Mansoor (2008), Assistant Commissioner for BTVET, hopes “to have more participation from the community in terms of curriculum design, relevance to the local demands, training, but this has not yet happened.” So MOES still develops and implements a national curriculum at the higher education level as well as for community polytechnics. Strategies to stimulate and encourage community participation include: (1) sensitize the public about the importance and value of developing trade skills particularly those that would lead to self employment (i.e., many students of information, communication, and technology (ICT) programs have opened private Internet cafes around the country); (2) involve the local communities in the governance and monitoring of these colleges for accountability, information flow, transparency, and coordination; (3) recognize certification to college graduates, whereby colleges are able to award credible certificates recognized by Uganda National Examinations Board (UNEB); and (4) extend seed funds for ambitious individuals completing college and who opt to start their own businesses but lack the capital to do so. The governance of a community college in Uganda depends mainly on the ownership and founding body of a particular institution. There are three categories of community colleges namely: public, partially government-aided, and private. The governance in each of these different categories of institutions varies substantially. 19 Higher Education in Uganda 343

Governance of public colleges is owned and operated by the government through MOES. The government appoints all administrators, faculty members, and support staff and pays for their salaries. Therefore, each of these cadres of higher education personnel is accountable to the government. The government also funds all other activities of these colleges and a majority of students are government-sponsored. These colleges are headed by Principals who are assisted by Deputy Principals, Academic Registrars, Bursars, Department Heads and other support staff personnel. Governance of government-aided colleges includes a more reduced role in the governance and day-to-day operation. Although, the government may appoint the majority of staff and pay their salaries, the founding organizations of these institutions play a significant role in decision making. Founding organizations of government-aided colleges are largely religious organizations, but also include local communities, private individuals, and NGOs. For instance, religious organizations as founding bodies will not only influence the appointment of staff, but also the curriculum being offered in those institutions. The administrative structure in government-aided colleges is similar to that of public colleges. However, it is the expectation of the government that government-aided colleges adhere to MOES guidelines and regulations. Government-aided colleges are headed by Principals, assisted by Deputy Principals, Academic Registrars, Bursars, Heads of Departments, and Student Leaders. Principals report directly to the MOES as well as to the founding bodies. Governance of private community colleges includes a great deal of autonomy. Founding bodies and boards of directors play a predominant role in decision making, hiring of personnel, and in determining how their institutions are to be governed. Private community colleges are organized in many respects like their government-aided counterparts (i.e., private community colleges are also headed by Principals, assisted by Deputy Principals, Academic Registrars, Bursars, Heads of Departments, and Student Leaders). However, it is not uncommon to find some positions in private community college administrations vacant, missing, or having one official playing multiple administrative roles. For instance, some private community colleges have Principals serving alone without Deputies. At others, Academic Registrars may also work as a Bursar. By having administrators take on dual or multiple roles, the HEI spends less on maintaining a small work force and is able to meet other budgetary expenses with the meager financial resources available. This is especially true for private community colleges not registered by MOES’ Department of BTVET. Although, all HEIs in Uganda are required to follow the MOES guidelines, these guidelines are often sidelined by colleges that either choose not to, or cannot, meet the government standards. The fact that there is no tight control over the standards of governance in the three community college categories described above presents a gargantuan challenge in regulating the academic and professional quality of all programs being offered by these HEIs. However, BTVET, a department in the MOES, and UGAPRIVI attempt to fill in this gap, particularly for their member institutions. BTVET is a department in MOES that coordinates and offers technical support in the management of all public and registered private training institutions 344 W.J. Jacob et al.

(Bananuka and Katahoire, 2008). BTVET also helps in the training of instructors and managements of institutions. These training sessions are usually conducted at both Primary Teacher Training Centers and National Teacher Training Centers. Yet the BTVET department is overstretched in its administrative role and is unable to regulate all of the nation’s hundreds of community colleges. Every BTVET institution has a board of governors which includes parents, alumni, private sector members, staff, and students. The MOES would like to see that management system of BTVET institutions improved thereby providing more efficient development of education training. Increased efficiency and improved management are major challenges currently facing the BTVET Department (Okinyal, 2008). The UGAPRIVI operates as an umbrella organization in enhancing the academic quality and the image of private vocational institutions. Headquartered in Kampala, UGAPRIVI is a national organization with regional offices that support nine strategic regions: Central, East A, East B, North, South, Southwest, West A, West B, and West Nile. Each of these regional offices operates under a grassroots approach that strives to meet local vocational needs of the respective geographic regions. UGAPRIVI contributes to the governance of private vocational institutions by conducting management, quality, and other specialized courses of instruction for community college administrators and training instructors. UGAPRIVI also collaborates with the MOES BTVET Department to enhance coordination, unity, and sustained development in the higher education subsector.

Strategic Focus of Community Colleges

Despite the vast number of Ugandan community colleges, each HEI is unified with a goal toward equipping their clientele with marketable skills tailored to the needs of both private and public sectors in order to contribute towards social and economic development; to eradicate poverty as well as to improve the quality of life of Ugandan citizens. This economic-oriented strategy resonates across campuses nationwide and among a large range of student participants. Some community colleges, such as the Uganda Management Institute (UMI)7 in Kampala, have organized outreach short training programs aimed at serving the busy officers working in the upcountry regions of Uganda. These short courses could lead to the awarding of certificates, diplomas, postgraduate diplomas, and master’s degrees. Courses are organized in a flexible manner. Many of these courses are organized over weekends and public holidays when it is convenient to their clientele. Evening, weekend, and short-term courses are offered at most community colleges to accommodate working class students with nontraditional student hours of availability. This flexible course schedule offers many students the opportunity to self-sponsor their own higher education. The flexibility of community college courses has also opened doors to a large number of working class adults, so that they can attend higher education and upgrade their skills while continuing to hold 19 Higher Education in Uganda 345 jobs and provide for their families. In previous decades, this flexible higher education opportunity was not available to most Ugandans. Gaba Teachers Training College (TTC) targets both O- and A-level candidates from MOES for Grade III and diploma certificate in primary teaching, respectively. Gaba TTC also runs holiday programs for licensed teachers and Grade III teachers who want to upgrade to a Grade V diploma level.8 The college remains in operation almost throughout the year, thus maximizing the utilization of resources. Cost sharing and private-sponsored students, as recommended by the Government White Paper on Education and Educational Strategic Investment Plan (ESIP), are additional strategies implemented by partner college campuses. Cost sharing was recommended by the government so that HEIs could find alternative sources for financing their institutions in an era of decreasing government support (Musisi, 2003; Ssebuwufu, 2002). Many colleges thus implement a number of cost-sharing initiatives – like entrepreneurship ventures, private sponsorships, and tuition increases to name a few. For instance, Musisi and Muwanga (2003) indicated that Makerere University outsourced its university guest house, bakery, maize mill, and press units/business enterprises that were previously operated by the university, to private management with the aim of generating higher profits from these joint ventures. These authors further indicated that the university administration also had established a consultancy firm known as the Makerere University Consultancy Bureau (MUCOBU) to generate income through research, training, and consultancy services (Musisi and Muwanga, 2003, p. 24). While government funding has remained constant for public community colleges, enrollments have significantly increased. As such, even traditional public community colleges are forced to implement cost-sharing strategies to supplement their increased costs. Besides private-sponsored students, even government- sponsored students are increasingly expected to participate in cost sharing by paying for their accommodations, books, food, and transportation. The rationale behind this government shift in funding is to spread its already limited government resources to a greater number of students than in the past. Colleges are increasingly making attempts to reach out to a large number of clientele through distance education (i.e., UMI). UMI has established a Distance Learning Centre to improve its services with both public and private sectors in Uganda. This program targets government officials, academicians, and NGO development workers at all levels. College admission officers are also more open to accepting learners of all categories irrespective of age, sex, or academic background than they were in the past. Bowa Polytechnic in Luwero district is a good example of this practice (Bananuka and Katahoire, 2008). Bananuka and Katahoire report that Bowa Polytechnic introduced a flexibility window to admit all types of learners in order to meet the immediate local needs of the community in terms of developing needed skills for self-employment. This initiative was instituted to promote relevant self-employment skills within the local community; Bowa Polytechnic offers the following subjects: tailoring, welding and hairdressing. Local leadership has also assisted in the sensitization and mobilization of surrounding communities to participate in these programs of study and in encouraging students to learn skills of their own choice. On completion of the program, learners are for the most part 346 W.J. Jacob et al. able to engage in self-employment activities. However, a major challenge for new graduates is lack of start-up capital to open up their own businesses.

Case Studies

This section includes case studies of four types of Ugandan community colleges: (1) Primary Teachers Colleges (PTCs) at the primary level and National Teachers Colleges (NTCs) at the secondary level, (2) health training institutes, (3) vocational technical institutes, and (4) colleges of commerce. These case studies provide concrete examples of how different types of HEIs in Uganda currently operate. Teacher training colleges. Teacher training in Uganda is structured at three levels of education preparation: the primary, secondary and tertiary levels (see Table 19.3). Pre-service primary-level teachers are prepared at one of three types of teacher training institutions: a 2-year program at Primary Teachers Colleges (PTCs), 2-to-3 years at National Teachers Colleges (NTCs), and a 4-year program at university institutions especially for those student teachers who have professional, 3-year degrees but in order to opt for teaching credentials they may take an additional year of teacher training through a Postgraduate Diploma in Education (PGDE) course. There are currently five NTCs and 45 PTCs. Primary teachers are awarded Grade III Teaching Certificates, a Diploma in Education (Primary), or a Bachelor of Education degree if teachers are upgrading from a previous level of certification. Graduates are then posted to teach in primary schools throughout the country. Teachers in the secondary subsector are prepared and trained in a 1–3-year program at NTCs and universities. Secondary school teachers are awarded a Grade V Diploma, Postgraduate Diploma in Education (PGDE), Bachelor of Science in Education (BScEd), or Bachelor of Education (BEd). Successful graduates are then qualified and posted to teach in secondary schools, PTCs, NTCs, or in some cases at the University. For purposes of quality assurance, the teacher training institutions are connected to other bodies like the Education Standards Agencies (ESA), NCDC, UNEB, and the Teaching Service Commission (TSC). Each of these is a government agency directly connected to MOES; each organiza-

Table 19.3 Teacher Training Institutions in Uganda Training Admission Course Level Institution Requirement Duration Award Teaching Posting Primary PTCs S4 & S6 leavers 2 years Grade III Primary schools Certificate Secondary NTCs Grade III & S6 2 years Grade V - Primary schools, leavers Diploma Secondary schools, PTCs Tertiary Universities Grade V, S6 1-3 years PGDE, Degree Primary schools, leavers & Secondary schools, Graduates PTCs, NTCs & University 19 Higher Education in Uganda 347 tion also has an independent mandate. For instance, ESA is involved in monitoring and maintaining educational standards of institutions. ESA may recommend either new institutions for accreditation or disqualification of rundown/dilapidated institutions. NCDC initiates, develops, and monitors new and existing curricula at all levels of education (i.e., at the primary, secondary, technical, vocational, and tertiary levels). UNEB is a body that produces examinations for various levels of education and awards certificates. UNEB also accredits institutions/schools to serve as government-recognized examination centers in order to enable institutions to conduct external examinations. TSC is responsible for the recruitment of teachers and also deals with the disciplining of teachers in Uganda. Teacher training institutions also offer in-service training programs for teachers and other government cadres. These in-service programs are delivered through a variety of teaching mediums including distance education modules, CD-ROM, on-site instruction, or a mixture of two or more of these mediums. Kyambogo University coordinates its teacher training throughout the country at local PTCs and NTCs, and provides curriculum development and coursework for preservice and in-service teachers. Health training Institutes. In Uganda, nursing, paramedics, and radiography are more pronounced than any other specialized group of community colleges. Table 19.4 provides detailed information about the 28 health training institution programs including admission requirements and duration of program. Uganda has certificate and diploma programs in nursing and paramedics. Students who have completed high school generally with completion of the core science subjects (i.e., biology and chemistry in particular) enter registered nursing diploma courses. But, there is also mobility for individuals who complete nursing programs. From the first certificate, you could go to the next level. Just like in technical schools, you could leave a JTC technical school and enroll in a craft certificate program, and then go on to a diploma program. If a student is ambitious he/she could also go on for a degree at a university. This mobility in the health sector is available to those who are interested and qualified. Since the 1994 higher education restructuring reforms, tensions have existed between the training of health professionals and cadres by MOES and providing certification/registration of these health professionals after training by the Ministry of Health (MOH). The MOH was one of the few line ministries that did not want to give up the training, quality assurance, testing, and registration of the nation’s health professionals. Reasons for this dissonance over the past 14 years between MOH and MOES vary but stem from the fact that MOH officials feared that the MOES training removes health professionals too far from practical health settings so necessary for training preparation in this sector. Yet, when MOES officials assumed training responsibility for health training institutions, they noticed that much of the curriculum needed updating, and while practical health training is essential, health training institutes could benefit from professional curriculum development expert input. This dissonance has left many trained health professionals in Uganda without jobs, not because jobs are unavailable or the graduating health professionals are unprepared, but because they have not been certified by the Council of Nurses. Attempts to alleviate this discord between the two ministries 348 W.J. Jacob et al.

Table 19.4 Courses Offered at Health Training Institutions in Uganda Program Programs Offered Minimum Admissions Requirements Duration 1 Enrolled Comprehensive At least passes in the following O-level 3 Nursing subjects: English, Mathematics, Biology, Physics, and Chemistry 2 Registered Comprehensive Upgrading Course* 3 Nursing 3 Mental Health Upgrading Course 2 4 Enrolled Psychiatric At least passes in (1) and credits in (2) of the 3 Nursing following subjects at the O-level: English, Mathematics, Biology, Physics, Chemistry 5 Registered Psychiatric At least passes in (1) and credits in (2) of the 3 Nursing following subjects at the O-level: English, Mathematics, Biology, Physics, Chemistry 6 Clinical Medicine and Principal passes at A-level in Biology and 2 Community Health Chemistry 7 Pediatrics At least passes in the following O-level 3 subjects: English, Mathematics, Biology, Physics, and Chemistry 8 Registered Midwifery Upgrading Course 3 9 Ophthalmology Upgrading Course 1 10 Environmental Hygiene O-level Certificate and 2 Passes at the A-level 2 (Certificate) in Biology and Chemistry 11 Environmental Hygiene Two Principal Passes at the A-level in Biology 2 (Diploma) and Chemistry 12 Laboratory Technician Principal Passes at the A-level in: Biology and 2 Chemistry (for Diploma) and 5 Credits in Sciences and English at the O-level 13 Laboratory Assistant Principal Passes at the A-level in: Biology and 2 Chemistry (for Diploma) and 5 Credits in Sciences and English at the O-level 14 Nursing and Allied Upgrading (Prerequisite: one must hold at least 1 Professionals a Diploma in relevant medical courses) 15 Community Health Nursing Upgrading Course 1 16 Medical Entomology At least Credits in the following O-level 2 subjects: English, Mathematics, Biology, Physics, and Chemistry 17 Anesthesia (Diploma) Upgrading Course 2 18 Ear, Nose, and Throat Upgrading Course 2 Skills (Diploma) 19 Environmental Health At least Passes in the following O-level 2 Assistants subjects: English, Mathematics, Biology, Physics, and Chemistry 20 Medical Lab Technology 2 Principal Passes at the A-level in Biology 2 and Chemistry 21 Occupational Therapy 2 Principal Passes at the A-level in Biology 2 and Chemistry 22 Orthopedic Appliances At least Credits in the following O-level 2 subjects: English, Mathematics, Biology, Physics, and Chemistry 23 Pharmacy Technicians 2 Principal Passes at the A-level in Biology and 2 Chemistry (continued) 19 Higher Education in Uganda 349

Table 19.4 (continued) Program Programs Offered Minimum Admissions Requirements Duration 24 Physiotherapy 2 Principal Passes at the A-level in Biology and 2 Physics 25 Dental Techniques At least Credits in the following O-level 2 subjects: English, Mathematics, Biology, Physics, and Chemistry 26 Radiology 2 Principal Passes at the A-level in Biology and 2 Physics *An Upgrading Course is one that upgrades a health professional’s credentials from certificate level to a diploma level.

have resulted in several successful efforts, including a recent interministerial consultation between the two participating ministries. Nakawa Vocational Technical Institute. Nakawa VTI is headed by a Principal, assisted by Deputy Principal, Academic Registrar and Bursar. Nakawa VTI has a student enrollment between 300 and 400. Supported by the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), Nakawa VTI was established in 1971 with the aim of upgrading skills of craftsmen/craftswomen that were required in the growing industries in Uganda (JICA, 2007). Nakawa VTI organizes local and regional workshops for instructors to enhance and strengthen their skills in how to (1) create training materials, (2) deliver instructions for practical skills effectively, and (3) maintain equipment. These training programs support the institute’s motto to “strive for attitudes, skills and knowledge.” Nakawa VTI corroborates and receives support from a network of other institutions and industries such as Nile Breweries; Kyambogo University; Ministry of Works, Transport and Communication; Kinyara Sugars Works; and Century Bottling Company, to name a few. These institutions also offer potential practicum and employment opportunities for Nakawa VTI graduates. The Nakawa VTI curriculum is diverse and encompasses a number of industrial trades. Semester courses are offered in electronics, electrical installation and fitting, machining and fitting, automotive repairs and maintenance, carpentry and joinery, sheet metal and plumbing, welding and fabrication, brick laying and concrete practice (BCP). The institute also offers specialized training in the following fields: computer hardware and software; programmable logic circuits (PLC); refrigeration and air conditioning; electronic fuel injection for motor mechanics; tungsten inert gas (TIG), metal inert gas (MIG), and carbon dioxide (CO2) for welders; uphol- stery carpenters; and training of trainers. The institute offers advanced programs during evening hours in all courses, which allows working individuals opportunities to attend and upgrade their skills. Course work includes a 2–2.5-year program depending on the subject, and advanced craft courses run for a period of 1 year. The period for short-term upgrading courses may run from a few days to 6 weeks depending on the course. 350 W.J. Jacob et al.

Students must have completed the Ordinary or O-level examination; some courses require completion of the Advanced or A-level examination. Nakawa VTI attracts students from most neighboring countries (Sudan, Kenya, and Tanzania) and other countries in Africa. The institute serves both government- and private- sponsored students. Full-time students pay between US$250–350 per semester and part-time students pay between US$150–250 per semester. These tuition fees are prohibitive to the majority of students in Uganda. The Nakawa VTI campus is strategically located along the Jinja Road just outside of Kampala and is furnished with workshops, library, classrooms, students’ hostels, and an assembly hall. With its strong ties to JICA’s financial and technical support that spanned several decades, Nakawa VTI seems to be better facilitated than most of its counterparts. Successful completion of coursework earns students a Craft Trade Test Certificate awarded by the Directorate of Industrial Training (DIT). Graduates may also take other BTVET competence examinations. Nakawa VTI is certified with UNEB as an examination center and with City and Guilds International for technical examinations. Nakawa VTI graduates upon completion of their programs find employment in a number of firms and many become self-employed by establishing their own businesses. Those interested in teaching may join Kyambogo University for a 1-year teaching certificate in technical education. Others may join technical college. Colleges of commerce. There are five colleges of commerce that offer business- related courses and award diplomas. MUBS also offers similar courses but on a private arrangement and awards diplomas. Colleges of commerce target A-level candidates with a minimum qualification of two principal passes and O-level certificate holders. To be admitted for a Diploma in Business Studies program with options in marketing, purchasing, supplies, store management, and accounting requires two principal A-level examination passes and an O-level certificate, and students must obtain at least one principal at the A-level in economics or mathematics. All five colleges of commerce offer similar courses, including 2-year diploma courses in Business Studies in Administration and Management, Hotel Management, Secretarial Studies, Human Resource Management, Marketing, and Store Management. They also offer 1-year certificate programs in accounting, business administration, catering, purchasing, project planning and management. The five colleges of commerce work collaboratively with MUBS in curriculum implementation and assessment/evaluation of students through joint examinations. Tororo College of Commerce has an enrollment of 1,000 students. The main challenge highlighted by administrators at the Tororo campus is limited resources, in terms of infrastructure, classroom space, textbooks, etc. The library is currently under construction, which limits students’ ability to draw from regional and international business literature. The other four colleges are experiencing similar challenges as Tororo. To adapt to some of these challenges, the colleges of commerce have adapted the semester system where they also implement evening and holiday programs. These colleges also run short courses targeting local government and 19 Higher Education in Uganda 351

NGO officials in order to generate income to meet some of the increasing operating costs of higher education. Because colleges of commerce focus mainly on business studies in administration and management, they do not ordinarily take on upgrading students from other technical vocational institutes. The individuals who successfully complete the Ordinary Diploma (OD) at one of these colleges of commerce may continue with their education by joining a university. In fact, the majority of student graduates prefer to continue with their schooling primarily because of the shortage of employment opportunities particularly for diploma holders. Without further education, many of these colleges of commerce graduates remain unemployed for several years after completing their diploma courses. However, students increase their employment chances when they enroll in degree courses at universities in order to upgrade their skills.

Trends in Ugandan Higher Education and Community Colleges

This section provides an overview of eight trends in Ugandan higher education and community colleges: (1) expanding the private sector; (2) establishing a stronger, market-driven curriculum; (3) increasing emphasis on ICT; (4) orienting higher education toward sustainability; (5) shifting toward a semester system; (6) transforming other tertiary institutions into universities; (7) closing some tertiary institutions; and (8) low enrollment in science and technical-oriented community colleges. These trends have been identified through extensive consultations with higher education experts, education providers, and policymakers across Uganda. Expanding private sector in higher education. Higher education has experienced a rapid expansion of private provision in higher education at global and local levels, including in the delivery of tertiary training (NCHE, 2007). The Government of Uganda is implementing a liberalized education system plus an economic development policy; thus, the government strives to establish conducive environments to encourage the private sector to invest in higher education to meet the increasing needs of human resource development at all levels. Currently, the majority of the community colleges and Technical and Vocational Education Training welcomed institutions are being run by private sector (religious organizations, individuals, NGOs, etc.). Uganda still lacks human resources with basic technical and vocational skills needed to run its economy. Artisan, electrician, carpenter, and other skilled worker jobs are often outsourced to qualified foreigners from neighboring countries particularly Kenya (Wirak et al., 2003). Thus, private higher education is viewed as an essential delivery medium for meeting the national human resource capacity development. Studies have shown the unique strengths private schools have in terms of management efficiency and many institutions offer equal or greater instruction to students (Jacob et al., 2008). 352 W.J. Jacob et al.

The government would like to develop better public–private partnerships in higher education in general and community colleges in particular. “We would like to see the private providers participating even more in education and training, not only by the establishment of institutions but also with issues regarding curriculum, development, and job placement,” Okinyal (2008) said in a recent interview. Especially regarding job placement and practical training of college students, efforts are being made to better align colleges with the private sector. Market-driven curriculum. Higher education and tertiary institutions are changing curriculum and educational programs to better meet the needs of society. Some new courses offered at community colleges include cosmetology, computer science, and beekeeping. The introduction of marketable programs/courses helps attract more privately sponsored students. The Institute of Computer Science at Makerere University, for example, “offers short courses in standard application packages commonly used by government ministries, banks, and NGOs” to generate income (Musisi and Muwanga, 2003, p. 25). This market-driven curriculum undergirds many programs in Ugandan community colleges, particularly among colleges of commerce and community polytechnics. Yet, as has been mentioned, it will be essential to have greater community participation to better identify local needs and relevance in the employment sector for community colleges to have a lasting effect at the local levels nationwide. Increased emphasis on ICT. Currently, there is increasing emphasis on ICT in sub-Saharan African HEIs and in Uganda, and more colleges offer ICT and computer science-related courses today than in the past (Partnership for Higher Education in Africa, 2003; Till, 2003). However, according to a recent NCHE report (2007), computer access ratios for students and staff are still very low in all tertiary institutions. The Faculty of Law at Makerere University has made a significant effort to utilize/incorporate information technology (IT) into its educational programs such as accessing legal information on CD-ROM and using basic tools of the Internet (Musisi and Muwanga, 2003, p. 28). Makerere’s School of Education, through its E-learning and Teacher Education (ELATE) Project,9 supports teacher trainees and practicing teachers with exemplar e-curriculum materials via the Web and CD-ROMs. Many other tertiary institutions are following these ICT examples at all levels of community college training. Kyambogo University also works with the nation’s primary and secondary TTCs in offering distance education courses in preservice and in-service modular courses. Orienting higher education towards sustainable development. In response to Poverty Eradication Programmes Policy, many community colleges are forced by the market economy to introduce new subjects to promote sustainable development and address contemporary issues. This is a global trend as the world of international higher education is in many cases being shaped by economic trends and dynamic needs (Dabalen et al., 2001; Jacob, 2006; Jansen, 2001; Oketch, 2003; Sall, 2004). Many Ugandan HEIs therefore include new subjects such as environmental studies, HIV and AIDS, entrepreneurship education, and educational technology. Shift from a traditional term system to a semester system. Patterned after the British model of education, the term system was characterized by long vocation 19 Higher Education in Uganda 353 periods during which HEIs would be in recess for up to several months aggregated over a year. Many colleges recognize advantages of two long semesters over a three-term academic year. The majority of college students also find the semester system to be favorable because of its flexible structure and efficient use of calendar days. The semester system allows a maximization of available resources since institutions can offer extra services, holiday programs, short terms during the summer months, and flexible courses on weekends and evenings. The mode of examination in a semester system is also convenient. Students are examined on recent materials and the semester system offers flexible timetable to permit working students to attend evening and week-end classes (Musisi and Muwanga, 2003; NCHE, 2007). The move to a semester system has therefore enhanced the capacity of HEIs to accommodate the increasing numbers of clientele. For instance, Gaba TTC, UMI, and MUBS offer classes throughout the year because of restructuring their respective schedules to a semester system. Transformation of other tertiary institutions into universities. According to the NCHE Report (2007), a large number of other tertiary institutions have risen to university status or merged with other institutions to form universities, without necessarily changing or upgrading their infrastructure and human resource capacity. Mukono Vocational Training Institute recently merged with the Uganda Christian University (UCU). All the equipment that belonged to the institute was removed and relocated and its building structures were converted into a Technology Park where computer studies are taught to UCU students. Uganda Polytechnic Kyambogo merged with the Uganda National Institute of Special Education (UNISE), and the Institute for Teacher Education at Kyambogo (ITEK) to form Kyambogo University (Cula, 2005). Nakawa College of Commerce became part of MUBS and Uganda National Technical College was renamed Muteesa 1 Royal University. Busitema Agricultural Institute transformed into Busitema University, Nagongera NTC is now part of Busitema University, Ngetta NTC became Uganda Martyrs University Study Center, Ombachi Management Vocational Institute was taken over by Nile University, and NTC Kakoba became Bishop Stuart University. Potential dangers for this trend toward transforming community colleges into universities is that the original practical orientation of these HEIs can easily be compromised by increased pressures frequently associated with universities to become more academic and theoretical in focus. Quality assurance, governance, and brand-name recognition are other obstacles that these newly formed universities face, especially when they are forced to compete with the nation’s top universities. An unsaturated and growing demand for higher education continues to support these newer HEIs despite these obstacles. Closure of some tertiary institutions. According to NCHE report (2007, pp. 10–11), some tertiary institutions have recently been closed due to a lack of sufficient funding and mismanagement. The following institutions have recently closed: Nabumali University, Makerere Institute of Management, Transcontinental Institute of Management, Nkozi NTC, Masindi NTC, and Nakanyonyi Teachers College. In a time when operational costs continue to increase, several of these institutions faced declining student enrollments because many the programs of study offered at 354 W.J. Jacob et al. this level were becoming increasingly viewed as no longer sufficient for employment acquisition upon graduation. Low tuition revenue compounded with the mismanagement of the meager financial resources available pushed several institutions beyond the brink toward closure. When these institutions closed, students had to relocate to other functioning institutions. This meant that many students had to pay additional tuition fees to the new colleges in which they transferred. Students who could not meet this additional cost dropped out of college. Given that private community colleges are generally smaller than public colleges, in terms of student enrollments and campus size, overhead, other operational costs associated with infrastructure development, instructional materials, textbooks, and equipment are often beyond the operating budgets of these private HEIs. Thus, private universities and tertiary institutions generally avoid offering higher-cost programs such as science and technology courses, which require substantial funding and the need for science laboratories and equipment. Many smaller private community colleges also suffer from a shortage of student enrollments and do not enjoy the benefits that come as a result of economies of scale that is available to many of the larger colleges. These market-driven factors often force some colleges to close amidst an increasingly competitive higher education environment. Low student enrollments in technical and science-oriented community colleges. Kasozi (2005) notes that enrollments in science and technology disciplines have seen moderate increases, but enrollments remain low compared with other subjects. Some business-oriented community colleges are experiencing a dramatic increase of enrollments on a national level; but this is not the case for technical and science- oriented community colleges. Student enrollments at these institutes (i.e., technical schools, technical institutes, and technical colleges) remain low. The primary reason for low science and technology enrollment may be due to the stringent entrance requirements for such programs in HEIs; a candidate must have good grades in mathematics and science subjects in order to be admitted. However, only a relatively small number of Ugandan students have traditionally performed well enough in mathematics and science subjects at both O- and A-levels to enter university or technical and science-oriented community colleges. This scarcity of qualified students in the hard sciences is particularly true among female candidates. Thus, the viability and cost-effectiveness of operating technical and science-oriented community colleges are increasingly deemed unrealistic. Another problem for these relatively low enrollments is at the technical schools which take PLC learners. Most parents do not want their children to join technical schools immediately after completing primary school because parents feel that their children are too young and without sufficient grounding in literacy, numeracy, and science to be successful. Large overhead costs necessary to run quality community college programs are beyond the fiscal means of many HEIs, especially when student enrollment economies of scale approach cannot offset the high costs of operating a college. Some of these HEIs may have as few as 11 students enrolled and on average the majority of Ugandan community colleges enroll about 200 students each year. HEIs may have to look at including additional curriculum and courses that are in better alignment with the private sector and economic employment realities. However, Kasozi 19 Higher Education in Uganda 355

(2005) points out that the recent introduction of compulsory science at the O-level might change this trend in coming years. Gendered choice of courses in higher education institutions. Although currently more female students are gaining access to college and university education than in the past years, the choice of courses seems to be largely gender-oriented. The NCHE report noted that most female higher education students enroll in universities, commercial/business institutions, and teachers colleges, while very few enroll in technical colleges, the hard sciences, and technology-related disciplines (NCHE, 2007; Wirak et al., 2003). UNESCO’s (2007, p, 91) EFA Global Monitoring Report 2008 indicated: women students still tend to be concentrated in traditionally ‘feminine’ fields. In most countries for which data are available, women represent less than one-third of tertiary students in science-realted fields (enigineering, manufacturing and construction, life sciences, physical sciences, mathematics and computing, agriculture) but over two-thirds in humanities, arts, education, social sciences, business and law, services, and health and welfare. Consequently, women tend to experience inequality in employment opportunities as they choose to enroll in courses that in many cases do not enable them gain practical marketable skills to make them competitive in the world of work. It is not surprising that a majority of female graduates are and remain unemployed or at best underemployed. To some extent, cultural, social, and political influences contribute to the gendered choice of courses in colleges. Women have always been encouraged to enroll in courses that enhance and promote their feminine roles in society (i.e., hairdressing, sewing, baking, etc.). For instance, if a woman participates in the construction of a house/building, mainly seen as a male responsibility, this is taboo and unacceptable practice for females in many African cultures. It is therefore not surprising that parents tend to discourage their girls from undertaking practical/ technical-oriented courses. However, in order to eradicate poverty and to meet the United Nations’ Millennium Development Goals, women attending HEIs must be exposed to marketable trade skills to enhance their competence on the global job market. Of great importance is the need to overcome all cultural, social, and political barriers of gender discrimination through sensitization of communities to bring about gender parity and equality in higher education.

Conclusion

In this chapter, we examine Ugandan higher education from a historical lens as well as through an in-depth look at some of the unique features community colleges have in this East African country. Uganda is part of a rapidly growing global economy that increasingly requires higher education certification and skills development. Community colleges are providing much of this human resource development in Uganda at all levels and in most regions of the country. People who successfully complete BTVET training at a Ugandan HEI are well prepared to enter this global 356 W.J. Jacob et al. economy be it at home or abroad. Graduates are trainable and have skills. Still, international standards will need to be better incorporated into BTVET curricula. “But one thing is for sure,” argues Ilahi Mansoor (2008), “our graduates go out and they are able to find jobs and they are able to perform.” But more needs to be done to help make community colleges meet the growing demands and needs of higher education in Uganda. In particular, private providers could do more to help fund BTVET institutions. Greater private involvement is necessary because there is no way that the public sector can provide these education training services adequately for all Ugandans. A key area for future development and expansion is in public–private partnerships. There cannot be sustainable higher education programs in Uganda without community participation. Absolutely in educational matters, the community must participate. Increased community participation is a much-needed cultural shift from the traditional passive involvement in the higher education subsector to greater community participation in, and management of, BTVET institutions.

Notes

1. This figure is a mid-2006 estimate from census reports, the United Nations Population Division’s World Population Prospects, national statistical offices, household surveys conducted by national agencies, and Macro International. 2. Makerere University, Mbarara University of Science and Technology (MUST), Kyambogo University, Northern Uganda University of Agriculture (Gulu), and Busitema University; in 1970, an act of Parliament established Makerere as Uganda’s first university. MUST was later established in 1989, Kyambogo University as part of the Universities and Other Tertiary Institutions (UOIT) Act 2001, Northern Uganda University of Agriculture under the Statutory Instrument No. 16 in 2003, and Busitema University under the Statutory Instrument No. 22 in 2007. As per MUST’s statute of 1989, the university’s mandate is to impact university education within Uganda with particular emphasis on scientific and technological education and their application to rural development. Uganda Northern University was established to promote rural transformation and industrialization for sustainable development in the Northern Region. Busitema University was established following the recommendations of the Government White Paper on Education of 1992 that mandated the establishment of a public university in Eastern Uganda to increase equitable access to university education in that region of the country. 3. The UOTI Act was first amended on June 6, 2003 and later on March 24, 2006. 4. A-level secondary education consists of Senior 5 and 6 grade levels (comparable to US grades 11 and 12). 5. Lower secondary education is the same as the Ordinary or O-level secondary education. Students who successfully complete their O-level education are qualified to sit for the Uganda Ordinary Certificate of Education. Lower secondary education consists of Senior 1–4 grade levels, which are comparable to Grades 7–10 in US schools. 6. MUBS is the nation’s central business school and serves as the leading institution in providing business and management education at the certificate, diploma, undergraduate, and postgraduate levels and a benchmark for other colleges of commerce and business institutions both nationally and regionally. MUBS has branch campuses in Arua, Jinja, and Mbarara. 7. UMI has an outreach training center in Mbarara to bring its services nearer to students in the Western Region. 19 Higher Education in Uganda 357

8. Teacher training colleges (TTCs) provide preservice and in-service teacher training toward a Grade III Certificate. The prerequisite for the Grade III Certificate is completion of O-level secondary education certificate and training and the duration is for 2 years. National Teachers Colleges (NTCs) provide preservice and in-service teacher training toward a Grade V Diploma, in which training lasts for 2 years. The prerequisite for a Grade V diploma is either an A-level certificate or if a person wishes to upgrade from a Grade III Certificate level. Grade V training programs are also available at Kyambogo University and Uganda Martyrs University in Nkozi. 9. The ELATE Project is a collaborative effort between Makerere University’s School of Education and the Open University in the United Kingdom. This project was supported by the British Council’s England–Africa Partnerships in Higher Education Project, which was initially funded by the United Kingdom’s Department for Education and Skills (DfES) for the benefit of the African Higher Education Sector. ELATE Project was intended to enhance the work of newly hired and experienced practicing teachers in the field by producing useful basic exemplar instruction materials for various subjects of the secondary school curriculum. The exemplar instructional materials were created by a team of subject matter experts from NCDC, UNEB, various publishers, teacher educators, and distinguished practicing teachers who were invited to participate in the process of designing and developing the content-based instructional materials. Recognizing that most secondary schools in Uganda are poorly resourced, ELATE attempted to bridge this gap by making available useful basic instructional materials on the Web as well as by means of CD-ROMs.

References

Bananuka, Twine & Katahoire, Anne Ruhweza. Mapping Non-formal Education at Post-primary Educational Level in Uganda. Paper presented at the Biennale on Education in Africa Maputo, Mozambique, 5–9 May 2008. Bitamazire, Namirembe. Status of Education for Rural People in Uganda. Paper presented at the Ministerial Seminar on Education for Rural People in Africa, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, September 7–9, 2005. Cula, Andres. “Kyambogo University: Establishment of the University.” The Uganda Higher Education Review 2, no. 2 (2005): 23–26. Dabalen, Andrew, Oni, Bankole & Adekola, Olatunde A. “Labor Market Prospects for University Graduates in Nigeria.” Higher Education Policy 14, no. 2 (2001): 141–159. Government of Uganda. Government White Paper on the Education Policy Review Commission Report Entitled “Education for National Integration and Development.” Kampala: Government of Uganda (1992). Government of Uganda. The NCDC Act. Kampala: Government of Uganda (2000). Government of Uganda. Universities and Other Tertiary Institutions Act 2001. Kampala: Government of Uganda (2001). Jacob, W. James. “Social Justice in Chinese Higher Education: Issues of Equity and Access.” International Review of Education 52, no. 1 (2006): 149–169. Jacob, W. James, Holsinger, Donald B. & Mugimu, Christopher B. “Private Secondary Education in Uganda: Implications for Planning.” Teachers College Record 110, no. 4 (2008): 867–893. Jansen, Jonathan. “Globalisation, Markets and the Third World University: Preliminary Notes on the Role of the State in South African higher education.” In Yusuf Sayed & Jonathan Jansen (eds.). Implementing Education Policies: The South African Experience. Cape Town: University of Cape Town Press (2001). JICA. JICA’s Cooperation on Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET). Tokyo: JICA (2007). www.jica.go.ip/infosite/issues/education/pdf/TechnicalE_E.pdf. 358 W.J. Jacob et al.

Kasozi, A.B.K. “The State of Higher Education 2005: Executive Summary.” The Uganda Higher Education Review 3, no. 1 (2005): 3–6. Mansoor, Ilahi. “Interview” at the MOES, Kampala, Uganda on (2 June 2008). Mansoor is the Assistant Commissioner of the Department of Business, Technical, Vocational Education and Training. Ministry of Education and Sports (MOES). Education Strategic Investment Plan. Kampala: MOES (2003). Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development (MOFPED). Uganda National Report: For the Implementation of the Programme of Action for the Least Developed Countries for the Decade 2001–2010. Kampala: MOFPED (2006). Musisi, Nakanyike B. “Uganda.” In Teferra Damtew & Altbach Philip (eds.). African Higher Education: An International Reference Handbook. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press (2003): 611–623. Musisi, Nakanyike B. & Muwanga, Nansozi K. Makerere University in Transition: 1993–2000. Oxford: James Currey (2003). National Council for Higher Education (NCHE). The State of Higher Education and Training in Uganda 2006. Kampala: NCHE (2007). Oketch, Moses O. “Market Model of Financing Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa: Examples from Kenya.” Higher Education Policy 16, no. 3 (August 2003): 313–332. Okinyal, Henry Francis. “Interview.” At the MOES, Kampala, Uganda on 2 June 2008. Okinyal is Commissioner of the Department of Business, Technical, Vocational Education and Training (2008). Partnership for Higher Education in Africa. Securing the Linchpin – ICT for Teaching, Learning and Research – A Workshop for African Universities. In collaboration with the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa. Addis Ababa: Partnership for Higher Education in Africa (2003). Sall, Ebrima. “Alternative Models to Traditional Higher Education: Market Demand, Networks, and Private Sector Challenges.” Journal of Higher Education in Africa 2, no. 1 (2004): 177–212. Ssebuwufu, John P.M. “University Financing and Management Reforms: The Experience of Makerere University.” In Mwamila Burton et al. (eds.). Proceedings of Financing of Higher Education in Eastern and Southern Africa: Diversifying Revenue and Expanding Accessibility. International Conference on Financing of Higher Education, 24–36 March 2002, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Dar es Salaam: University of Dar es Salaam Press (2002): 86–85. Till, Graham. Harnessing Distance Learning and ICT for Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa. United Kingdom: Burnham Business College (2003). UNESCO. Education for All by 2015: Will We Make It? – EFA Global Monitoring Report 2008: Paris: UNESCO (2007). Wirak, Anders, Heen, Betsy, Moen, Eli & Vusia, Santa. Business, Technical and Vocational Education and Training (BTVET) for Employment and Private Sector Development in Uganda. Oslo: Center for International Education, Oslo University College (2003). World Bank, The. World Development Indicators Database, April 2008: Uganda. Washington, DC: The World Bank (2008). Chapter 20 Community College Model: Desideratum in the South African Higher Education Landscape

Charste Coetzee Wolhuter

Introduction

The community college prototype which originated in the United States is spreading worldwide. It has been embraced by many countries because of its characteristics such as opening and equalization of access to tertiary education, especially for sectors of the population hitherto underrepresented at higher education institutions, its value in the democratization of higher education and promotion of democratic society, and because of its exemplary education–employment nexus and education– community nexus. South Africa is currently in the throes of a fundamental societal reconstruction project, in which education has been assigned a major role to accomplish. In this reconceptualization and redesign of education the community college model – thus far absent from the South African higher education scene – has been frequently mooted, by scholars and in official government documents alike, as being exemplary, for example, Strydom et al. (1995); Creative Associates International Inc. for TEPS, a Project of USAID (1996); and Zuma (1996). These citations all date from the mid-1990s, when the post-1994 education reform project commenced. As far as could be ascertained, this call has since then subsided, and does not occur much in public policy debate or in the scientific literature anymore. The recommendation was definitely never implemented, as the eventual post-1994 restructuring of higher education went in the opposite direction – the institutions approximating the community college model (the South African technikons) have been upgraded to become fully fledged universities. The aim of this chapter is to assess the desirability and potential of inserting the community college model in the South African higher education landscape – a model much discussed a decade ago, but never realized by the extensive higher education reforms spearheaded by the African National Congress (ANC) government. The possibility, desirability, and necessity of inserting the community college model in the South African higher educational landscape are determined in view of contextual forces, namely the geography, the demography, the social context, and the economy. The definition of the community college model will not be elaborated upon, as this has been discussed elsewhere (Raby, 2001, p. 3), as has been the community

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 359 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 360 C.C. Wolhuter college’s precursor – the nineteenth-century German Volkshochschule (Raby, 2001, p. 2; Kubly, 1983, p. 4), its US prototype (Raby, 2001, p. 2; Strydom et al., 1995, p. 6; Raby and Tarrow, 1996; Cook, 1996), and its spread from the United States to the rest of the world (Elmalia et al., 1996; Iram, 1996; Yamano and Hawkins, 1996; Raby, 2001). The chapter commences with an outline of the historical evolution of higher education in South Africa. Subsequently the context of higher education in South Africa is analyzed – the geography, demography, social system, the economy, political exigencies, and the academic–educational context. In conclusion, the possibility, desirability, and necessity of inserting the community college model in the South African higher educational landscape are determined in view of contextual forces. As the equivalents of the community college model have suffered the same fate in the rest of the sub-Saharan region, and given the contextual similarities between South Africa and the rest of sub-Saharan Africa, the potential of the community college model in sub-Saharan Africa will also be touched upon.

The South African Context

The surface area of South African is 761,931 square miles. This represents a large tract of land, very sparsely served by 24 institutions of higher education, i.e., on average one institution of higher education per 31,747 square miles. Research in South Africa has shown a negative correlation between geographical distance from higher education institutions and enrollments (Van Wyk, 1977). Research conducted by the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) and the Council for Higher Education (CHE) on the high dropout rate at South African universities surveyed 3,328 students who dropped out of seven universities between 2000 and 2004. One of the reasons often cited by students was “I had to travel too far to get to the institution” (Macfarlane, 2007b, p. 15). This reason was finance-related – 80% of respondents did not have sufficient funds for higher education and, typically of a developing country, South Africa lacks a system of public transport. South Africa has a relatively low number of institutions of higher education per unit population. In the last comparative study, done before the latest spate of mergers discussed below, it was found that South Africa’s one university per 1.53 million population was significant lower for other countries in the higher-middle income range (Wolhuter, 1997, p. 191). Between 1994 and 2005 higher education enrollments of Indians, Coloreds, and Blacks rose by respectively 60.6%, 68.7%, and 111.9% (see De Wet and Wolhuter, 2008). However, the enrollment breakdown by far still does not reflect the demographic profile. Black, Colored, Indian, and White enrollments form respectively 61.0%, 6.3%, 7.4%, and 25.3% of all tertiary enrollments in South Africa, while their respective shares of the South African population are 79.4%, 8.8%, 2.5%, and 9.3% (see De Wet and Wolhuter, 2008). Amidst sustained positive economic growth in the past 15 years, South Africa finds itself currently in the peculiar, anomalous situation that, whereas the unemployment rate in the country is at an alarming high rate of 43%, and unemployment 20 Desideratum in the South African Higher Education Landscape 361 among university graduates is a growing phenomenon, at the same time the country is experiencing a huge skills shortage. This shortage is not race/ethnically related, as employers are constitutionally and legally forbidden to appoint or promote staff on the basis of race/ethnicity. The following example will suffice: only 700 engineers join the profession each year, whereas more than 11,000 need to join the economy by 2010 (Anon, 2007, p. 12). What makes the situation even more anomalous is that currently Rand (R) 3.8 billion (R7 equals US$1) funds that government has from the skills levy (since 2000 all employers are by law compelled to pay a levy of 1% of their wage bill into a national fund intended for the development of human resources) lie unused (De Lange, 2007, p. 1). Hence geographically, demographically, socially, and economically the stage is set for more higher education educational institutions, particularly along the lines of the community college model. This model had never materialized, as a product of the history of South African higher education, to be elaborated upon in the next section.

The South African Higher Education Landscape

Beginnings of Higher Education for Whites

The first university in South Africa was the University of Good Hope, founded in 1873 (changed in 1916 to become the University of Cape Town), under the auspices of the then British colonial administration. In time other universities were established: the University of South Africa in Pretoria (1916, this university later, in 1946, became a distance education university); Stellenbosch University (1916); University of Cape Town (1916); Witwatersrand University (1922); University of Pretoria (1930); University of Natal (1949); University of the Orange Free State (1950); Rhodes University (1951); and Potchefstroom University (1951). All these institutions were meant to cater for the White population. All were funded solely by government. They all simulated the model of liberal-academic education bequeathed to them from metropolitan Britain.

Beginnings of Higher Education for Blacks

Tertiary education for Black South Africans commenced in 1916, when the South African Native College was established at Fort Hare. This institution became autonomous in 1949 under the name of the University of Fort Hare.

1948

The year 1948 is a key period in the history of South Africa. In that year the National Party came to power. It implemented a program of rigorous de jure and de facto racial 362 C.C. Wolhuter segregation policies (“apartheid”; a typical colonial set-up, de facto racial segregation had always been a characteristic of South African society). This segregation would include educational segregation. Consequently universities were created, each exclusively for students of a particular Black ethnic group: University of Zululand (1959), University of the North (1959), University of the Western Cape (1959), University of Durban-Westville (1959), University of the Transkei (1976), University of Bophutatswana (1977), University of Venda (1982), University of Qua-Qua (1982), and Vista University (1983). They emulated the White South African universities. They too offered a liberal academic education, albeit with an infrastructure and quality of faculty perceptibly inferior to that of the historic White universities. The main de facto brief of these Black universities was the education of teachers, a feature which strengthened the liberal education character of these institutions. While the establishment of Black universities led to a sharp rise in Black university enrollments (albeit from a very low base), the idea of separate, segregated education systems and universities were widely condemned by Black South Africans as inferior education meant to perpetuate inequality and White domination (vide Tabata, 1960; UNESCO, 1972; Karis and Gerhart, 1977; Nkomo, 1990; Christie, 1991, pp. 229–265).

Technical and Vocational Education and Technical–Vocational Higher Education

Before the discovery of diamonds and gold, the labor market of South Africa was uncomplicated, and craftspeople were trained for only a few trades (Kruger, 1986, p. 182). The discovery of diamonds (1869) and of gold (1886) and the ensuing demographic explosion, urbanization, growing of markets and of a market economy, laying of railway lines, and nascent industrialization changed the situation. A demand for schooled labor was created. The end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century saw the beginnings of apprenticeship training as well as of technical colleges, providing technical education on secondary level. In 1939 these schools became technical high schools. These were meant for Whites. The so-called color bar labor laws excluded Blacks from occupying positions of skilled labor (Davenport, 1991, pp. 503–512). In 1922 the Financial Relations Fourth Extension Act (Act 5 of 1922) stated that besides universities, tertiary educational institutions could also include those technical institutes which the Minister of Education chose to declare institutes of higher education. In terms of this law, two technical colleges, in Cape Town and in Natal, were declared institutes providing higher education. Later, the Witwatersrand College (Johannesburg) and the college in Pretoria were added to these two. These colleges offered the National Diploma for Technicians (which generally took 4 years of study on secondary level) and the Higher National Diploma for Technicians (which generally required 6 years of study, 4 years on secondary level followed by 2 years on postsecondary level). While these colleges were technically 20 Desideratum in the South African Higher Education Landscape 363 open to all South Africans, it is doubtful whether they were attended by any Black South Africans, as the early twentieth-century government “color bar” labor policy (see Davenport, 1991, pp. 505–512) reserved all jobs requiring technical skills and training for Whites. These institutions were all located in the central business districts of cities, i.e., very far from the Black neighborhoods. (In contrast to comparable social set-ups in North America and Europe, where ghettoes are located rather centrally in urban conglomerates, a unique feature of the South African urban geography is that historically the Black neighborhoods were legally proclaimed very far – a few miles – from central cities and White neighborhoods, in an effort to isolate White neighborhoods from a perceived Black threat and to create a feeling of security in White neighborhoods). The Advanced Technical Education Act of 1967 (Act 40 of 1967) created a new type of institution, meant to be between the existing colleges and universities. They were called Technikons and were meant to offer advanced technical education to supply South Africa’s urgent need for technicians (Kruger, 1986, p. 193). In terms of the Act the four existing technical colleges (mentioned above) were declared Technikons. In the course of time, more Technikons came into being, also along the racially segregated lines which characterized other sectors of the education system. By the end of the 1980s there were 13 Technikons (Kruger, 1986, p. 194): • For Whites the Cape, Natal, Port Elizabeth, Pretoria, Vaal Triangle, Witwatersrand, and Orange Free State Technikons • For Blacks the Northern Transvaal, Mangosuthu, and Setlogelo Technikons • The ML Sultan Technikon for Indians (South Africans of Indian descent) • The Technikon Peninsula for Coloreds (South Africans of mixed-race descent). • Technikon RSA providing distance education to all population groups As is the case elsewhere where systems of academic education and of vocational– technical education exist side by side, technikon education in South Africa was regarded as being inferior to university education. This was compounded by the fact that universities could bestow degrees, but technikons diplomas only. The technikon is the closest the South African higher education institution landscape ever got to community colleges. The technikon concept shared some similarities to the community college model, but also some differences. Similar to the community colleges, they offered postsecondary education, and of a vocational–technical kind. They however differed from the community colleges, in that they lacked the community nexus and the possibility of serving as a stepping-stone to higher echelons of higher education (i.e., universities). The technikons too were not geared for the diversity of students and did not have the student support services characteristic of community colleges. Therefore they could never be as strong an equalization force in higher education opportunities as their community colleges counterparts internationally. In the pre-1994 era, the ruling notion of student services in South Africa was shaped by three factors: the inherited system of higher education as explained above, the policy of supplying desegregated institutions for the various population groups, and thirdly (especially in the case of the technikons) supplying the needs 364 C.C. Wolhuter of the economy rather than the needs of students. Participation in higher education was very unequal. For example, in 1974 there were only 16,519 Black university students, compared to 95,589 White students (Christie, 1991, p. 131). The system of racially segregated education was a major focus in mobilizing Black resistance, and educational institutions became one of the sites of the sociopolitical turmoil in the era preceding 1994 (see Johnson, 2004, pp. 185–186).

1994

In 1994 a new constitution came into operation and a new sociopolitical dispensation commenced. The constitution, which turned South Africa into a liberal democracy on the western European model, and its Bill of Rights are among the most progressive in the world. One of the main causes of the sociopolitical turmoil which preceded 1994, and the agitation for a new dispensation was the segregated and unequal education of the pre-1994 era (cf. Christie, 1991, pp. 221–266; Mphahlele and Mminele, 1997, pp. 104–119; Nkomo, 1990, p. 2). The movement gained momentum from the famous 1954 Brown v. Topeka supreme court ruling in the United States, which stated that “separate (education) could never be equal” and led to school desegregation in the United States (see Russo et al., 2007). Equalization and desegregation would eventually, after 1994, became the main principles of (the post-1994) postsecondary education policy. Differences in per capita governmental spending on White, Indian, Colored, and Black education were frequently cited as an example of inequity. For example, in 1993 per student governmental expenditure on K–12 education was R1,659 in the case of Black pupils; R2,902 in the case of Colored pupils; R3,702 in the case of Indian pupils; and R4,372 in the case of White education (Nkabinde, 1997, p. 44) (1993: R3.67 = US$1). Similar discrepancies existed in the higher education sector – the historically Black institutions were, compared to the historically White institutions, visibly more poorly resourced and endowed (see Welch et al., 2004, p. 323), although hard comparable data are not readily available, as the central government Ministry of Education did not keep aggregate statistics of higher education (where every institution was autonomous to govern itself). In the total post-1994 societal reconstruction project, education is regarded pivotal. Education is namely looked up to as an instrument in realizing objectives such as economic growth, national development, the molding of national unity, the nurturing of interracial tolerance, and the creation of a democratic culture. After the 1994 elections, the baton of government was passed from the National Party to the ANC which formulated a new education policy, which was based upon the following four principles (cf. Wolhuter, 1999): • Democratization: education and training should be built on the principle of democracy, characterized by active participation by all parties, in particular teachers, pupil/students, parents, and the community. • Equity: equal education opportunities for all. 20 Desideratum in the South African Higher Education Landscape 365

• Desegregation: one of the first steps that the ANC took in the field of education, for example, was to collapse all the homeland ministries of education, as well as the White, Indian, and Colored ministries of education, into one Natural Department of Education. • Multicultural education. The entire education system should be geared toward the realization of the potential of the entire population, with the societal objectives of economic development and the molding of national unity as final goals. In order to accomplish this, two major reforms were to take place: • Firstly the introduction of outcomes-based education, to replace the pre-1994 content-based education, which was condemned as promoting rote-learning and a culture of submissiveness. • Secondly a National Qualifications Framework was set in place, in order to create a network of lifelong learning and training for all South Africans. In the realm of higher education these reforms meant equalizing access to higher education, i.e., a drastic increase in Black enrollments. It also required a shift from the “academic haven” university model (the traditional South African university type – see Wolhuter and Higgs, 2006, pp. 64–65) with an institution closely linked to the surrounding community and more strongly linked to the needs of the economy. For these, the community college model would have been ideally suited.

Higher Education Reforms

During the years after 1994, reform of the higher education system was much discussed in order to align the higher education system with the new societal imperatives. Government, scholars, and sectors of civil society (such as leaders in industry and in communities and nongovernmental organizations) all voiced their concerns and desires. As mentioned above, the possibility of community colleges being part of the institutional fabric of the South African higher education system was frequently mooted. Out of their interest in higher education in South Africa, USAID commissioned an examination of the community college system and its relevance for South Africa. In the ensuing report (Creative Associates International, Inc. for TEPS, a Project of USAID, 1996) the conclusion was drawn that community colleges would broaden access and increase participation in higher education. In the reform of higher education in South Africa (discussed below) which started in all earnest in 1997, the initiatives of the Ministry of Education (which did not include the community college model) prescribed the direction of the higher education debate and discussion on the community college model fell silent. Higher education reforms followed the pattern of education reform in general, (whereby the ANC despite its declared intent to democratize educational governance) forced through its views, regardless of any merit opposition suggestions might have. An example is 366 C.C. Wolhuter the foisting down of outcomes-based education, despite vehement opposition from a spectrum of quarters, from left to right (see Jansen, 1999, pp. 7–12). In 2001 the Minister of Education effected a transformation of the higher education system in South Africa. The major motivation given by the Ministry for these reforms was to end the expensive duplication of institutions which were still a relic of the erstwhile policy of educational segregation – i.e., there were several places where more than one institution of higher education existed in close proximity. At the time when they were established, they were meant to cater for different racial groups. Two major reforms were involved. The first had to do with the change from a binary to a unitary higher education system. Traditionally, South Africa had two types of higher education institutions, namely universities and technikons. As explained above, the mandate for universities was advanced teaching and research, while that of the technikons was the training of high-level technical human resources. However, with the Minister of Education’s 2001 reforms, technikons were transformed into technical universities, thereby elevating them to the status of universities, with the same missions as universities, even if their courses were of a slight technical–vocational bent. The second major reform involved reducing the number of higher education institutions from 36 to 24. Pursuing the ideal of the desegregation of education South Africa, this was done by merging institutions, especially historically Black with historically White institutions (see Republic of South Africa, 2001). However, this exercise also entailed the merger of a number of the technikons with universities, i.e., the number of technical universities is now smaller than the number of technikons which existed prior to 1994. From 1994 to 2005 the total number of higher education enrollments has increased by 48.6% (De Wet and Wolhuter, 2008). While White enrollments have decreased by 16.2%, those of Blacks have increased spectacularly by 111.9% (De Wet and Wolhuter, 2008). In real numbers, between 1994 and 2005, White tertiary enrollments have decreased from 221,829 to 185,889, while Black enrollments have increased from 212,047 to 449,241 (De Wet and Wolhuter, 2008). While an equalization with respect to the racial groups have taken place, the enrollment breakdown still does not, by far, reflect the demographics of South Africa: while Blacks make up 79.4% of the population of South Africa, they constitute only 61.0% of university enrollments (De Wet and Wolhuter, 2008). The effect of the reforms of the past 15 years on the employment of graduates has not yet been determined, and further research on this would be valuable. To return to the topic of community colleges, it seems as if the government’s agenda for higher education reform was dictated by the imperatives of desegregation, equalization, and expanding access, to the extent that only “more of the same” (more enrollments at the same institutions and – elite institutional types) was considered and vision was not expanded to alternative and new institutional types. This strategy of “more of the same” (i.e., expanding enrollments in elite-type institutions) is common in postcolonial governments (see Coombs, 1985, p. 6). This agenda is clear from the latest policy document of the Ministry of Education on The Higher Education Qualifications Framework (Republic of South Africa, 2007). During the decades after 1950, education worldwide experienced an unprecedented 20 Desideratum in the South African Higher Education Landscape 367 expansion. The drive toward equal educational opportunities, coupled with the very high expectations regarding the societal elevating potential of education, were the main motivations behind this drive. Virtually all countries followed a simplistic strategy of a linear extension of existing education systems – a strategy of what Coombs (1985, p. 6) called “more of the same.” Upon gaining independence in the late 1950s or early 1960s, most developing countries started with what Coombs (1985, p. 70) called a “pocket book size” of the education systems of the erstwhile colonial powers, not at all suited for the contexts or needs of the new states. The governments of these states stood before a difficult choice: They could either retain and expand the imported model, or develop their own model. In the early 1960s it was believed that the quantitative expansion of the then existing education system was the obvious mechanism to bring the advantages of schooling to previously disadvantaged groups (Kelly, 1987, p. 482). According to Todaro (1989, p. 330) most developing countries believed that a fast quantitative (Todaro’s emphasis) expansion of education would be the quickest way to bring about development. In the years after 1994, South Africa was in a comparable position to that of the other developing countries in the 1960s. The post-1994 higher education reforms in South Africa might be a repetition of the strategy of a linear expansion of existing education systems, as in other developing countries in the early 1960s. To summarize, the history of higher education in South Africa presents a picture of a (liberal-academic) university representing the ideal. Technical–vocational higher education started late and has always been the second and inferior tier of higher education. The latest (post-1994) of higher education reform once again reduced the technical–vocational sector and intended to reform whatever institutions catered for this sector to universities. A striking illustration of this is that when it was announced that Rand Afrikaans University had to merge with the Technikon Witwatersrand, to become the University of Johannesburg, Rand Afrikaans University denounced the plan, stating that academic standards would plummet (Macfarlane, 2007a, p. 13). Subsequent merger deliberations were totally in the mold of changing the Technikon Witwatersrand, for example, the research profile and output of their academic staff to the level of a university. Currently higher education institutions, i.e., the universities, are experiencing a major problem with students inadequately prepared for university study, because of poor secondary school education. For example, a recent study revealed that only 1% of prospective non-English mother-tongue speakers have a Grade 12 school mastery level of English (and English is the medium of instruction at university level) (Rademeyer, 2007, p. 6). The result is a high level of internal inefficiency at universities which, by their very nature, are not geared to provide students poorly equipped for the rigors of university study with the necessary support infrastructure. Only one in every five students enrolled at South African universities complete their courses in the minimum time, i.e., without failing at least 1 year (Rademeyer, 2006, p. 4). In the survey of the HSRC–CHE (referred to above) students gave the following reasons for their lack of success in university study: “My lecturers were so inaccessible that I did not think I could approach them for help” (Macfarlane, 2007b, p. 15). There is currently no clear plan to 368 C.C. Wolhuter address this problem – neither from government nor from the higher education sector, apart from a study on student attrition commissioned by Higher Education South Africa (HESA – an association of the presidents of all South African universities) which is currently taking place and the HSRC–CHE study by Letseka and Breier (2008). There is clearly a need for additional models of higher education – particularly the community college model, in view of its track record in providing education to students from groups underrepresented at other higher education institutions.

Development of Postsecondary Education in Sub-Saharan Africa

(The generic name sub-Saharan Africa includes the following 45 countries: Angola, Benin, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Cape Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Comoros, Congo, Côte d’Ivoire, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Gabon, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Africa, Swaziland, Togo, Uganda, United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia, Zimbabwe.) The foundation of formal education in sub-Saharan Africa was laid by the nineteenth-century missionaries from Europe (and to a less extent, from the United States) (Cowan et al., 1966, p. 4). Such education was later supplemented by education provided by the colonial authorities. Nonetheless, both missionary and colonial education was mainly at the elementary school level, of poor quality, and reached only a very small proportion of the population. In 1960, at the eve of Africa’s independence, primary, secondary, and tertiary enrollment rations stood at respectively 44%, 5%, and 1%. Tertiary education institutions were mostly universities, and were established a few years prior to independence in instances where they did exist. For example, in Tanzania, the first university, the University of Dar Es Salaam, was founded in 1961, the year of independence. In Swaziland, Lesotho, and Botswana, the universities of Swaziland, Botswana, and Lesotho came into being in 1964, a few years prior to independence (1966 for Botswana and Lesotho and 1968 for Swaziland); while in Zambia, the University of Zambia was created in 1967, a few years after independence (1964). In most African countries, the first university was established during the first few years after independence. The prestigious value of universities, the aversion of vocational education – widely perceived in Africa as inferior to academic education and an aversion, at east in intellectual circles strengthened by influential academic analyses of vocational versus academic education, such as Philip Foster’s (1965) classical study in Ghana resulted in vocational postsecondary education, something akin to the community college, never being developed. In higher education the postindependence sub-Saharan governments too followed the strategy of linear expansion (outlined above). 20 Desideratum in the South African Higher Education Landscape 369

Consequently the position is that the sub-Saharan African countries today have tertiary education systems consisting exclusively or mainly of universities. A problem rife in sub-Saharan education is tying the world of education with the world of work (see Wolhuter, 2007, pp. 346–347). This policy was set out at the 1961 Addis Ababa conference of Ministers of Education of African states (MIEDAF), and was repeated at all the subsequent MIEDAF meetings ever since. Despite being unfortunately more rhetoric than action, attempts were made to get employment and education in tandem. Sub-Saharan African governments have attempted the following four strategies. First, most states introduced vocational subjects in the primary and secondary curriculum, some, for example Zimbabwe, made them obligatory for all students. A second type of initiative was the introduction of poly-technical education (whereby students spend part of their school day on farms or in workshops), for example, in Mali (in 1962) or, on a more limited scale, the BEPAZ project in Zimbabwe. A more extreme form was the turning of schools into production units, such as Benin (1971), the Education for Self-Reliance (1967) in Tanzania, or the Brigades (a private initiative) in Botswana. These initiatives generally were ephemeral. Finally National Youth Community Services Schemes were introduced in countries such as Malawi, Ghana, Botswana, Nigeria, and the ZENTCHA project in Ethiopia. These initiatives were not very successful, many of which governments found impossible to implement, given the poor capacity of state sectors (see Durt, 1992, pp. 57, 168–170, 182–220). At tertiary level this is evident in a growing schooled unemployment under university graduates (see Blaug, 1973, p. 9). Another problem with universities is that, partly because they are expensive institutions funded and heavily controlled by central governments, they are perceived as foreign institutions cut off from the community, failing in their call to be a dominant guiding light to the continent and to the societies in which they are located (see Vilakazi, 1999: p. 205; Van Wyk and Higgs, 2007). It seems as if there is considerable scope for sub-Saharan Africa to experiment with the community college model (which is characterized by a strong college–community nexus) in order to address these two problems. At present, policy is simply a linear extension of the inherited model, i.e., to increase the number of universities.

Conclusion

As mentioned above, the current South African education system is constructed on the principles of equalization, desegregation, democratization, multiculturalism, and decentralization. The total education project should also be geared at the development of the country and its human resources. The current higher education sector is too small and too much molded exclusively on the liberal-academic model. The imperatives of increased and equity access to higher education as well as the economic needs of the country clearly present a case for experimenting with the community college model. It seems as if government is so much occupied with the objectives to increase and equalize access to higher education that it is 370 C.C. Wolhuter neither sensitive to the voices of students nor interested in experimenting with new models of higher education institutions. From the contextual analysis presented in this chapter as well as from the concerns expressed by students there seems to be much merit in putting the community college model on trial run in South Africa. A meaningful start would therefore be the involvement of community colleges of the United States, which have a successful track record of exporting the community colleges to other countries across the world, in facilitating the creation of comparable institutions in South Africa. What makes such an exercise even more significant beyond the borders of South Africa is that the equivalents of community colleges have suffered the same fate in the entire sub-Saharan African region – these institutions have been fully absorbed into the university sector and in contexts comparable to that of South Africa. The fate of community colleges established on South African soil could therefore be instructive for the entire sub-Saharan African region. With the government of the day seemingly not interested in such an exercise, a philanthropic model (with the United States as the fountainhead of the community college model) could be useful in funding such an initiative as well as assisting in providing the required (academic, administrative, and management) human resources expertise.

References

Anon. 2007. AA Is Not Working. The Citizen, May 16, 2007: 12. Blaug, M. 1973. Education and the Employment Problem in Developing Countries. Geneva: International Labor Organization. Christie, P. 1991. The Right to Learn: The Struggle for Education in South Africa (second edition). Braamfontein: Ravan Press. Cook, J. 1996. Community Self-Help International Development Projects: A Humanistic Perspective. In: R.L. Raby & N. Tarrow (eds.) Dimensions of the Community College: International, Intercultural and Multicultural Perspectives. New York: Garland: 37–52. Coombs, P.H. 1985. The World Crisis in Education: The View from the Eighties. New York: Oxford University Press. Cowan, L.G. et al. 1966. Education and Nation-Building in Africa. London: Fredrick Prayer. Creative Associates International Inc. for TEPS, a Project of USAID. 1996. An Introduction to Community Colleges: A Guide for South Africa – 1996. Cape Town: Creative Associates International Inc. Davenport, T.R.H. 1991. South Africa: A Modern History. Houndmills: Macmillan. De Lange, J. 2007. R3,8 miljard van seta se opleigeld vergader stof Beeld- Sake 24, March 7, 2007: 1. De Wet, N.C. & Wolhuter, C.C. 2009. ‘n Transitologiese Studie van enkele Suid-Afrikaanse Hoër Onderwys Aangeleenthede. South African Journal of Education Forthcoming. Durt, M. 1992. Bildungspolitik in Zimbabwe: vom “Industrial Training” zu “Education with Production”: Erfahrungen mit einem praxis-orientierten Bildungskonzept. Frankfurt: Iko. Elmaliah, A.A., Gezi, K. & Soliman, H.A.H. 1996. Egyptian Community Colleges: A Case Study. In: R.L. Raby & N. Tarrow (eds.) Dimensions of the Community College: International, Intercultural and Multicultural Perspectives. New York: Garland: 273–301. Foster, P. 1965. The Vocational School Fallacy in Developmental Planning. In: M.J. Bowman & C.A. Anderson (eds.) Education and Economic Development. Chicago, IL: Aldiva. Iram, Y. 1996. Michlalot Ezorivot – Regional Colleges in Israel: Challenges, Promises and Prospects of an Alternative Model in Higher Education. In: R.L. Raby & N. Tarrow (eds.) 20 Desideratum in the South African Higher Education Landscape 371

Dimensions of the Community College: International, Intercultural and Multicultural Perspectives. New York: Garland: 273–301. Jansen, J.D. 1999. Setting the Scene: Historiography of Curriculum Policy in South Africa. In: J.D. Jansen & P. Christie (eds.) Changing Curriculum: Studies in Outcomes-Based Education in South Africa. Kenwyn: Juta: 3–17. Johnson, R.W. 2004. South Africa: The First Man, the Last Nation. Johannesburg: Jonathan Ball. Karis, T. & Gerhart, G.M. 1977. From Protest to Challenge: A Documentary History of African Politics in South Africa: 1882–1964, Volume 3: 1953–1964. Stanford, CA: Stanford University, Hoover Institution Press. Kruger, E. 1986. Technical Education in the Republic of South Africa. In: E.G. Kruger (ed.). Education – Past, Present and Future. Pretoria: Euro. Kubly, B. 1983. The German Volkshochschule: An Overview. Lifelong Learning: The Adult Years, 6(1): 4–6. Letseka, M. & Breier, M. (2008) Student poverty in higher education: the impact of higher education dropout on poverty. In: Maile, S. (ed). Education and poverty reduction strategies: issues of policy coherence: colloquium proceedings. Cape Town: HSRC Press. 83–101. Macfarlane, D. 2007a. A Fine Balance. Weekly Mail and Guardian May 18–24, 2007: 13. Macfarlane, D. 2007b. Dropouts – in Their Own Words. Weekly Mail and Guardian November 16–22, 2007: 15. Mphahlele, M.C.J. & Mminele, S.P.P. 1997. Education Through the Ages, Book 3. Pretoria: Kagiso-Tertiary. Nkabinde, Z.P. 1997. An Analysis of Educational Challenges in the New South Africa. Lanham, MD: University Press of America. Nkomo, M. (ed.). 1990. Pedagogy of Domination: Towards a Democratic Education in South Africa. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press. Raby, R.L. 2001. Community College Characteristics. In: ERIC database http://ericiy.syr.edu/ ERIC/ Rademeyer, A. 2006. Hersien graadstrukture, vra Pandor. Beeld November 28, 2006: 4. Rademeyer, A. 2007. Engels is soos Grieks, maar hulle wil swot. Beeld May 30, 2007: 6. Republic of South Africa. 2001. Towards a New Education Landscape: Meeting the Equity, Quality and Social Development Imperatives of South Africa in the 21st Century. Pretoria: Government Printer. Republic of South Africa. 2007. The Higher Education Qualifications Framework. Pretoria: Minister of Education. [http://www.polity.org.za] [date of access: November 22, 2007]. Russo, C.J., Beckman, J. & Jansen, J.D. (eds.). 2007. Equal Educational Opportunities: Comparative Perspectives in Education Law: Brown v Topeka at 50 and Democratic South Africa at 10. Pretoria: Van Schaik. Strydom, A.H., Bitzer, E.M., & Lategan, L.O.K. 1995. Community Colleges for South Africa. Bloemfontein: Academic Development Bureau, University of the Orange Free State. Tabata, J.G. 1960. Education for Barbarism. London: Unity Movement of South Africa. Todaro, M.P. 1989. Economic Development in the Third World. New York: Longman. UNESCO. 1972. Apartheid: Its Effects on Education, Science, Culture and Information. Paris: UNESCO. Van Wyk, S. 1977. Studenteverval oor afstand vanaf die Randse Afrikaanse Universiteit. GEOGRAUF 1: 1–6. Van Wyk, B. & Higgs, P.J. 2007. The Call for an African University: A Critical Reflection. Higher Education Policy 20: 61–71. Vilakazi, H.W. 1999. The Problem of African Universities. In: M.W. Makgoba (ed.). African Renaissance. Cape Town: Tafelberg. Welch, A.R., Yang, R., & Wolhuter, C.C. 2004. Internationalising a Rural, Historically Black South African University. Journal of Studies in International Education 8(3): 317–331. Wolhuter, C.C. 1997. Universiteitsvoorsiening aan die Suid-Afrikaanse beveling: ‘n intra- en internasionale vergelykende perspektief. Christianoi 1(2): 189–202. 372 C.C. Wolhuter

Wolhuter, C.C. 1999. Sociaal-wetenschappelike literatuur over onderwijs in Zuid-Afrika. Pedagogische Studiën (Netherlands) 76: 361–370. Wolhuter, C.C. 2007. Education for All in Sub-Saharan Africa: Prospects and Challenges. In: D.P. Baker & A.W. Wiseman (eds.) Education for All: Global Promises, National Challenges. Amsterdam: Elsevier: 337–362. Wolhuter, C.C. & Higgs, L.G. 2006. The Academic Profession in South Africa. Southern African Review of Education 12(1): 63–76. Yamano, T. & Hawkins, J.N. 1996. Assessing the Relevance of American Community College Models in Japan. In: R.L. Raby & N. Tarrow (eds.) Dimensions of the Community College: International, Intercultural and Multicultural Perspectives. New York: Garland: 259–271. Zuma, M.S. 1996. A Review of Community College Development in South Africa. In: R.L. Raby & N. Tarrow (eds.) Dimensions of the Community College: International, Intercultural and Multicultural Perspectives. New York: Garland: 303–325. Chapter 21 College–University Dialogue: From Confrontation to Cooperation

Nitza Davidovitch and Yaacov Iram

Introduction

A historical review of the development of Israeli institutions of higher education from statehood to the present attests to the dialogue between universities, on one hand, and the colleges that were established and developed under their influence. Development trends, reflecting diversification, and distinctiveness on the one hand, and uniformity and imitation on the other, indicate that the Israeli higher education system is progressing toward a monistic structure in which academic institutions of both types are converging, drawing closer to each other, and becoming more closely integrated in a single system of higher education (Davidovitch and Iram, 2005). Herein we examine the openness of the higher education system, its willingness, and ability to contain a university institution that was originally established as a regional college. At the establishment of statehood in 1948, the higher education system was a dual system: several non-university institutions operated alongside the two university institutions (Hebrew University of Jerusalem and the Technion). Mass immigration and socioeconomic developments in the 1960s and 1970s led to an increasing demand for higher education, and demands to expand access of new population sectors to higher education emerged, specifically to make higher education accessible to underrepresented sectors of the population in peripheral areas (mainly Jews of North African or Asian origin, as well as Arabs and other minority groups) (Iram, 1996). These nascent needs were addressed on two levels. On the university level, Haifa University, Ben Gurion University, and the Open University were established in 1970, 1972, and 1976, respectively. Although Haifa University and Ben Gurion University were founded as regional universities and were therefore expected to serve the special needs of the peripheral areas of the north and south, respectively, they effectively embraced the elitist ethos of the veteran research universities (Ben David, 1986, cited in Iram, 1996). In the 1960s, relatively few students graduated from high school and obtained a matriculation certificate, and thus few programs and faculties required a selective admission process. The introduction of free compulsory high school increased the matriculating student population and the number of potential university candidates.

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 373 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 374 N. Davidovitch and Y. Iram

This change, however, was not accompanied by a corresponding increase in the places available in institutions of higher education. The number of university institutions remained stable, and some universities even reached their maximum capacity. Universities consequently raised their admission requirements as demand outgrew supply in many areas of study. Based on international experience, the Israeli higher education system had several potential strategies for introducing such changes in higher education. Forgoing the first strategy, diversification within existing higher education institutions, policymakers preferred to adopt a version of the American community college model, and supported the establishment of separate non-university institutions with distinct characteristics and purposes (Iram, 1996), as well as the expansion of existing non-university institutions. These, known as regional colleges, had been originally established in the 1960s, and until the 1970s had limited themselves to adult education courses, vocational training courses, general education, and enrichment course offerings for members of rural areas including agricultural settlements, kibbutz settlements, and peripheral towns (Iram, 1996). Following the Lipson Committee (1971), established to examine the learning standards of postsecondary educational institutions, the colleges began offering university-level courses and received official recognition by the Commission of Higher Education (CHE) as “institutions of higher education” in 1972 (Horovitz and Wolensky, 1997). Generally these courses were offered as a result of the initiative of several universities to provide academic sponsorship to the colleges. Under these collaborative ventures, the curricula of the colleges were under the academic supervision and responsibility of the parent universities. Curricula of the parent university were adopted with few attempts to adapt the curricula to regional needs or to the specific needs of the regional student population and faculty at the colleges (Hadari and Tal, 1979). College directors assumed that the affiliation of a college to a parent university was important for the prestige and status of newly established academic institutions. Aside from the academic prestige, this connection bolstered the students’ confidence concerning the quality of the academic degree awarded at the college and thus indirectly helped colleges develop toward independence. In this manner, a unique “type” of higher education was formed to meet local needs for higher education and redress the social imbalance between the center and the periphery. In the 1970s, both arms of the Israeli network of higher education continued to expand, with the establishment of the Open University in Tel Aviv and the extension of university activities to numerous locations. This was followed by a process of academization of teacher training institutions in the late 1970s when teacher training seminaries gained recognition as colleges and were accredited to grant bachelor’s degrees. Stimulated by government policy to increase educational opportunities for all population sections, the Israeli system of higher education has since expanded even further, reflecting major changes and signs of diversification as well as indications of convergence, discussed in further details below. As a result, the national system of higher education became divided into five distinct subsystems: (a) universities, including an Open University, constructed on the British concept, combining open admission (access regardless of prior 21 College–University Dialogue: From Confrontation to Cooperation 375 formal qualifications) and correspondence sources as the main method of teaching; (b) professional colleges; (c) vocational colleges; (d) government-funded accredited academic colleges, which include teacher training institutions that have received or are in the process of obtaining academic status, general education colleges, and technological colleges; and (e) private colleges that receive no public funding, including extensions of academic institutions from abroad. With the exception of the universities, all are considered “regional colleges” or “academic colleges,” variations on the community college model. However, despite the diversity, the system developed as a binary system in which universities were geographically located in major cities and urban centers, while regional colleges were located in peripheral regions, offering alternative higher education at a standard and with a mission that were distinct from both the long-standing and the younger universities. The colleges (or regional colleges or academic colleges – these terms are used interchangeably in Israel’s educational system) were established specifically on the American community college model, to enhance access of population groups outside the country’s major cities, including development towns and rural towns, to vocational education, high-school-equivalency programs, and postsecondary education, based on specific consideration of the typical characteristics of the population in each region. As a result of momentous social-demographic changes, the 1990s marked the turning point in this binary development of higher education in Israel. An increased number of immigrants to Israel from former Soviet Union states in the 1990s and a general rise in the demand for higher education from all population groups, including groups who lacked formal qualifications for admission into the country’s universities, required a more extensive solution for expanded access to higher education. New colleges which awarded bachelor degrees were established, and the older regional colleges either entered into an accreditation process that would allow them to grant academic degrees to their graduates, or joined sponsorship programs with parent universities. Concurrently, the Commission of Higher Education Law (1958) was amended and the colleges were recognized as institutions whose academic degrees were equal in status to degrees granted by the country’s universities. Over the last decade, the CHE has further cultivated the higher education system in Israel by directing systemic growth to colleges rather than approve the establishment of new universities or the extension of existing universities. In 2007, the Israeli system of higher education comprised 70 institutions: With the exception of the country’s eight universities, the remainder (27 recognized academic colleges, 27 academic teacher training colleges, and 8 public colleges funded by government through the Planning & Budgeting Committee (PBC) ) are local variations on the community college model. In addition, 17 extensions of foreign institutions of higher education are licensed to operate by the CHE. The result of these policies was that while approximately 90% of all students in Israel in the late 1980s studied in universities, over one half of all students in 2003 attended academic colleges (CSB, August 8, 2004). In 2007, 58% of the national student body attends colleges, while only 42% attend universities. Notably, the distinction between the terms “university” and “college” in the Israeli context has not, until very recently, been explored by educational policymakers in Israel. 376 N. Davidovitch and Y. Iram

Usage has preceded a clear definition of these terms, and their assignment to different educational institutions has been mainly a result of political interests and designations used as the basis for differential budget allocations to different institutions. The initial institutions of higher education established in Israel were based on European influence and were therefore defined as “universities.” In the 1960s, when a need was recognized for a new type of institution to meet the emerging national and social goals of the growing state, universities insisted on a clear differentiation to retain their superior status in the system. Consequently, the new institutions established in the peripheries were termed “colleges.” While the use of these two terms has remained in place to this day, the characteristics of these two types of institutions have changed significantly. As this chapter illustrates, colleges and universities originated in response to distinct strategic goals, and subsequently development distinct program offerings which attracted different population groups. Over time, however, the distinctions, as did the goals of these institutions, became blurred, both from the perspective of the CHE, as well as in the minds of the general public. The evolving discourse between different types of Israeli academic institutions calls for an examination of the dialogue between universities and colleges from a historical–comparative perspective of fulfilling needs (Miller, 1990) over a period extending over more than 4 decades. Many issues regarding the relationship of the two types of institutions emerge from this perspective, such as, “Did the universities which originally functioned as the sponsors of the regional colleges, intentionally or unintentionally influence the development of the regional colleges, and to what extent?” and “Were the universities affected by the development of the colleges, and responsive to the changing environment in which they operated?” A historical–comparative analysis of the evolving dialogue between various types of Israeli institutions of higher education offers an important perspective from which we can assess and possibly predict the direction of development of Israeli higher education in the future.

Unplanned Development

The proliferation of the colleges developed as sequential responses to regional, professional, or private needs that had not been satisfied by the university system. The development of regional colleges was thus supported by two major considerations: (1) political-organizational considerations – the major goal for the higher education system remained to support the unique status of the universities and ensure their autonomy and their unique identity; and (2) financial considerations – college studies were assumed to be less of a financial burden on the public budget than university studies due to the initial absence of research demands imposed on college faculty. Complicating the colleges’ development further, the higher education system in Israel lacked a unified national or regional institutional academic system until the 1990s (Sherman, 1995). There was no professional organizational framework for 21 College–University Dialogue: From Confrontation to Cooperation 377 communications or practical collaboration among colleges to develop academic plans. The newly established regional colleges lacked comprehensive sources of information regarding the problems and needs of their local area, and appropriate forums in which they could advocate and garner the support of other regional elements in their struggle to gain academic recognition and share in national budgets. Colleges developed in response to the growing public demand for academic studies, exacerbated by regional and national demographic growth and economic factors, despite the lack of adequate tools for planning, coordinating, and cooperating mechanisms. This is not to say that growth of the colleges was completely spontaneous. Actions undertaken to institutionalize higher education include structural changes facilitated by establishing the CHE (late 1960s) and the PBC (1974) on the institutional level, and establishing the Association of Colleges on the national level. However, until the 10th Council elected in February 2002, at least two thirds of its members were university faculty members, the rest were public figures. The array of colleges was first planned by the Association of Colleges, an agency established in 1989 in recognition of the role of higher education as an instrument for social development in Israel, including reducing social gaps, ensuring equal opportunities, and developing curricula aimed at resolving the growing discrep- ancy between the knowledge required by society and the national economy – and the knowledge provided by the educational institutions. Nonetheless, only in the late 1990s did the higher education system begin planning in earnest for the years 1998–2003 (Israeli, 1997), based on the following principles and projections: • Number of students – It was assumed that the number of potential regional college students would gradually increase. The colleges would admit a growing number of graduates in pre-academic preparatory courses, local applicants who were not admitted to the universities, and professional groups of workers interested in completing the requirements for an academic degree. Regional colleges would be required to train academics and professionals to meet regional and the national economy, while utilizing relative local resources. • Teaching faculty – To approach the academic standards of corresponding university courses, regional colleges were expected to restrict employment of external teachers and increase employment of permanent senior faculty members. To improve stabilization and standards of instruction, faculty members would have to participate in extra training and advanced studies. • Curricula – The regional colleges should develop new curricula in applied academic fields in response to regional needs and the requirements of the modern economy. • Budget, financial resources, and physical infrastructure – Regular and designated expenditures and revenues, including salary terms and lecturers’ employment terms, would be based on customary college budgetary norms. Public support of the regional colleges and tuition would be based on criteria determined by the PBC for the entire academic system. Construction needs would be determined according to the projected increase in students in academic tracks and other programs. 378 N. Davidovitch and Y. Iram

In November 2000, three CHE subcommittees were established in charge of university and college affairs, teaching faculty training, and non-university institutions, e.g., technological colleges. In addition, four supreme committees were established for appointing professors in institutions of higher education that are not universities. Ad hoc committees comprised of university faculty members were also established to review applications for accreditation by various institutions. Another planning trend was manifested in the PBC’s wish to establish a central information system to respond to requests for information on academic studies and provide potential applicants a comprehensive picture of the available range of study options (Hershkowitz, 2000). CHE planning necessitated the formulation of policy on diverse issues, including financial aid, preparatory courses, and research infrastructure. Financial aid for students and tuition policies were perceived to be an influential factor in extending access to higher education. Since the 1950s, public commissions and committees (1959, 1977, 1991, and 1996) have determined tuition fees for graduate and postgraduate degrees in institutions of higher education and their decisions were binding for state-funded institutions. The policy of uniform university tuition became an expression of governmental national-social objectives, reflecting the basic right of equal access to higher education. However, as the system expanded to include new populations which previously had not been represented in higher education, including low socioeconomic sectors which had stronger needs for support and assistance in the transition from high school to an academic setting. In response, the range of assistance and support offered to students was also extended and became institutionalized. The student support system now includes loans, scholarships, and grants, and has become subsumed under a single roof, with supervision and unified resources. Assistance from external sources comes mainly from government budgets in the form of student loans or scholarships awarded according to defined criteria, representing the government’s commitment to promote social equality. Mentoring enterprises, such as Perach, are also funded by the PBC which grants scholarships to students in this program that cover 43% of their total tuition costs. In the recent decade, the PBC increased the scope of the Perach program by 126%, exceeding even the growth in the national student population (113%), and gradually transferred the focus of the Perach programs from universities to other academic institutions. In 2000, 47% of Perach participants studied at colleges and other non-university institutions, confirming that the system provides support to the new populations that have recently joined the ranks of higher education by alleviating the financial burden of academic studies. Another planned element was reflected in the CHE’s decision to recognize and reinforce pre-academic preparatory courses as part of the higher education system under its supervision (Hershkowitz, 2000). According to CHE policy, final scores on preparatory programs could replace matriculation scores in students’ applications and further facilitate admission to all institutions of higher education. The PBC took additional actions to institutionalize and introduce systemic planning, including setting up the infrastructure necessary to allocate funds designed to promote academic research, such as the National Science Fund which awards 21 College–University Dialogue: From Confrontation to Cooperation 379 funds to university researchers; encouraging research in technology-related fields through scholarships, such as the Hammer Scholarships for students who graduate with distinction from one of the non-university institutions of higher education and continue to postgraduate degrees (in research programs) at one of the seven Israeli universities. This program reflects PBC policy which encourages the growth of Israeli higher education by developing existing colleges and establishing new colleges, while maintaining adequate academic standards. The program is based on encouraging outstanding achievements of college students according to the same criteria as university graduates, and fosters mobility between colleges and universities. In essence, these events elevated the regional colleges to almost university status, although differences between universities and colleges remain. Thus, the PBC has gradually consolidated a policy of excellence and accessibility (Hershkowitz, 2000) by forming a heterogeneous academic system, corresponding to the diversity of learners. In summary, the development of colleges in Israel has been influenced by social, pedagogical, and policy considerations which have been at the base of the planned development of higher education in Israel, as well as unplanned changes based on responsiveness to these factors, even in advance of official policy. Regional colleges have, in a short time span, transformed from small colleges operating independently, into academic colleges, and are aligning their structures in response to such transition. On its part, the CHE continues to increase its supervision and control of all Israeli providers of higher education, whether funded by the PBC, local Israeli institutions, or others (Hershkowitz, 2000). Planning in the higher education system has turned into a most complex subject, particularly due to the fact that most of the customary analysis tools for evaluating the effectiveness of large systems are not applicable in higher education (Sinuany-Stern, 1991). In addition, it is difficult to assess the effectiveness of higher education in such a period of social change and transformation. Thus, to support further development of the higher education system in Israel, more work in the field of assessment and comparison is needed to clarify the actual results of higher education policies.

Changing Goals and Emphases in Higher Education Institutions

Development of the system of Israeli higher education was influenced by three dominant outlooks: those of Germany, England, and the United States (Iram, 1978), each of which contributed a different emphasis on the three shared goals of the system: research, teaching, and public service. Despite the influence of the American approach which conceptualized the establishment of regional colleges as a basically social response (Israeli, 1997), the traditional conception of a research university dictated the (planned and unplanned) developments of the system (Iram, 1978) from the onset, and defined the higher education system as a system of research universities. Only subsequently was the system augmented by professional training institu- 380 N. Davidovitch and Y. Iram tions such as teaching training colleges, which evolved mainly in response to the social and national demands of the budding state and its immigrant population. In this sense, the higher education system of Israel has always been responsive to the changing needs of society. In the system’s initial stage of development, responsiveness was contained within the research universities, while as the system developed, new functions were placed in entirely new types of institutions. From a different perspective, two main schools of thought underlying the development of the Israeli higher education system correspond to these distinct emphases on the autonomous and popular functions of higher education, succinctly summarized by Trow (1970) who developed a thesis on differentiation in higher education, drawing on Durkheim. The autonomous approaches to the functions of higher education attribute major significance to the obligation to disseminate the higher culture located at the core of the traditional university, and create new knowledge through ‘pure’ scholarship and basic scientific research (Trow, 1970). According to this approach, the university is a means of categorizing, shaping, and qualifying elite groups. In effect, until World War II, higher education systems had functioned as a hothouse for elites (Morrison, 1998). In contrast, the popular function of higher education, which developed in the United States, is best distinguished as providing services to the community in addition to instruction and research (Mizrahi, 1994; Trow, 1970). Support for the popular function led to the rapid expansion of higher education in the second half of the twentieth century, in many Western countries (OECD, 2003, table A.2.4) and developing countries (UNESCO, 2003) following the lead of the United States. The terms used to describe this trend are “higher education for the masses” or “massification of higher education” (Trow, 1972). The bachelor’s degree became a customary norm in western countries, similar to the status of the matriculation certificate in the first half of the twentieth century (Allen and Allen, 2003). According to this concept, the role of higher education is to create a large number of sites of learning, facilitate individual participation in the labor market, and provide useful knowledge and services to all groups and institutions. Discussing the interrelationship of these two functions from a global perspective, Trow (1970) notes that by opening the gates of the university, previously known as an academic ivory tower, to external influences, the increasing acceptance of the popular approach to higher education threatened to upset the balance that had characterized the traditional relationship between universities and society for many years. In Israel, the Humboldtian view of the unity of research and teaching reinforced the status of research as the supreme goal of the entire higher education system until the 1970s, and largely determined the character of the Israeli academic institutions, influenced academic curricula and the system of degrees, and limited diversity. From the 1970s, however, the Israeli system of higher education has increasingly reflected the influence of the binary model of American universities, and specifically the emergent paradigm that calls for universities to devote increasing attention to develop applied research, cultivate innovative and relevant teaching methods, and provide services to the private, public, political, and national sectors, with an 21 College–University Dialogue: From Confrontation to Cooperation 381 emphasis on applications and research motivated by financial developments, and the transfer of technology from the universities to the public and private sectors, as well as global competitiveness and collaboration. The community college model took this paradigm several steps further by emphasizing the college’s integration in, and commitment to, its community. In this system, regional colleges had originally established in the 1960s in the peripheries to meet regional needs, especially in view of mass immigration to Israel from former Soviet Union countries, north Africa, and other developing countries which settled in the country’s peripheral regions. The decision to establish regional/ local institutions of postsecondary education was grounded in the belief that the social goal of expanded access and equal opportunities in education could not be achieved by universities whose infrastructure was insufficient for admitting tens of thousands of students, most of whom did not intend to continue an academic research career. The regional colleges were established to serve the immediate needs of the small localities in their respective regions, and therefore originally offered educational programs in association with existing universities. Similarly to American community colleges, these colleges provided the first two years of a BA in addition to remedial studies, vocational programs, and cultural and recreational courses (Iram, 1996). The influence of these approaches initially led to what appeared to be a “division of labor” between different institutions of higher education. Universities traditionally concentrated on autonomous functions, and defined their role in imparting what the social sciences term “higher culture,” advancing science through research, and shaping and qualifying elite groups, while colleges focused on popular functions. These functions included creating awareness of higher culture among new sectors of the population, awarding certification required to gain reputable employment, and providing the community with useful knowledge- and information-based services. However, since academic institutions have opened their gates to external influences, higher education increasingly has served more as a ladder for social mobility and professional promotion (Soen, 2005) than as a path toward research and the promotion of science (Floud and Hasley, 1958). Luria and Luria (1970) argue that in today’s technological society, the popular functions of the university, designed to serve the community and society, have developed with great momentum and have drawn closer to the autonomous functions. In their assessment, it is no longer possible for academic institutions to adopt a purely autonomous character, and therefore any attempt to differentiate between autonomous universities and popular colleges along these lines seems unrealistic. In fact, over time (not the least through their involvement as sponsors of the nascent colleges), Israeli universities gained experience with, and a greater awareness of, the strong demand for professional–vocational–academic training courses. As a result, the universities adopted a more comprehensive definition of their role in the higher education system. The universities took on behaviors more akin to the roles of the American community college model, in order to respond to the needs of the nation, and the demand of potential consumers of higher education. At the same time, the colleges developed into more comprehensive undergraduate institu- 382 N. Davidovitch and Y. Iram tions serving a variety of academic vocational–technical and artistic needs. Thus, while the American community colleges were a prototype for the regional colleges in Israel, the latter evolved significantly and assumed tasks and missions of a more academic nature, corresponding to the increasing demand for academic studies both in Israel and worldwide.

Center and Periphery in Israel’s Higher Education System

The use of the terms “center” and “periphery” are categories used in the analysis and comparison of higher education systems and institutions. For example, Altbach (1988) presents an international comparative analysis of higher education system using center–periphery relations, and a distinction between universities “at the center” and universities “at the periphery.” This distinction does not imply geographic or cultural differences, but rather reflects the functions that an institution of higher learning fills in the national and international educational system. At the center are the institutions which are at the forefront of knowledge, and constitute intellectual centers that define trends and models, are equipped with large libraries, and have access to government-supported research funds. In contrast, “peripheral” institutions imitate the trends established by the center institutions, they distribute and disseminate rather than create knowledge, and they do not strive toward academic excellence. Altbach discusses the paradox in that peripheral institutions fill a secondary role in national and international academic systems, yet fill a major role in local education systems due to their superior ability to identify, respond to, and satisfy local social needs. Adopting a slightly different perspective, proponents of the “stratification approach” claim that the expansion of higher education creates a primarily two-tiered hierarchical structure of institutions and the populations they serve, representing two major strata: the first strata of universities, and the second strata of colleges, with each stratum containing subtypes (Yogev, 2000). The first stratum contains a distinction between “elite institutions” (research universities, such as the Technion, Hebrew University, and Tel Aviv University) and newer “special purpose institutions” (such as Bar Ilan University with its orientation toward Judaism and religious studies; or Ben Gurion University, with its social orientation to the needs of the peripheral, underprivileged Negev region). Elite universities strive toward academic excellence, include all areas of research and teaching, and a significant portion of the student body studies toward graduate and postgraduate degrees. In contrast, special purpose universities were established with the specific mission of addressing the academic needs of their respective populations in the north and south, and are more strongly oriented toward professional training. The second group – the colleges – is also characterized by diversity in terms of the student bodies, academic programs, scope of research work and research infrastructure, quality of libraries, and size of classes. The systematic division of labor in the higher education system in Israel has been reinforced by public policy statements and decisions in the last decade, which 21 College–University Dialogue: From Confrontation to Cooperation 383 effectively implied that the higher education system in Israel would henceforth be composed of two levels: the universities which are expected to engage in research and train students for postgraduate work, and the colleges which are expected to focus on undergraduate education and expanding access to higher education of students from the periphery in order to increase equal opportunities to underprivileged sectors. Public policy has cultivated the development of two different “languages of education” which emphasize the differences between the two types of schools. In practice, the CHE approves no research budgets to regional colleges, in contrast to public funding for university research budgets. (The research activities at colleges are funded entirely by competitive grants awarded to faculty.) As a result, colleges remain distinguished from universities in four main areas and retain a strong core of community college features and functions: (a) studies for most master and doctorate degrees take place in universities; (b) extensive research activities take place in universities; (c) colleges usually focus on academic instruction in a limited number of disciplinary faculties compared to universities; (d) universities utilize a core of regular faculty who concentrate on research and teaching, while a very large part of the instruction at colleges is performed by external teachers whose college employment supplements their academic and other work elsewhere. However, this is undoubtedly a dynamic system. Ayalon and Yogev (2002) highlight the competitive aspects of the higher education system in Israel, between elite institutions which attempt to retain their superior status in the system, and the other institutions which continuously strive to improve their status. The state, through the CHE, regulates the dynamics of this competition by controlling the fluidity of shifts from one stratum to another. This has led, as pointed out by other researchers, to the systemic convergence of the higher education system in Israel (Guri-Rosenblit, 1996, 1999) and the prolific interaction between the two types of institutions – universities and (regional) colleges – on the nature and functions of higher education. College administrations opposed structural inequality which they believed would ultimately undermine progress toward genuine equal access and social mobility. College administrations expressed their dissatisfaction over the designation of their institutions as the lower tier in the higher education hierarchy, one designed for peripheral regions, and they responded to the need to provide increased access to different and new populations by duplicating the elitist research university model, rather than establishing a pure community college model. As a result of the incessant aspiration for status, the colleges have adopted many features of the universities, although this has not always been at the expense of retaining their unique community college features. While universities have progressed from autonomous function toward popular function, academic colleges are progressing from dependence to independence and from popular function to autonomous function. Nonetheless, despite the significant increase in the numbers of college students, the character and role of the colleges remains unclear, since they have not yet reached the end of their formative stage of development. Still today the colleges are 384 N. Davidovitch and Y. Iram working to carve out an image for themselves. Obligated to fulfill the social needs of their respective local regions and offer their students the benefits of outstanding instruction and learning, the colleges simultaneously encourage and support research efforts by their senior faculty, in order to gain the academic prestige which students seek.

The Discourse on the Profile of Academic Students: The Issue of Access

The debate concerning higher education is not over its aims, but rather over the need and means of increasing accessibility as part of social justice (Tonks, 1999). The significant global social changes toward equalization and democratization of higher education also affected Israel (Yaoz and Iram, 1987), and opened the gates of universities to social classes which previously were not considered as a source of potential university students. Postsecondary reform proposals aimed to extend access to underrepresented groups according to the following categories: (1) age (more older students); (2) sex (more females); (3) ethnicity (more individuals of Oriental Sephardi origin and Arabs); (4) educational and geographical background (more graduates of poorer schools in development town in the northern and southern peripheries of Israel, whose high school attainments were inadequate for admission into the countries elitist universities); (5) linguistic ability (more graduates of Arab high schools, who were less proficient in Hebrew, the language of university instruction); and (6) local empowerment (more responsiveness to regional and local community needs) (Iram, 1996). This shift of focus from the elites to the masses resulted in a conflict between two sociological schools with regard to the issue of the proper “academic home” for various populations. The “diversity approach” perceives the expansion of higher education to the masses as a process that contributes to social equality, by providing opportunities to a wide and varied array of institutions beside classical research universities and appealing to various and unique student sectors (Dey and Hurtado, 1999; Meek et al., 1996). On the other hand, it has been argued that the massification of higher education is no more than an illusionary opportunity for marginalized populations, and the competition between various institutions has led to different levels of education for different social classes. Although the policy of higher education for the masses was intended to apply the principle of “nation of knowledge” (Breen, 2002), elite groups have a clear advantage over those from the periphery in gaining admission to prestigious schools. As a result, the center remains the center and the periphery remains marginalized (Archer et al., 2003; Dougherty, 1994). In Israel, colleges were established specifically to focus on bachelor’s degrees and serve as a vehicle for equality and social justice, by opening the gates of higher education to students from the peripheries that were disadvantaged in terms of lower SES background, lower high school achievements, and cultural–linguistic 21 College–University Dialogue: From Confrontation to Cooperation 385 disadvantages, all which impeded access to prestigious university education. Yet, interestingly, study findings from Israeli clearly show that implementation of the official policy to extend equal opportunities in the field of education to all citizens, has led to expanded access to higher education through both types of institutions. Both colleges and universities have contributed to greater social equality in access to higher education. At the same time, studies show that different student populations are attracted to different institution types, and students in colleges and universities differed on several dimensions (Davidovitch, 2004; Davidovitch and Iram, 2005). Data confirm that the profile of college students differs from that of their university peers in several respects (CBS, 2002, 2003, 2004). First, the group of older students, over age 30, is almost twice as a large at colleges than at universities (14.0% and 7.5%, respectively) (CBS, 2004). Younger students, aged 19–24, comprise 67.0% of all university students but only 38.0% of college students. College students apparently include a significant group of students who have receive a “second chance” at higher education, after missing out at a younger, more customary age. The second chance is made possible by more lenient terms of admission and more convenient program schedules that colleges offer (CBS, 2002, 19th publication). Second, the number of students of Sephardi origin studying at colleges is greater than the number of Ashkenazi students (CBS, 2002, 19th publication), which confirms that ethnic peripheral groups have utilized the “window of opportunity” provided by the colleges located in the peripheries. Third, approximately three quarters of all students in prestigious high-demand professional programs, such as business management, law, architecture, and engineering, study at colleges rather than universities. Finally, in colleges, the percentage of students from low socioeconomic strata has increased steadily since 1996. These data are consistent with what is termed in the sociology of higher education “maximally maintained inequality” (MMI) (Raftery and Hout, 1993). This theory rejects the premise that the development of educational systems reduces social gaps. Various studies have confirmed that moves to expand higher education have led to increased registration of center groups in more prestigious high-demand schools and subjects, and not of underprivileged groups (Davies and Guppy, 1997; Karen, 2002). This tendency has also been confirmed in Israel, where higher education opportunities are more broadly utilized by center rather than periphery groups, even after the growth of academic colleges (Ayalon and Addi-Roccah, 2003). Unlike rejected university applicants from periphery groups, applicants from center groups have the financial resources to apply to expensive private colleges (Shavit et al., 2003). Students of middle and upper-middle socioeconomic groups were also found to comprise an absolute majority at academic colleges. In 2000 they comprised 87.6% of all college students (Davidovitch, 2004). Thus, members of center groups better utilize the new opportunities provided by expansion of the network of higher education. The emerging situation indicates increasing representation of all population sectors in all academic institutions. However the policy of decelerating university growth and referral of most of the increase to regional colleges amplifies the competition for the limited number of places at universities in general, and in the more 386 N. Davidovitch and Y. Iram sought-after programs in particular (Lev Zion, 2000). In the absence of planned policy, for example, through accelerated scholastic programs at the high-school level in peripheral regions, most of the student population in these programs will continue to come from more well-established Israeli social classes, a situation which might exacerbate existing social gaps, despite the CHE’s perception of higher education as a tool for its elimination.

Dominant Paradigms of Convergence

Institutions of higher education have adapted their curricula to the changing needs and demands of the population (Yaoz and Iram, 1987), reflecting developments in the philosophy of education in general and changes in Israeli society in particular, as well as changing conceptions of science, society, and the role of the individual. The discourse between universities and colleges on curriculum development is illuminated by a review of some of the developments of institutions of higher education over time, which show increasing convergence over time.

Disciplinary Instruction and Multidisciplinary Instruction

With the establishment of the colleges, multidisciplinary courses were founded for their students, but these liberal arts programs became stigmatized as programs targeting students who were unqualified to specialize in a specific discipline, consistent with the traditional prevalent research orientation. At Bar-Ilan University, for example, students studying at university-sponsored colleges were admitted to a General BA program; for marketing reasons, in order to recruit more students interested in specializing, this program became known as a “multidisciplinary program.” This was an attempt to satisfy students’ demand for a general liberal arts program without detracting from the prestige of the parent university. For the universities, developing extensive interdisciplinary studies and adopting a variety of new study approaches was motivated by a change in educational concept that was contrary to their traditional orientation toward disciplinary studies and specialization (Zilberstein and Sabar Ben-Yehoshua, 1999). Thus, the universities also adopted the multidisciplinary approach partly in response to social and cultural processes that occurred in Israeli society and affected higher education, and embraced the multidisciplinary concept of studies as a response to keep apace with new perceptions of society and the role of the individual in society. These multidisciplinary programs responded to the social and cultural processes that occurred in Israeli society by integrating compulsory program components, dictated by the CHE, with more discretionary components, leading to increasing diversity in higher education. Rubinstein (2001) discusses this issue and notes several arguments in support of his claim that the transition from monistic perceptions of disciplinary 21 College–University Dialogue: From Confrontation to Cooperation 387 instruction to multidisciplinary studies enables the educational system to respond to social changes, to consider their nature and re-clarify its place as an agent of socialization. In fact, Lev Zion (2000) claims that universal accessibility implies curricular diversity. Interestingly, the universities transformed interdisciplinary programs, which were originally considered “inferior” programs for students who lacked the qualifications to be admitted in a specialization program, into a contemporary component of their elitist offering, corresponding to global trends in higher education. In response, colleges also elevated the admission requirements for these interdisciplinary programs, which were now seen as contributing to the institution’s prestige. In addition to multidisciplinary degrees which were similar in nature to a liberal arts degree in US colleges, universities also developed genuine interdisciplinary research collaborations and programs maintained by the universities. Thus, for example, Ben-Gurion University opened courses combining studies from different disciplines. In fields that had no teaching activity, the tendency was to create a team of researchers from different departments to promote joint goals. The faculty created interdisciplinary research and teaching centers, such as the Center for Labor Relations and the Center for Research of Single-Parent Families. To maintain their elitist status and their distinction from colleges, universities have continued to develop new research areas such as the human brain, artificial intelligence, or cultural studies, reflecting a multidisciplinary approach that utilizes the specialization and skills of many researchers, whose knowledge and personal experience are joined together in an effort to achieve a breakthrough in development, teaching, and research of new fields. These new fields have become the universities’ most prestigious programs, commanding extremely high admission standards.

The Role of “Theory” and “Practice” in Academic Institutions

Higher education in general has shifted from imparting higher education per se to imparting a profession; from perceiving an education as an end, to perceiving an education as a means; from supporting study for the sake of learning – expanding the mind and the value of inquiry and discovery – to technological studies and utilitarian/applied science (Pazi, 2002); from studies that value excellence to an educational system in which social equality reigns supreme (Schmida, 1987). Today higher education institutions are expected to be involved in solving the problems of society, and also support research and practices that are relevant to contemporary social issues. Society expects a system of higher education that is responsive to national needs, and able to train professionals who will promote national interests and establish the necessary professional, technological, and intellectual foundation necessary for development, optimization, and modernization. Society expects institutions of higher education and academic faculty to be 388 N. Davidovitch and Y. Iram

profoundly involved in the problems of society, and ensure that higher education and research remain relevant to the needs of society. Dror (1996), discussing the establishment of Haifa University, addresses the debate over the ultimate role of universities. Some see the great victory of education in its process of becoming utilitarian and in society’s recognition of it as such, while others cling to the view that education for the sake of knowledge has permanent significance. According to this view, the university represents a value that is not only social or professional in essence. For others, the word “university” symbolizes something lofty and special, specifically the freedom from the obligation to use knowledge for practical needs, the ability to see beyond the horizon, and an unreserved loyalty to theory per se (Dror, 1996). In Israel, both universities and colleges accepted expectations of social relevance by shifting from a concept of “knowledge for the sake of knowledge” to a concept of “knowledge for the sake of action.” To satisfy the demands of their applicants, colleges focused on instruction in applied sciences and professions while leaving sciences and scientific research to the universities. Colleges developed engineering studies, programs in the natural sciences, nursing, paramedical professions, social work, advanced studies, and interdisciplinary fields, in response to demand among populations which in the past were not part of higher education. Colleges receive funding from the CHE for new programs on the basis of the (projected) number of students in each program. Accelerated by developments in colleges, universities also embraced two types of changes toward a more practical orientation to curricula. First, universities transformed certain study programs into professional training schools (Dror, 1996); and second, more fields of knowledge acquired the status of university study subjects. The roots of this process can be traced to 1963, when universities amended their study programs and transformed the nature of the Israeli bachelor’s degree from a research-oriented degree to a degree aimed at general education and the acquisition of a profession. Universities responded to society’s need for a more practical orientation by developing practical-oriented programs, mainly in the humanistic and social sciences such as education, social work, and business administration, as well as paramedical professions such as pharmacology, communication disorders, and nursing. The applied aspect of these programs became attractive for students, and contributed to the professional schools’ reputation perceived by the students (Mizrahi, 1994). The academic institutionalization of these courses fulfilled an urgent local need and the social preference for this field in the university curriculum. As a result of the tendency toward professions with an immediate benefit, applied research became also an important element in universities’ activities, and has remained so to this day. The academization of practical-oriented study courses illustrates the integration of practice and theory, of the field and academia, in response to social and national needs that characterized the national higher system from the outset. Once universities harnessed themselves to the needs of society, the conflict between uni- 21 College–University Dialogue: From Confrontation to Cooperation 389 versities, which represent freedom from the obligation to use knowledge for practical needs, and society, which searches for solutions to its urgent problems, became blurred. Furthermore, the integration of professional schools within research universities (such as the School of Education which trained teachers, or the School of Pharmacy) blurred the boundaries between theoretically oriented academic programs and practical training in these institutions. The orientation toward utilitarian studies at universities also reinforced ties between study programs and national aims and interests. For example, departments of natural science and engineering established contacts with representatives of industries and national industrial development interest and projects. Many universities felt that they were on a mission in integrating practice and research, and this led to a desire to strengthen their ties with their immediate geographic regions. For example, the heads of the Ben Gurion University of the Negev perceived the significance of establishing a school for engineering sciences that would strongly connect the students to the needs of Israeli industry in the area and encourage their interest in the problems of minerals and their utilization, in the development of the chemical industry, and the introduction of new methods to promote local industry. This was also true of the departments of the humanities and the social sciences, particularly the departments of education and social work, which were integrated and involved in the problems of society in general and the problems of Beer-Sheva in particular (Hadari and Tal, 1979). Today, universities in Israel engage simultaneously in all fields. On the one hand they offer popular higher education, including professional training in semi-professional fields. On the other hand they serve as centers of scholarship and research in all academic domains. Initially universities used extra-academic units, such as advanced studies sections and diploma studies, for this purpose. Thus both types of institutions – universities and colleges – have developed an increasingly professional orientation, and both types of institutions may be characterized by their overall balance between theory and practice. Universities and colleges currently serve a population of students with varied educational and occupational plans. Some have research designs, some have specific professional goals, and some seek a general education. In contrast to the higher education trends in the 1950s in Israel, today both universities and colleges offer studies in theoretical sciences and practical professions although with different relative emphases on science and professional training. These emphases define the individual nature of each institution, rather than each type of institution. Similarly to the universities, the colleges have been always responsive to national employment opportunities and needs. The colleges also devoted significant resources to develop programs of study on par with those offered at universities, and ensure a similar standard of instruction. In response to pressure by the colleges, the CHE has approved a series of changes which ultimately work toward the obliteration of the divide between universities and colleges and create equivalence between college and universities degrees. For example, in the 1980s, colleges upgraded B.Tech. degrees, which they were originally certified to award, to B.Sc. degrees, which correspond to degrees in 390 N. Davidovitch and Y. Iram the sciences awarded by universities. The CHE also announced, in the late 1990s, that colleges could offer graduate degree programs, defining the conditions for accreditation of such programs. After several years of intensive investments, various colleges initiated graduate programs, including master degree programs in psychology (Tel Aviv Jaffa College and Judea and Samaria), electronics and electrical engineering, social work, and business administration (Judea and Samaria). Initially the graduate programs in the colleges were in no-thesis tracks, although thesis tracks were introduced in 2004, further blurring the differences between the degrees awarded by colleges and universities, and between the institutions themselves. Through its actions to obtain national accreditation and equality for all academic degrees awarded by colleges and universities, the colleges’ mission was to create genuine equality of education and facilitate social mobility. Preliminary studies of student profiles at colleges and universities (Guri-Rosenblit, 1996, 1999; Israeli, 1997; Lev Zion, 2000, 2002) confirm that colleges have expanded access to higher education, although it is yet early to assess the long-term effects of this change.

Teaching-Focused and Research-Focused Institutions

PBC funding policy for the various types of institutions of higher education implemented the CHE’s designation of regional colleges as teaching-focused institutions. Over time, financing became the main instrument for implementing the distinction between research-oriented institutions (universities) and teaching-oriented institutions (colleges), primarily because the most significant budgetary expenditure for higher education is the employment of senior faculty members with university rankings (Rubinstein, 1994). Research-oriented institutions allegedly require a larger employment budget because the main demand of their academic faculty is research distinction, manifested by scientific publications. In order to enable university faculty members to focus on research, their teaching loads are reduced and they are eligible for research funds and sabbaticals, which leads to the need for a greater number of faculty members. While the CHE allots the same budget to instructors in colleges and universities, in practice, college instructors are required to devote more time to frontal teaching. University instructors also receive preferential sabbatical and vacation terms. Parenthetically we note that the colleges attracted a different type of instructor. In the colleges, the kernel of faculty members and professionals from the region with a pioneering spirit who sought to leave universities hothouses and practice a different kind of academic education – retirees of university faculties, new immigrants, scientists from former Soviet Union countries (the Ministry of Absorption offered grants and funds to accept and employ new immigrants in colleges), and recent doctoral program graduates (the universities did not have enough positions for all their graduates). The colleges mainly comprise instructors who seek to become part of a young faculty and department, and develop with the department. Many felt they had a greater chance of making a difference in a younger, more flexible institution as a college rather than by joining a university faculty. 21 College–University Dialogue: From Confrontation to Cooperation 391

This policy reflects the CHE’s preferential treatment of universities, conceptualized as the foundation of the system of higher education and the producers of scientific knowledge according to criteria recognized by the global scientific community. According to public policy, universities are thus imposed with the task of disseminating this knowledge to the other institutions of higher education, and training faculty and students intending to engage in research and research- dependent teaching on various levels and in various settings. However, the first change in this public policy is reflected in the “Report of the commission for determining employment terms of academic teaching faculty at regional colleges” (CHE, 1992). This report blurred the distinctions between research-oriented universities and teaching-oriented colleges by determining that although the teaching burden of faculty members is expected to be higher at colleges in comparison to universities, their scientific achievements and contributions to the profession would also be considered in their promotion decisions. Colleges would strive to perform research activities within their own facilities, as far as possible. This report represented a breakthrough for college faculty and a departure from the initial intentions of the CHE to cultivate regional colleges as academic–professional institutions that give highest priority to teaching while drawing research knowledge from the universities (Hershkowitz, 1997). Notably, to reduce the debate over which academic institutions would be considered research-focused and which would be considered non-research, in 1999 the Israeli Institute of Democracy proposed the establishment of a general research authority that would be composed of domain-specific research councils, each responsible for research proposals from all institutions, based on similar bodies existing in Britain, the United States, and France. Under this arrangement, institutions would be distinguished on the basis of the size of their research budget rather than their designation as a university of college. Also in response to the Report, colleges have developed their own research orientation in the last decade. Affiliations between several regional colleges and universities and research institutes have led to economic enterprises and publicly funded institutions that serve as sources of innovative information and knowledge. The colleges now maintain their own research authorities which provide support to faculty seeking to increase their involvement in teaching and research. Colleges have fostered the development of researchers with an applied orientation and support programs that contribute to regional development, such as joint economic ventures, technological incubators, and centers for entrepreneurs. Nonetheless, although the CHE succeeded in changing the dominant paradigm regarding separation of research and teaching, public policy on this subject regarding colleges has not been consistent. “The sub-committee for examining the colleges,” which examined the situation at the College of Ashkelon, stated that colleges should not be allowed to maintain research foundations. According to Kaveh (2000) the objection to colleges’ plans to establish research centers is budgetary rather than a matter of principle. Today, despite the lack of national funding for research in colleges, most colleges engage in research. Colleges have recognized that it is impossible to offer academic programs and degrees that are truly equal to those in universities without the foundation 392 N. Davidovitch and Y. Iram of research. For example, college faculty compete for national and international research grants; colleges organize and participate in national and international conferences and have participated and established collaboration with national R&D centers, especially in their respective regions. Examples of regional-based collaborations include joint work by the College of Judea and Samaria and Center of R&D for Judea and Samaria; and the collaboration of Western Galilee College and Research Authority of Western Galilee. Furthermore, college administrations encourage their faculty to invest efforts in research by using research achievements as a criteria for faculty assessment and remuneration. In summary, the dramatic changes in the system are reflected primarily in the universities which came with a long-standing tradition of research, and institutional paradigms. Colleges were established in response to social demographic changes, with the intention that the colleges would exclusively meet the needs of the changing demographics. The fascinating feature of the developments in the system of higher education in Israel is that the changes were not contained exclusively within the new college institutions. Instead, triggered by these local demographic changes, an unexpected dialogue evolved between the long-standing traditional research universities, and the younger colleges.

Academic and Nonacademic Functions

Traditionally, colleges offered diverse combinations of academic and nonacademic programs, initially focusing on pre-academic preparatory courses, schools for practical engineers, and professional training settings; different weights are allocated to the academic versus nonacademic activities that each college offers. Colleges developed academic programs at a latter stage, under the auspices of universities and finally opened independent programs (Iram, 1996). This three-staged development created in the colleges organizational, academic patterns, and procedures that became embedded as an integral part of college administration. With government support of academization of colleges in the 1990s, the prestige of the regional colleges as academic institutions rose. Gradually, academic studies overshadowed nonacademic courses in several colleges. Israeli (1997) noted several reasons for this development: (1) the increasing prestige of the academic study programs; (2) the increasing demand for academic studies at the colleges; (3) CHE policy of expanding access by modifying admission requirements in all fields of study, with few exceptions including medicine and veterinary studies (Israel Government, Decision no. 3964, September 28, 1994, section A); (4) the desire to cultivate a unique core of senior teaching faculty and a supportive administrative staff at each college. CHE regulations, such as Amendment 10 (1995), called for all types of academic institutions to comply with identical requirements (such as the requirement to employ lecturers who have Ph.D.s and who do research) and led to greater similarity in the organizational and administrative structure of two types of institutions. CHE policy (March 29, 2001), however, also acknowledged the unique needs of various target populations and the need to pay special attention to students in 21 College–University Dialogue: From Confrontation to Cooperation 393 general and to provide assistance to underprivileged sectors to enable them to benefit maximally from the various options offered by higher education. In effect, prioritization of academic development “at the expense” of local or nonacademic activities is based on the unique policy of each college, rather than a result of specific public policy. In fact, in some colleges the number of students in nonacademic tracks remains higher than the number of students in academic courses, which is not surprising in view of the fact that the colleges developed from their nonacademic track and progressed on to the academic axis.

Colleges Step Toward Academic Independence

Originally established under the patronage and responsibility of universities, today colleges are striding toward full academic independence. While patron universities sought to maintain strict control of the sponsored programs, the newly established colleges gradually sought to modify these programs in response to the special needs of the regional student population and their faculty. As colleges grew stronger, its leaders felt that the academic prestige provided by the parent university acted as a double-edged sword: the universities tightened their control and dictated the direction and rate of growth of the colleges, expecting colleges to remain as their offshoots and develop strictly in the original intentions of their university sponsors. Over time, after the initial sponsorship effectively contributed to the prestige of the regional colleges, these colleges broke free of the university sponsorship and developed independent study programs in which students earned college degrees rather than degrees from the sponsor university. Thus, while the original aim of the sponsor universities was to respond to regional needs for higher education through the colleges, the colleges themselves set their sights on a grander goal: full independence and equal status with the universities. From the late 1970s, the idea of granting autonomous status to all institutions of higher education became the declared policy of the Ministry of Education (Zilberstein and Sabar Ben-Yehoshua, 1999). This came in response to major developments in the Israeli society, including waves of immigration from North Africa, the Soviet Union, and Ethiopia, and a growing awareness of the significance of cultivating social and cultural diversity. By awarding autonomy, the system sought to reinforce the independence of the institutions of higher education, while providing them with the responsibility to realize their social goals (Gordon , 1990). The orientation toward institutional autonomy was supported by several factors including the democratization of western society in general and in Israel in particular – reinforcement of the educational concept that the institution or organization is the main focus and the major factor in any process of change (Friedman, 1990), increasing awareness that a centralized educational system cannot provide all the different needs of social groups (Heiman et al., 1994; Sabar Ben-Yehoshua, 2002), and concern for the status of faculty members. 394 N. Davidovitch and Y. Iram

Most colleges view the transition to full independence as an inevitable process, consistent with CHE policy to accelerate colleges’ development toward independence, revoking the academic sponsorship and responsibility of the parent universities (CHE, 2000, 2003; Israeli, 1997). Still, several different college models currently exist in Israel, reflecting varying degrees of academic independence. • Independent colleges offering independent study courses without university patronage. They award their own degrees. • Colleges under the academic patronage and responsibility of a parent university which acts as a physical and budgetary sponsor for academic studies. • Colleges integrating study courses under university patronage and responsibility, with independent study courses. Alongside their own independent programs, such colleges offer academic programs that the patron university has no interest or ability to cultivate. In July 2007, a new model was officially added to this list when the College of Judea & Samaria was recognized as the Ariel University Center, Samaria. The Ariel University Center is the first, and currently the sole, institution to receive such designation. This status reflects an intermediate phase of development toward full independence and university status, which will be awarded when a number of conditions are met, such as increase number of faculty, expand library, and expand the scope of publications by faculty. Interestingly, these college models do note strictly differ in terms of the intensity of their community-orientation. Decisions regarding community collaboration, offering educational opportunities to all sectors of the community, and integration in local community affairs are at the discretion of each individual institution. The continued development of Israeli regional colleges in particular and of institutions of higher education in general has now reached a crossroad. The colleges provide a response to national in addition to regional needs. Although a renewed examination of the various institutions’ unique characters and funding needs is necessary, the final decision on the future of the higher education system in Israel will probably take time. Any restructuring of Israel’s system higher education must take into account the role of public colleges as a fair and equal alternative to the universities.

Conclusions: At the Crossroads Between Universities and Colleges

Academic systems involve three types of battles – the struggle for entry into the system, or accreditation; the struggle for ranking, that is for a place on the continuity between leading and marginal institutions, or between center and peripheral institutions; and finally, the struggle for functionality in the system. In Israel of the first decade of the twenty-first century, the monopoly of universities on these battlefields of higher education is now being challenged. The 21 College–University Dialogue: From Confrontation to Cooperation 395

Interdisciplinary Center in Herzliya and the Academic College of Netanya are currently demanding to be recognized as universities; the College of Judea & Samaria in Ariel has recently received recognition as a “university center” – an entirely new type of higher education institution. The demand of the colleges for equal academic status raises several fundamental questions for the system such as, what is a university. Can and should a college transform into a university? The colleges claim that the original goal in establishing colleges was not to establish inferior institutions focused on teaching, but rather create institutions that would eventually engage in research at the highest standard. Not only do most of the college heads and their founding faculty come from the universities, colleges currently conduct intensive research activities. College leaders further claim that a university reality has effectively developed on their college campuses. The colleges claim that CHE’s refusal to grant university status is arbitrary, pointing to the case of Bar-Ilan University which was established in 1956 with 200 students as a university from its first day – despite its lack of proper faculty or facilities. University leaders, however, are reluctant to relinquish their hegemony in the higher education system. They claim that opening additional universities not only does not fulfill a real need, it might even cause a downgrading in the quality of scientific research due to the budgetary scarcity of higher education that would be allocated among a greater number of institutions. The proponents of this view are concerned that as a result of the limited national resources available, ultimately no institution will receive sufficient support to maintain excellence in research and teaching. The budgetary argument is however rejected by the colleges, especially since several colleges have neither sought nor received state funds for their independence. In fact, when the CHE promised that colleges would be established in the 1990s, the CHE determined that the colleges would not receive research funding, and investments in research would be limited to the universities. Recently, a CHE subcommittee comprised of university faculty members, recommended elevating certain colleges to the status of “university centers,” a type of institution that hitherto did not exist in Israel, and which would function as an intermediate level between colleges and universities. Following this recommendation, the CHE, with the intervention of the Minister of Education, who was also chairperson of the CHE subcommittee, appointed a commission to draft procedures for the transition of an institution from a college to a university status. These actions reflected CHE recognition of the need to finally develop an official definition of universities – a concept never before legally defined in Israel, and as such the subcommittee’s recommendation may be viewed as the culmination of several decades of the college–university dialogue in Israel. It will be interesting to see whether and to what extent will the CHE accept and apply the recommendations of its subcommittee, in view of CHE’s consistent insistence on a division between colleges and universities. This chapter explored the ongoing dialogue between institutions of higher education in Israel, specifically between universities and colleges, from a 396 N. Davidovitch and Y. Iram

historical–comparative perspective on these institutions’ aim of meeting needs of students and society, their objectives, the attributes of the students studying there, the curricula, and their organizational structure (Miller, 1990). The dialogue between universities and colleges indicates that higher education is closely aligned with the social and national developments in Israel over time (Eisenstadt, 1989). Did these changes intensify the discourse between the various institutions or was dialogue reduced as leaders of higher education entrenched themselves in their separate institutions? Guri-Rosenblit (1996, 1999) claims that developments in Israeli higher education since the 1990s have created a more extensive and collaborative dialogue between the universities and the colleges. While some scholars claim that the differences between these two types of institutions are reflected in a second-rate higher education allegedly being provided by the colleges (Swirski and Swirski, 1998), and that colleges have become stigmatized as second-rate universities, with limited resources and a lower status than universities (Sherman, 1995), our study shows that the development trends of Israeli universities and regional colleges reflect a prolific reciprocal discourse and cross-pollination between these two types of institutions. While universities have progressed from autonomous toward popular functions, academic colleges are progressing from dependence to independence and from popular function to autonomous function. Although the three goals of higher education, research, instruction, and community service have remained in place, different institutions are placing different emphases on each, creating a diverse range of variants of higher education institutions, though not a system that can be recognized as being strictly divided into two categories – colleges and universities. The open system approach (Bertalanffy, 1968) may contribute to an exploration of dilemmas involved in this development process. This approach states that all organic systems exchange information and energy with their environments (Kast and Rosenzweig, 1985). Organizational systems differ in their readiness to interact with their surroundings and in their ability to adapt to changing circumstances. According to this approach, it is possible to describe the changes encountered by universities as a transition from a relatively closed system to a more open system, notable for the greater permeability of organizational boundaries. Based on such an interpretation, this transition might provide opportunities for growth and development but also entails risks of loss of identity and uniqueness of institutions. Although our analysis illustrates that the original differences between colleges and universities, and the exclusivity of universities has become blurred in several areas, the system’s mechanisms support retention of the unique character in individual institutions, just as it is gradually developing as a monistic structure. Unification does not imply that the unique attributes of these institutions are becoming obliterated – rather, the uniqueness of the colleges and universities lies in their offering diverse and meaningful answers to society’s diverse needs. The historical–comparative analysis that explores the trends in the development of the dialogue between the various institutions of higher education in Israel is important for assessing future scenarios in the development of higher education in Israel. We hope that the developments analyzed in this chapter will stimulate further 21 College–University Dialogue: From Confrontation to Cooperation 397 studies comparing the types of academic institutions in additional areas such as: comparisons of specific program and curricula in universities and colleges, university and college graduates, students’ achievements in two institutions following the same programs. Insights on such issues are important for understanding how to map the different institutions of higher learning onto the market of higher education, based on an in-depth understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of each institution and the basis for competition among them.

References

Allen, C.M., & Allen, W.B. (2003). Habits of Mind. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publications. Altbach, P. G. (1998). The university as center and periphery. In P. G. Altbach (Ed.), Comparative higher education (pp. 29–54). Hong Kong: Comparative Education Research Center, University of Hong Kong. Archer, L., Hutchings, M., & Ross, A. with Leathwood, C., Gilchrist, R., & Phillips, D. (2003). “ ‘Higher education and social class – Issues of exclusion and inclusion’ – Review Symposium,” Widening Participation and Lifelong Learning, 5, 1 (April). Ayalon, H., & Addi-Roccah, A. (2003). Students, schools and post-secondary enrollment: A contextual approach. Paper presented at a meeting of the International Sociological Association, Tokyo, March. Ayalon, H., & Yogev, A. (2002). A window to the academic dream – social implications of the expansion of higher education in Israel. Department of Sociology and Anthropology, and the School of Education, Tel Aviv University. [Hebrew] Bertalanffy, L.V. (1968). General systems theory. New-York: Basiluer. Breen, J. (2002). Higher Education in Australia: Structure, Policy and Debate. Melbourne, Australia: Monash University. Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS) (2002). Academic Colleges – 1996, 2000, 2001 (19th Publication). Jerusalem: CBS. [Hebrew] Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS) (2003). Statistical Almanac of Israel No. 54. Jerusalem: CBS. Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS) (2004). Students in universities and other institutions of higher education 5763. Press release 209/2004. Jerusalem, p. 5. CHE (2000). Multi-annual program for planning higher edu cation in Israel 2002–2006. Planning and Budget Committee. [Hebrew] CHE (2003). The Planning & Budget Committee, “Data on the higher education system,” in Report No. 28/29 for the years 2000/01 and 2001/02, Jerusalem. CHE Act, Amendment no. 10. Council of Higher Education Act – 1958, Amendment No. 10 (1995) CHE (1992). Report of the Committee on determining terms of employment for academic faculty in regional colleges. Jerusalem. [Hebrew] Davidovitch, N. (2004). “Developmental trends of regional colleges and implications for the higher education system in Israel.” Doctoral dissertation, School of Education, Bar Ilan University, Ramat Gan, Israel. Davidovitch, N., & Iram, Y. (2005). “Higher education at a crossroad – The contribution of regional colleges to higher education in Israel.” In Ilan Gur-Ze’ev (ed.), Studies in Education, pp. 312–359. Haifa: Faculty of Education, Haifa University. ISSN 0793-4637. Davies, S., & Guppy, N. (1997). “Fields of study, college selectivity and student inequalities in higher education,” Social Forces, 75, 1417–1438. Dey, E.L., & Hurtado, S. (1999). “Students, colleges and society: Considering the interconnections.” In P.G. Altbach, R.Q. Berdahl, and P.J. Gumport (eds.), American Higher Education in 398 N. Davidovitch and Y. Iram

the Twenty-First Century: Social, Political and Economic Challenges, pp. 282–322. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. Dougherty, J. (1994). The Contradictory College: The Conflicting Origins, Impacts and Features of the Community College. Albany, NY: SUNY Press. Dror, Y. (1996). The university school – Between academia and the field, the emergence of the School of Education in Haifa University 5724–5743. Hamadiya-Oranim. [Hebrew] Eden, S. (1991). Chapters on Curricula. Jerusalem: Pedagogic Administration, Division of Curricula, Ministry of Education and Culture. [Hebrew] Eisenstadt, S.N. (1989). Changing Israeli society. Jerusalem: Magnes Publications, Hebrew University [Hebrew] Floud, J., & Hasley, A. (1958). “The sociology of education – A trend report and bibliography,” Current Sociology, 8, 3. Friedman, Y. (1990). “Meanings and focusing in autonomy.” In Y. Friedman (ed.), Autonomy in Education – Conceptual Frameworks and Practical Processes, pp. 32–44. Jerusalem: Szold Institute. [Hebrew] Gordon, D. (1990). The autonomy of the student and the autonomous school, in: Y. Friedman (ed.), Autonomy in Education – Conceptual Frameworks and Practical Processes, pp. 45–57. Jerusalem: Szold Institute. [Hebrew] Greenwald, A. (December 2000). Second session: Opening the gates of higher education – Considerations of public policy. Position paper submitted at the third annual convention “Besha’ar”: Window to the academic dream, Tel Aviv. [Hebrew] Guri-Rosenblit, S. (1996). “Trends in access to Israeli higher education, 1981–1996: From privilege to right,” European Journal of Education, 19, 309–325. Guri-Rosenblit (1999). “Changing boundaries in Israeli higher education,” Mediterranean Journal of Educational Studies, 4(2), 91–114. Hadari, V., & Tal., H. (1979). Chapters in the History of the University. Beer Sheva: Ben Gurion University. [Hebrew] Heiman, P., Posner, Y., & Shapira, R. (1994). “On the road to school autonomy – Survey of autonomous approaches in the Israeli educational system.” In R. Shapira, R. Green, and Y. Danilov (eds.), School Autonomy – The Application and Its Lesson, pp. 175–186. Jerusalem: Ministry of Education, Pedagogic Office. [Hebrew] Hershkovitz, S. (1997). The higher education system in Israel – Trends and developments. Jerusalem: The Council for Higher Education. Hershkovitz, S. (2000). Commission for Higher Education, Planning and Budgeting Committee. Expanding Access to Higher Education, Jerusalem. [Hebrew] Hurovitz, T., & Wolensky, A. (1997). From a monolithic to a pluralistic system – Processes of change in the higher education system in Israel (1948-1996). In A. Peled (ed.). Jubilee of the Israeli education system (pp. 911-937). Jerusalem: Ministry of Education, Culture and Sport. Iram, Y. (1978). “The influence of higher education traditions on the academic path of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem,” Studies in Education, 28, 123–130. [Hebrew] Iram, Y. (1996) “Michlalot Ezoriot – Regional colleges in Israel: Challenges, promises and prospects of an alternative model in higher education”. In R. Latiner Raby and N. Tarrow (eds.), Dimensions of the Community College: International, Intercultural and Multicultural Perspectives, pp. 291–301. New York: Garland Publishing. Israeli, A. (1997). Master Plan: The Regional Colleges in Israel. Jerusalem: Mashov – Applied Research, Planning and Consultancy for Educational, Welfare and Labor Systems. Karen, D. (2002). “Changes in access to higher education in the United States, 1820–1992,” Sociology of Education, 75, 191–210. Kast, F.E., & Rosenzweig, J.E. (1985). Organization and Management: A System and Contingency Approach. New York: McGraw-Hill. Kaveh, M. (2000). How to climb the ivory tower, at the gates of the universities: On access and affirmative action. Position Paper presented at Bashaar Conference, Academic Community for Israeli Society, Tel Aviv. [Hebrew] 21 College–University Dialogue: From Confrontation to Cooperation 399

Lev Zion, N. (2000). The revolution of higher education in Israel, budgeting policy of higher education institutions in the next decade. Position paper submitted to Maari’v Conference, Tel Aviv, June. [Hebrew] Lev Zion, N. (2002). The Quality Model of the Planning and Budget Committee. September 12, 2002, Jerusalem: Council of Higher Education. [Hebrew] Luria, S.E., & Luria, Z. (1970). The role of the university: Ivory tower, service station, or frontier post? Daedalus, 99, 75–83. Meek, L., Goedegebuure, L., Kivinen, O., & Rinne, R. (eds.) (1996). The Mockers and the Mocked: Comparative Perspectives on Differentiation, Convergence and Diversity in Higher Education. Oxford: Pergamon. Miller, R.I. (1990). Major American Higher Education Issues and Challenges in the 1990s. London: Jessica Kingsley. Mizrahi, Y. (1994). The History of the Tension Between General High Liberal Education and Higher Education as Specialization in Disciplines, and an Examination of the Potential for Balancing Curricular Programs in Regional Colleges. Jerusalem: The School for Educational Leadership. Morrison, T. (1998). Welcome to the World: Quality, Higher Education and Change. Réduit, Republic of Mauritius: Mauritius Institute of Education. OECD (2003). Education at a glance. www.oecd.org/document, accessed: April 2, 2004. Pazi, A. (2002). “Universities under siege”. Basha’ar, Brochures on behalf of the Academic Community for Society in Israel (Issue 18), Tel Aviv. [Hebrew]. Raftery, A., & Hout, M. (1993). “Maximally maintained inequality: Expansion, reform and opportunity in Irish Education, 1921–1975,” Sociology of Education, 66, 41–62. Rubinstein, A. (1994). Salutations of the Minister to the Regional Colleges. Davidovitch, N. (2004). Developmental trends of regional colleges and implications for the higher education system in Israel. Doctoral dissertation, School of Education, Bar Ilan University. [Hebrew] Rubinstein, A. (2001) “The Voice of the Colleges,” Ha’aretz, November 7. Sabar Ben-Yehoshua, N. (2002). “Values under assessment: Facilitators’ dilemmas in assessing higher education students.” In N. Maslovati and Y. Iram (eds.), Moral Education in Diverse Instructional Contexts, pp. 295–311. Ramot: Tel Aviv University. Schmida, M. (1987). Between Equality and Excellence: Educational Reforms and the Comprehensive School. Ramat-Gan: Bar-Ilan University Press. [Hebrew] Shavit, Y., Bolotin-Chachashvili, S., Ayalon, H., & Menachem, G. (2003). Diversification, Expansion, and Inequality in Israeli Higher Education. Tel Aviv: The Pinhas Sapir Center for Development, Tel Aviv University. [Hebrew] Sherman, N. (1995). The expansion of higher education and regional colleges in Israel. A research report submitted to the Ministry of Science. Rehovot: Development Study Center. [Hebrew] Sinuany-Stern, Z. (1991). Models of Academic Administration. Beer Sheva: Ben-Gurion University. [Hebrew] Soen, D. (2005). From Welfare State to Social Darwinism: Stratified Division in Israel. Azur: Cherikover Publishers. [Hebrew] Swirski, S., & Swirski, B. (1998). Higher Education in Israel. Tel Aviv: Adva Center. The Curriculum, Academic Studies at the Regional Colleges, 2000. [Hebrew] Tonks, D. (1999). “Access to higher education, 1991–1998: Using geodemographics,” Widening Participation and Lifelong Learning, 1, 2 (August). Trow, M. (1970). “Reflections on the transition from mass to universal higher education,” Daedalus, Journal of the American Academy, Winter, 1–42. Trow, M. (1972). “The expansion and transformation of higher education,” International Review of Education, 18, 61–64. UNESCO (2003). Worldwide Action in Education: Statistics on Education, www.unesco.org/ education/eduprog/brochure/018.html Yaoz, H., & Iram, Y. (1987). “Changes in literature curricula – a comparative study,” Iyunim B’hinuch, 46, 47, 152–170. [Hebrew] 400 N. Davidovitch and Y. Iram

Yogev, A. (2000). “The stratification of Israeli universities: Implications for higher education policy.” Higher Education, 40(2), 183–201. Zilberstein, M., & Sabar Ben-Yehoshua, N. (1999). “From uniformity to differentiation: The development of curriculum planning in Israel.” In A. Peled (ed.), Jubilee of the Education System in Israel, Vol. A, pp. 193–204. Jerusalem: Ministry of Education, Culture and Sport. [Hebrew] Chapter 22 “Reverse Transfer” Constraints upon Planning Post secondary Programs in Ontario, Canada

David N. Wilson

Introduction

Last year,1 thought that I had “discovered” a new phenomenon in Ontario Colleges of Applied Arts and Technology (CAATs) enrollment: university graduates who had enrolled in CAATs programs which they perceived would give them better access to employment. In my research, I discovered that “reverse transfer” phenomenon was not a new problem and that there were numerous publications – albeit rather obscure – on the topic. The most critical lack is of data adequately describing the extent and direction of the phenomenon. Anecdotal responses to enquiries made by the author on several computer listservers dealing with occupational training have indicated that this phenomenon is a world wide trend, rather than uniquely Ontario, or Canadian, and yet remains not very well documented. In fact, most of the existing studies have been undertaken in the United States, with only a few studies in Canada and virtually none elsewhere. Reverse transfers are (often unemployed) university graduates (largely in liberal arts) who enroll in community college programs which they perceive as leading to employment. Bethune (1977, p. 36) defined reverse transfers as “baccalaureate graduates who now desire to learn a specific trade.” She noted that in many cases they are returning because they simply cannot find a job with their undergraduate degrees and that almost all of the students in the re tooling process have their undergraduate degrees in the liberal arts. Morrill indicated that at the 1998 American Vocational Association conference some participants called this phenomenon reverse graduate school. The implications for the planning of post secondary programs suggest that better data describing the “reverse transfer” phenomenon would facilitate more accurate planning. This chapter examines previous research, and newly acquired data from The Ontario College Application Service (OCAS), to study the implications of the phenomenon upon the planning of post secondary programs at CAATs, as well as upon community colleges elsewhere. After over 1 year of trying to obtain data on the reverse-transfer phenomenon, the author now has access to a special “data cube”

1 This chapter was written on April 30, 2006.

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 401 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 402 D.N. Wilson provided by OCAS. While the data provided are not as definitive as desired, they do shed new light upon the phenomenon and may enable the delineation of some planning guidelines. The questions for which I sought data which would be useful in planning were: 1. What percent of community college enrollment comprises students holding previous university degrees? 2. What percent of community college enrollment comprises students with some prior university courses? 3. Do the career motivations of those community college students with previous university degrees or experience differ from other community college students? 4. Have the career motivations of those community college students with previous university degrees or experience changed from their previous university programs? 5. Do the educational objectives of those community college students with previous university degrees or experience differ from other community college students? 6. Are there differences in performance between community college students with previous university degrees and experience and other community college students? 7. Are there programs in place to assist transfer students with adjustment, credit articulation, etc. at community colleges? 8. Are there differences in reasons for attending community colleges between regular entrants and reverse-transfer students? This phenomenon assumes increased importance at a time when articulation of programs and courses between both sectors of a binary post secondary educational system is receiving increased attention. It is easy to speculate that this issue has been under studied and under reported because its student clientele has been “double-dipping” into public resources that fund – either fully or partially – post secondary education. In that regard, it is not surprising that the phenomenon has been ignored by policymakers and politicians. However, it should not be ignored by planners because of its space, financial, and system utilization considerations. The problem of articulation between the two sectors of post secondary education in Ontario – the CAATs and universities – remains problematic; particularly, over the issue of according advanced standing to prior learning in either sector.

Previous US Studies

As I noted above, regardless of the name, this phenomenon is not new. According to Kintzer (1983), this trend apparently became increasingly visible in the 1970s and noted that there has been a critical lack of attention given to the “drop-downs” once they are enrolled.2 Moreover, he also noted that advanced standing credit is

2 In a 1976 ERIC Review, Lee quoted an unpublished study by Heinze and Daniels (1970) who wrote that 9.44% of the community college students nationwide were reverse-transfer students. Lee also cited a 1974 study by Kuznik, Maxey, and Anderson (1974) who revealed that 2-year colleges were receiving as many transfer students from 4-year institutions as they were sending to them. 22 “Reverse Transfer” Constraints upon Planning Post secondary Programs 403 rarely provided for the baccalaureate degree holder who turns to a community college for training in a more sailable career area. Indeed, Lee (1976) noted that the salvage function of the 2-year college has long been a part of the literature of the community college and it is from this perspective that the Reverse-Transfer Student (RTS) was first identified as a sub group of the community college student population.3 While reverse transfers constitute only a minority of the community college population, their presence is further evidence of the growing complexity of the community college environment. Mitchell and Grafton (1985) reported that reverse transfers comprised 12% who had not completed a university degree (NCRT) and 7.6% who held a university degree (CRT). Reverse and lateral transfer students report coming to the community college for reasons which are related to traditional characteristics of the colleges – low cost, no admissions requirements, and convenience. Mitchell and Grafton (1985) found that when compared with the 54.7% of the sampled population who were first-time students (FTS), the reverse-transfer group was found to be older, more likely to be married or divorced, and have dependents. They are more likely to be male, enrolled part-time, and tend to support their education through work or savings rather than through support from someone else or financial aid, and few enroll in remedial courses. Most of the earlier studies found that aside from a slightly higher GPA and university entrance examination scores, there were no substantial difference between various sub classifications (Hogan, 1986; Ross, 1982; Lee, 1975; Rose, 1975). Finally, their reasons for attending the community college are well defined. The primary reasons were improving occupational skills, training to get a job, discovering career interests, wanting to be close to home, low tuition, and convenient class times. Renkiewicz et al. (1982) noted that many pointed to their inability to get a job of their choice after receiving their baccalaureate degree. It must be noted that in many of these earlier studies, it appears likely that continuing education students may have been lumped together with reverse transfers – further clouding this already murky picture. In all the studies examined, the percentage of return transfers to the overall population correlates with the geographic differences and proximity of 2- and 4-year colleges noted anecdotally. While it is possible that the reverse-transfer phenomenon constitutes a growing trend, the variance in findings among available studies renders a comprehensive study somewhat difficult. A 1997 statistical analysis report by the US National Center for Education Statistics on Transfer Behavior indicated that “there has been relatively little systematic analysis of transfer from 4-year institutions on a national scale, at least in part due to a lack of adequate data that track a nationally representative sample of entering students across institution – a deficiency that the BPS [Beginning Postsecondary Students (1989–94] data collection effort was designed to address? The report found

3 Kajstura and Keim (1992) noted that early researchers assumed that the reverse-transfer phenomenon was a result of academic problems at 4-year institutions. Lee also noted that “the paucity of data available and the generally small samples that have been studied as well as the fact that the student population of the community colleges is changing rapidly” means that researchers need to isolate additional variables that may be significant in studying this group. 404 D.N. Wilson that there was an overall 25% transfer rate from 4- to 2-year institutions and that 11.8% attained a bachelor’s degree. The report also noted that: Reverse transfer was less common among both low- and high-SES students than among middle-SES students; less common among students who expected to attain an advanced degree than among those who thought their highest degree would be a bachelor’s; and less common among students who received financial aid than among unaided students. Reverse transfer was about twice as likely among students who earned low grades in their first year. Concerning reverse transfers without degrees, the report also added that “reverse transfer from a 4-year institution does not always signal a permanent abandonment of bachelor’s degree plans: 22 % of reverse transfers had either completed a bachelor’s degree by 1994 or were enrolled at a 4-year institution.”

Canadian Studies

Ontario Colleges of Applied Arts and Technology (CAATs)

The significant differences in Canadian post secondary systems between the ten provinces and three territories impact all aspects of educational structure. Several provinces – Alberta, Saskatchewan, and British Columbia – have university transfer programs in their colleges that resemble US community colleges. In Québec, all students must attend 2- or 3-year Collèges d’enseignement général et professionel (Cégeps) after Grade 11, selecting programs leading either to university (2 years) or to receive a technical education in specific occupations (3 years), leading to the Diplôme d’études professionelles (DEP). The Québecois system resembles the US and Western Canadian “model” of community college because of its dual university and occupational training streams. However, the Cégep system also compares to Ontario (prior to the elimination of Grade 13) because 13/14 years of free public education were provided to students. The unique Ontario model has influenced institutions in several other Canadian provinces and will be profiled in this chapter. Community college models in Ontario underwent three phases of post secondary educational reform. First came with expansion of the system to accommodate the returning veterans of World War II. The second occurred in the 1960s with the creation of new universities and the introduction of Ontario’s community college system. The final was the creation of Ontario CAATs in 1965 which provided a non university alternative for Grade 12 and 13 high school graduates. CAATs were modeled on the Ryerson Polytechnic Institute, initiated in 1994, and which remained outside both the university and CAATs systems. Ryerson conferred diplomas rather than university degrees and established viable advisory committees to maintain program currency with business/industry trends. The Ryerson “model” led to the development of six Provincial Institutes of Trades and Technology in the 1950s. The British Columbia Institute of Technology (BCIT) was also built on this model. In 1996, the PITs and PITTs were incorporated into the new CAATs system. 22 “Reverse Transfer” Constraints upon Planning Post secondary Programs 405

The CAATs system also developed a 1-year apprenticeship program that enrolled students with varying completion credentials, ranging from Grade 10 to Grade 13. CAATs became known for their production of high-quality graduates who were valued by business and industry, and hence, in marked contrast to US community college models, Ontario CAATs enhanced students’ opportunities for advancement. In Fall 2000, reforms were initiated in Ontario that ended the 45-year binary nature of Ontario post secondary education. Two distinct components of Ontario post secondary system emerged: universities and the CAATs, with no mechanisms for CAATs graduates to transfer to Ontario universities and receive credit for their courses. The Ontario CAATs system is distinct from other community and technical colleges in the other nine Canadian provinces as their mission includes (a) no university transfer; (b) no articulation mechanisms between community colleges and universities; (c) no credit transfer mechanisms to accept community college courses as fulfilling university degree requirements. This differs in that students enter either university degree programs or 2-year certificate or 3-year diploma programs at the CAATs. Transferability and Articulation. Transferability between the two systems was virtually impossible for the first 25 years and remains quite difficult at present. By the early 1990s, articulation agreements between individual CAATs and individual universities (including those off shore in the United States) were negotiated in ever-increasing numbers. In the late 1990s, joint diploma and degree programs between CAATs and universities led to the development of shared campuses, such as Seneca@York University campus (1998).4 By 2002, several CAATs in Alberta began offering 2-year degrees, much like the US 2-year associate degrees, but are considered post-diploma programs, or “Reverse Graduate School.” These 1-year programs require either a CAATs diploma or university degree for admission. These post-program courses include: human resources management, public relations, marketing, journalism, business management, journalism, wellness and lifestyle, and communications.

4 Current university–CAAT collaboration from 1998 to 2001 includes variety of partnerships with a goal of expanding the number and scope of educational opportunities available. These include: The University of Western Ontario has a number of multilateral degree completion arrangements in the area of technology with 18 Ontario-based institutions including Centennial, Durham, Fanshawe, and Mohawk Colleges. The University of Guelph also offers a variety of bilateral/ consecutive programs with Ontario colleges, including an integrated degree in justice studies with Humber College, and a variety of business and technology programs with Seneca, St. Lawrence, and Humber colleges as well as with Durham College. Other examples of CAAT–university collaboration are a four joint-degree program in business and applied technology created by Canadore CAAT and Nipissing University in North Bay, Ontario. Students of the blended degree will study 2 years of information technology at Canadore followed by 2 years of science and environmental science courses at Nipissing University. Cambrian CAAT and Laurentian University in Sudbury, Ontario, signed a 5-year Partnership Agreement in 1992 to offer an inter-institutional degree program: Bachelor of Fine Arts. York University has also teamed up with Sheridan College (Oakville) to offer a new joint program in design. York University and Trent University also agreed to “provide university programming at Durham College.” 406 D.N. Wilson

Academic and Mission Drift. One likely outcome of the establishment of the University of Ontario Institute of Technology (UOIT) and applied degree-granting status for other CAATs is the diversion of resources from traditional CAATs programs into these new “prestige” academic and mission drift programs. Academic drift is a process whereby non university institutions aspire to become more like universities (Harmon, 1977): Similarly, and related, the concept of mission drift refers to the diversion of institutional focus from concentration upon the education and training of a workforce to copy the role and mission of more prestigious institutions (Morphew, 1997). This involves the pursuit of academic activities, including degree-granting and “pure” research. The first manifestation of academic and mission drift in Ontario was when Ryerson added 3-year diplomas in 1975 and then was renamed Ryerson Polytechnic University in 1993 and given university status. The second manifestation occurred in 2001 when 23 proposals for applied degree programs (i.e., 2-year degrees obtained at community college) were submitted for approval (Umana, 2001). The impact of these new university programs upon earlier articulation and joint CAATs/ University programs not only changed the binary nature of Ontario post secondary education, but it also called into question many of the arrangements negotiated during the previous decade between institutions on both sides of the binary divide. Moreover, the creation of these stand-alone hybrid CAATs-university institutions is likely to divert fiscal and human resources from the well-thought-of mission of Ontario CAATs toward satisfaction of the “prestige” considerations attending university status. The trappings of academic drift that accompany such degree-granting status are also likely to impair the long-standing quality of CAATs programs that are highly valued by business and industry. Erosion of the “binary line” will likely accomplish the same type of academic and mission drift that took place in the UK and Australia. The ultimate irony is that once such distinctions – and the institutions, which validated those distinctions – have disappeared, it becomes necessary to re-create the type of occupational training institutions that are valued by business and industry. This re-creation is already well under way in the UK, with the expansion of the further education sector that is replacing functions previously performed by the now-defunct polytechnics, and in Australia, where the Technical and Further Education (TAFE) sector is expanding and diversifying to perform functions previously resident at Colleges of Advanced Education. In effect, Ontario is on the cusp of no longer having a binary post secondary educational system which is further complicated by the rise in RTS.

Canadian Reverse-Transfer Studies

In comparison with the number of studies of the reverse-transfer phenomenon undertaken in the United States, there are only a few studies in Canada. A 1985 study of transfer patterns undertaken by The Alberta Council on Admissions and Transfer (ACAT) (1985) found that the largest number of within-province transfers 22 “Reverse Transfer” Constraints upon Planning Post secondary Programs 407 has consistently come from universities. Vaala (1991) notes that data from Alberta reveals that in the fall of 1988, a total of 7,512 students transferred among postsecondary institutions and that 20% went to colleges and another 19.5% went to technical institutes. The majority of transfers were from universities. Moreover, at Lethbridge Community College, Vaala (1991) noted that in Alberta, “reverse- transferring” students with B.A.s return as adult learners for more education and training is increasing. Vaala identified career exploration opportunities as the major reason for attending the community college after earning a baccalaureate degree. In addition to the sample drawn from registration records, and even though reverse-transfer students were enrolled in a large number of the 37 career programs offered, Vaala interviewed a sample of students in the nursing program (since they constituted one of the larger university-to-college groups), who indicated that they saw their university study as unrelated to their college program. An informant at George Brown CAATs in Toronto noticed a trend over the last few years of increasing enrollment of students with some university credit in 2- and 3-year community colleges programs. Attendance ranged from having a lack of funds to continue at university, to poor academic performance at university, to inability to find work after completing a degree, and that the college offers job-relevant training. Barnes and Robinson (1998) sent a draft article by e-mail in which they write that today’s “transfer student is not the same student as he or she was even 15 years ago.” They describe their new model of transfers as no longer linear but instead “a model that swirls.” This is because students do not transfer in a linear pattern from community college to university or necessarily in a reverse manner from a 4-year institution to a community college, and back to a university. They noted that particularly in metropolitan settings, students often rotate “between and among” a variety of institutions in a variety of patterns. Hardy et al. at l’Université de Québec à Montréal (1998) examined Cégep students pursuing the (DEP). She noted that half of the students enrolled in a secretarial program had previously interrupted their Cégep studies. A 1999 study of Cégep programs showed that students completed programs in moulding, auto body repair, office work, electro mechanics, elevator mechanics, jewelry, building design, and aircraft assembly. Among the total completing these professional (Cégep) programs, 41.8% enrolled after having interrupted or ended their Cégep or university studies, of which 8% enrolled after a more or less long period at university. These and other studies, however, appear to be plagued by the lack of precise data. The BCIT published a study on Entry Student Survey Results: 1998/98. A total of 3,808 beginning students in full-time technology or vocational programs were surveyed. The highest level of education attained prior to enrollment in vocational programs was 4% with bachelor’s degrees and 1% with law/medical/postgraduate credentials. In the technology programs, 16% of new entrants held bachelor’s degrees and 1% held law/medical/postgraduate credentials. In total, 11% held bachelor’s degrees and 1% held post baccalaureate degrees. Eight percent of those holding B.A. degrees were male and 21% were female. All of those with law/medical/post grad attainment were female. In addition, 32% had completed some college or university. A separate web page publication, BCIT Facts and Figures 1998, provides a more 408 D.N. Wilson complete data set from the 1997/98 ESS Survey. The percentage of those holding bachelor’s degrees prior to attending BCIT by program area is noted to be 18% for business; 13% for computing and academic studies; 16% for engineering technology; 5% for electricity and electronic technology; 28% for health sciences; and 5% for trades training. The technology program noted in the study report to have 1% of its new entrants with previous law/medical/post graduate degrees appears to be the computing and academic studies program and the 3% and the health sciences are noted to have 3% of entrants with law/medical/post graduate degrees. The other four program areas are noted to have “less than one percent” with such credentials.5 The only known previous study in Ontario was a consulting report prepared by Cummins for The College–University Consortium Council in 1998. Cummins reported that in 1992 only 60% of first-year CAATs students came directly from Ontario secondary schools, while 82% of first-year university students entered directly upon high school completion. This data was comparable to studies of community and technical colleges in other jurisdictions. Of 154,615 applicants to CAATs in 1996, 10,984 or about 7% had attached additional academic information in the form of a university or CAATs or other transcript to their CAATs application form. These data reflect the entry of more mature students which historically differentiated Ontario CAATs from universities. He also noted that 65% of these 10,984 applicants were female and 34% were male while their combined median age was 24 years. This profile then differs the Ontario population from most of the US studies. Cummins (1998) devotes considerable attention to what is not known, rather than detailing with what is known. A telephone conversation in 1998 established that Cummins was clearly disadvantaged because the available data were inadequate and his study timeline was extremely short. Wilson (1999) augmented Cummins’ data with data from the only CAATs that collects data relevant to this study, Humber CAAT Data were originally collected by the Director of the Humber Research Network, Peter Dietsche, for his Ph.D. at The Ontario Institute for Studies in Education. He has continued to collect data from The Humber Freshman Survey. Unfortunately, Humber did not report precise enrollment data so the calculation of percentages of new students holding university degrees and with previous university experience was not accurate. However, Wilson estimated that 13.2% of 1995 Humber CAAT entrants had previous university experience and 8.5% held university degrees. Moreover, the post-diploma programs further complicate the search for precise data to study the reverse transfer phenomenon. Data provided by OCAS to Cummins (1998) indicate that 24.2% of the 1996 CAATs applicants with university experience indicated “Post-Diploma Graduate” programs as their first choice. At the very least, the popularity of post-diploma CAAs programs is highly likely to increase the percentage of reverse-transfer students. One salient difference between Canada and many other countries is that Canada is a country of recent immigration. Many university graduates (and professionals) who

5 The 1996 ESS data does not appear comparable with the 1997/98 data noting that 32% completed some college or university. 22 “Reverse Transfer” Constraints upon Planning Post secondary Programs 409 immigrate often find their lack of Canadian credentials and “Canadian experience” a disadvantage to them in applying for jobs. An unknown number of such immigrants often attend community colleges in order to obtain credentials recognized in Canada. Unfortunately, no studies appear to have been published that examine this unique grouping of “reverse transfers.” Articulation. In a 1997 ERIC Digest, Tobolowsky (1997) defines articulation as “the totality of services for students transferring throughout higher education,” and transfer as “the formulas developed to exchange credits, courses and curriculums.” There are discernable differences between community colleges with high transfer rates and those with low transfer rates. The differences center on articulation agreements, proximity to 4-year institutions, common course-numbering systems, advising, cooperation between institutions and transfer expectations at the community college itself. Tobolowsky notes that initially articulation was simple. A student went from high school to junior college to the university – a vertical progression. Today, the system is much more complicated as it includes:

Traditional transfer Community college to 4-year institution Returning transfer Community college to 4-year institution, then returning to a community college Reverse transfer Four-year institution to community college Concurrent transfer (Or “cross-enrollment”) simultaneous attendance at a community college and a 4-year institution Transfer eligible Community college student admitted to a 4-year institution, but not enrolled therein It is rather difficult to separate the reverse-transfer dynamics and data from the other four types of transfer. The issue of “proximity” is interesting, since the development of shared campus arrangements between universities and community colleges – for example, the new Seneca (CAA) at York (University) Campus in Toronto – is likely to enhance the “proximity” dimension. Such proximity also involves the development of joint diploma-degree programs, adding yet another dimension to the dilemmas faced by planners. Finally, Tobolowsky notes that the issues of transfer and articulation relate to the changing mission of the community college. No clear explanation is provided for the increasing prevalence of the reverse-transfer phenomenon. Kintzer (1983) noted that “clearly, more research is needed to determine the characteristics and aspirations of reverse transfers.” He cited a 1982 study by Slark that examined “the educational interests and aspirations of reverse transfers” as a “step in the right direction.” However, it appears that very few researchers followed in those footsteps!

Analysis Of Previous Studies

Although the available studies and data do not easily lend themselves to comparative analysis, it is possible to provide some preliminary answers to the research questions posed at the outset. The risk of juxtaposing study findings obtained at different 410 D.N. Wilson times in different venues is recognized. However, the alternative would result in having very little information to compare and even less to guide planners. The following table endeavors to answer the first two research questions: (1) What percent of community college enrollment comprises students holding previous university degrees? And (2) What percent of community college enrollment comprises students with some prior university courses? Where data are available, the table also differentiates between those holding B.A. and post graduate degrees. Percentage of Reverse-Transfer Enrollment

% B.A. % Graduate % University % Reverse Year Study author(s) Venue degrees Degrees Experience transfers 1970 Heinze and n.a. 9.44 Daniels 1982 Renkiewicz California 7.6 – 12.0 19.6 et al. 1982 Ross Virginia 13.0 – 25.0 1986 Hogan Kentucky 14.0 3.0 – 22.6 1990 Statistis Canada Canada 17.0 – – – 1991 Vaala Alberta – – – 39.5 1992 Kajstura and 22.0 7.0 – 29.0 Keimlllinois 1996 BCIT British 24.0 – 18.0 – Columbia 1997 US NCES United States 11.8 – – 25.0 1998 Anderberg Texas 10–14 – – – 1998 Cummins Ontario 6.8 – – – 1999 Hardy et al. Québec 8.0 – – 41.8 1999 Wilson Ontario 8.5 – 13.2 21.7 1999 BCIT British 11.0 1.0 32.0 – Columbia 1999 Barnes and 5.0 – – – Robinson Missouri

The juxtaposed data suggest that the reverse-transfer phenomenon has grown, during the 1990s, from its earliest manifestation. Unfortunately, the gaps in available data, apparent geographic differences, and the fluctuating rate of reported instances of reverse transfer lend greater credence to Lee’s earlier comments on “the need to isolate additional variables that may be significant in studying this group.” When examining the differences in motivations of reverse-transfer students, data appear to be rather straightforward and contain no surprises. The paucity of data in the available studies which explore differences in the motivations of reverse-transfer students certainly suggests the need for comprehensive, in-depth research. The question of changed motivations is not addressed in any of the studies examined. The issue of whether there are programs in place to assist transfer students with adjustment, credit articulation, etc. at community colleges does not appear to have been addressed in most of the studies examined. However, it is likely that the 1985 study of transfer patterns undertaken by ACAT, cited by Vaala, addressed these issues. This study is not available and does not seem to have been replicated. 22 “Reverse Transfer” Constraints upon Planning Post secondary Programs 411

Yet another question is what community college programs do reverse transfers enroll? The studies examined provide very little information in this regard. Hogan (1986) reported that “of the transfer majors, business (4.5%) and accounting (1.8%) accounted for the largest number of reverse transfers … [and] in the technical area, 7.5% [are enrolled in nursing and] … data processing is the second largest group with 4.2.%” Vaala (1991) indicated that among the Alberta reverse-transfer students he studied the largest numbers were registered in business administration, nursing, and environmental science. Barnes and Robinson (1999) note that interviews with Chief Academic Officers at 12 Missouri community colleges indicated that bachelor’s degree students are taking computer courses, upgrading skills for a current job, or getting skills to completely change professions.

Recent Ontario Data

The data provided by OCAs for 1998 and 1999 applicants to Ontario CAATs are terribly disappointing. After endeavoring for 2.5 years to obtain these data, it is disheart- ening to note that the data were so incomplete as they were extracted from application forms submitted to OCAS and these forms had not changed in several years. OCAS does not ask whether applicants have previous university degrees or “previous university experience.” Moreover, it is apparent that many applicants to Ontario CAATs do not “volunteer” such information for fear that it would render them less admissible. However, some preliminary analysis of these data is attempted below. The categories into which reverse-transfer data have been divided by OCAS are: “not from secondary school” and “secondary school,” which suggests that the first group comprises applicants who did not apply directly upon completion of secondary school, while the second group did apply to CAATs following completion of their secondary schooling. These categories do not instill much confidence that they exclusively isolate degree-holders from non-degree-holders. With regard to the CAATs programs to which these students applied, the fact that the “blank” category outnumbers any individual program category is equally disturbing. In 1999, 8,585 application records failed to indicate the program to which 25,527 segregated reverse transfers applied, which constitutes 33.6% of these applications. Those records, which did indicate programs, showed that 2,205, or 8.6%, applied to media programs, while 2,184, or 8.6%, applied to health technology programs. In addition, 1,216, or 4.8% applied to human resources/industrial relations programs, while 1,095, or 4.3%, applied to advertising and design programs. These data differ slightly in rank-order from 1998 applications, which also ranked health technology first and media second, but ranked business/computer programs third. Disaggregations of the OCAS data provided by census division, gender, citizenship, and age also did not yield any interesting findings. Not surprisingly, 17.3% were from the Metropolitan Toronto region, 7.2% from the Ottawa–Carleton region, 7.1% were from the Peel region, and 6.0% from the York region, which are adjacent to Toronto, while 9.7% did not indicate a region of origin. 412 D.N. Wilson

In the 18–23-year age group 98% of the females and 97% of the males were Canadian, with negligible percentages comprising immigrants, refugees, and native students. Similarly, in the 24–30-year age group 99.8% of the females and 97.4% of the males were Canadian. In the 31–40-year age group, 93.2% of the females and 93.0% of the males were Canadian, while only 6.5% of the females and 6.8% of the males were immigrants. Since many immigrants substitute Canadian credentials for Canadian employment experience, these data are potentially useful for planning purposes, but require more precision.

Conclusions

The lack of available, uncontaminated data makes the study of this complex phenomenon quite difficult. At the time of writing, I received – but not yet fully analyzed – data from OCAS’s new Student Information System (SIS). The preceding comparative tables indicate the various discontinuities plaguing available data. Undoubtedly, my biggest surprise was that the 1997 study on Transfer Behavior Among Beginning Postsecondary Students: 1989–1994, published by the US Department of Education’s National Center for Education Statistics, devoted only one paragraph (p. 44) of a 76-page report to reverse transfers! Despite the difficulties, review of the various studies and a case study of OCAS does enable the provision of qualified answers to seven of the eight research questions I posed at the outset. Questions one and two asked what percent of community college enrollment comprises students with (1) previous university degrees and (2) some prior university courses. Those reverse-transfer community college students holding B.A. degrees average about 12.4%, while those with some post graduate degrees average 3.67%, and those with some prior university experience average 18.75%. It is unfortunate that only two of the 16 studies examined had complete data for these three components of the reverse-transfer phenomenon. Questions three and four asked if the career motivations of reverse-transfer students (both with and without degrees) (3) differed from other community college students and (4) had changed from their previous university programs. While none of the studies asked questions about changed motivations, it may be questioning the obvious: if these students felt that their B.A. degrees had not led to the desired employment and/or careers, then their mere presence in community colleges was indicative of changed motivations. Similarly, the career motivations of many continuing education students are most likely to be related to occupational considerations. Only four studies compared motivational differences among different student sets, but none focused on the motivations of reverse-transfer students with those of regular students. It is interesting that those with previous university experience gave negative motivational information, such as: undecided about university major, university faculty were not interested in students, the university was too impersonal, and there were poor counselling services. Questions five and six asked whether (5) the educational objectives of reverse- transfer students differed from regular students and (6) whether there were differences 22 “Reverse Transfer” Constraints upon Planning Post secondary Programs 413 in performance between the two groups. The 1986 Hogan study and others found that reverse-transfer students enrolled in fewer remedial courses and had a higher Grade Point Average. Question seven asked if there were programs in place to assist transfer students with adjustment, credit articulation, etc. at community colleges. While this was not addressed in the studies examined, a 1985 study of transfer patterns undertaken by ACAT, cited by Vaala, is likely to have resulted in the development of such mechanisms in the Province of Alberta. This is one of the few examples of research leading to the planning of new mechanisms in any jurisdiction. Question eight asked if there were differences in reasons for attending community colleges between regular entrants and reverse-transfer students. Two of the studies examined provided good comparative data to answer this question. The 1982 Renkiewicz et al. study in California found that reverse transfers enrolled in order to improve occupational skills, train to get a job, and discover career interests. In comparison, regular students attended in order to learn basic skills, because of the reputation of the faculty and due to the convenient location of the community college. The 1986 Hogan study in Kentucky found that 72.1% of reverse transfer and 68% of regular students attended because of the convenient location of the community college; 62.8% of the reverse transfer and 50.6% of the regular entrants attended because specific classes were offered; and 53.5% of the reverse transfer and 50.7% of the regular entrants attended because they would be able to continue working while studying. This chapter has not addressed several interesting issues, which deserve to be mentioned. My initial reaction when I discovered the reverse-transfer phenomenon was that this trend was an artifact of the 1991–1995 economic recession in Canada. While this may well be true, the fact that the phenomenon was noted as early as 1970 suggests that this may not be the whole answer. However, the phenomenon does appear to have a weak association with periods of economic downturn. Another thought that I had was that this phenomenon was a new component of continuing and lifelong education. This is also quite true and is doubtless a better explanation than the former. However, the complexity of the reverse-transfer phenomenon, plus the lack of consistency and clarity in available studies, suggests that these questions should also be included in the future studies.

Note From Editors: Wilson had hoped to shed additional light and clarity upon this complex phenomenon in future papers, but since his passing, his research will now serve as stimulus for future researchers.

REFERENCES

Alberta Council on Admissions and Transfer (1985) Tenth Annual Report 1984/85: Transfer Patterns Study, Fall 1984. Edmonton: Alberta Advanced Education. Anderberg, Mark (1998) Texas State Occupational Information Co-ordinating Committee. E-mail, 7 December 1998. Barnes, Terry L. and Laura Robinson (1998) “Bachelor Degree Students Attending Community Colleges: A Fresh Look at Reverse Transfer.” Manuscript sent by e-mail. 414 D.N. Wilson

Bethune, Sally (1977) “Retooling the College Graduate,” Community College Review, 4:4:36–40. British Columbia Institute of Technology (1999a), BCIT Facts and Figures 1998. Vancouver: BCIT. British Columbia Institute of Technology. (1999b), Entry Student Survey Results: 1997/98. Vancouver: Institutional Research and Planning, BCIT. Cummins, Rodger L. (1998) Movement Between Ontario Colleges and Universities: Report to the College-University Consortium Council. Toronto: College-University Consortium. Hardy, Marcelle, S. Grossmann, T. H. Bah, A. Barry, and P. Gingras, (1998) De la Formation Professionnelle au Marché du Travail. Montréal: Éditions Logiques. Harmon, Grant (1977), “Academic Staff and Academic Drift in Australian Colleges of Advanced Education,” Higher Education, 6:3:313–335. Heinze, Michael C. and Jack L. Daniels (1970) “The Transfer of Students into Community Colleges,” ED 050 723 (unpublished). Hogan, Roseann R. (1986) “An Update on Reverse Transfers to Two-Year Colleges,” Community/ Junior College Quarterly, 10:4:295–306. Kajstura, Alex and Marybelle C. Keim (1992) “Reverse Transfer Students in Illinois Community Colleges,” Community College Review, 20:2:39–44. Kintzer, Frederick C. (1983) “The Multidimensional Problem of Articulation and Transfer.” ERIC Digest, ERIC Clearinghouse for Junior Colleges: http://www.ed.gov/databases/ERIC_Digests/ ed288577 Kuznik, Anthony, James E. Maxey, and Duane D. Anderson (1974) “Reverse Transfers: A Survey,” Community and Junior College Journal, 44:5:25–27. Lee, Glenda (1975) “Reverse Transfer: The Retread Function of Community College,” ED 104471, Paper Presented at the American Educational Research Association, Washington, DC. Lee, Robbie (1976) “An ERIC Review: Reverse Transfer Students,” Community College Review, 2:4:57–63. McCormick, Alexander C. and C. Dennis Carroll, (1997) Transfer Behavior Among Beginning Postsecondary Students: 1989–94. Washington: National Center for Education Statistics, US Department of Education NCES 97–266. Mitchell, Grace N. and Clive L. Grafton (1985) “Comparative Study of Reverse Transfer, Lateral Transfer and First-Time Community College Students,” Community/Junior College Quarterly, 9:3:273–280. Morphew, Cristopher, (1997) “Understanding the Acquisition of New Degree Programs.” Paper Read at the Association for the Study of Higher Education, ERIC ED415801. Morrill, John Arlington, Virginia (1999) E-mail 22 January 1999. Renkiewicz, Nancy K, Peter M. Hirsh, and Marshall Drummond, (1982) “Transfers: It’s a Two- Way Street,” Community and Junior college Journal, 51:3:21,54. Richmond, Brian (1998) George Brown College, Toronto, E-mail 8 December 1998. Rose, Glen A., (1975) “A Follow-Up Study of the BCC Reverse Transfer Student Questionnaire,” ED 103074 (unpublished Ed. D. Paper). Ross, Robert A. (1982) “The Reverse Transfer Phenomenon at Piedmont Virginia Community College.” ED 216758 (unpublished Research Report No. 3–82). Slark, Julie (1982), “Reverse Transfer Student Study,” ED 221248 (unpublished) Statistics Canada (1990) Class of 1990 Revisited. Ottawa: Human Resource Development Canada. Tobolowsky, Barbara (1997) “Improving Transfer and Articulation Policies,” A Digest from The ERIC Clearing House for Community Colleges. http://www.qseis.ucla.edu/ERIC/digests/dig9804 Umana, Carole (2001) “Ontario’s New Higher Education System: Open for Business,” Course Paper for TPS 1829, Higher Technological Education and Training: A Comparative Perspective. Vaala, Leslie D. (1991) “Attending Two-Year College After Attending a Four-Year University in Alberta, Canada,” Community College Review, 18:4:13–20. Wilson, David N. (1998) “Voting with Their Feet: Unemployed B.A.s Pursuing Community/ Technical College Credentials.” Paper Read at The Tenth World Congress of Comparative Education, Cape Town, South Africa, pp.10–22. 22 “Reverse Transfer” Constraints upon Planning Post secondary Programs 415

Wilson, David N. (1999) “A Comparative Study of the Reverse Transfer Phenomenon.” Paper Read at the 1999 Annual Conference of The Comparative and International Education Society of Canada, Sherbrooke, Québec. Wilson, David N. (2000) “A New Wrinkle in Planning Post-Secondary Education in Ontario: Degree Holders Enroling in Colleges of Applied Arts and Technology,” Educational Planning, 12:2. Chapter 23 The Community College at the Crossroads

Jim Kusch, Eriola Pema, Gulen Onurkan, and Liliya Akhmadeeva

Introduction

This chapter is the story of a community college set in the crossroads of the world between Europe, Asia, and Africa. To be more precise, our community college is the English Preparatory School (EPS), which is situated in North Cyprus, part of the Island in the Eastern Mediterranean sea.1 The EPS is a transitional higher education institution that instructs both traditional and nontraditional students. Traditional students are the ones who come straight from high schools and the nontraditional students are mainly the adults who may already have degrees and/or are gainfully employed. Funding for the EPS is shared by the government of North Cyprus and by the board of trustees.2 The EPS serves students from North Cyprus, Turkey, and over 20 other nations. This chapter discusses such issues in the context of a different community college model in a Third World country – North Cyprus. At the end of this chapter, we will summarize the characteristics of this new community college model. In this chapter, we define community college as an institution in which the main purpose informs employers or other educational institutions that its students can succeed in a process that assures their capabilities through remediation and transfer. At first, one might wonder whether the function of this school is merely one of teaching English. Indeed, a primary mission of the EPS is English instruction, and the EPS prepares students in English. However, English language learning in North Cyprus as in many Third World countries means something different than elsewhere. For Turkish mainlanders, the EPS is frequently the choice of last resort. Compared to Turkish mainlanders, Turkish Cypriot students frequently regard the EPS as a school of choice. For students who might not have reached their full learning potential, the EPS offers another chance. It justifies their further study in higher education or a career. Dimensions of English language learning at the EPS are an assemblage where English proficiency fulfills four purposes: (1) enables students to transfer to a university for further education; (2) offers remedial practice for underprepared students; (3) provides prestige in the local community since nearly all employment aside from menial labor requires English proficiency;

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 417 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 418 J. Kusch et al.

(4) enhances social mobility. The task of learning English is the distribution of educational and social profit related to higher education. The entrance of new groups of students does not alter the pattern of opportunity. Newcomers, especially Turkish mainlanders, are not excluded, but internally included as full members of the system. One ironic feature of the EPS is that the newly arriving “foreign” students from mainland Turkey are also the new majority. So the shift Laden described as taking years to occur in the United States takes place routinely in the EPS. Such conditions demand innovative measures that we will describe in our summary of the EPS model. Our motivation and purpose in constructing the chapter as we do is to first collect ideas and experiences from a truly diverse set of personal narratives into a harmonious pattern. The narratives come from various cultures such as Azerbaijan, Iran, Mongolia, Turkey, and Guinea, and they tell how students from these cultures interpret the EPS. We hope, as Edward Said writes (Said, 1975), that “patterns that the reader finds will allow beginnings to generate in the mind” and that this chapter will form a coherent unity with other authors who are interested in the issue of community colleges. The goal of our chapter is not only to present to interested readers a description of a community college institution in an unfamiliar part of the world, but also to provide a framework for thinking about the interplay between learning and culture at the level of the individual student in a multiethnic college. When we think of a multiethnic college, we think of a college that serves students from a wide range of cultures and language groups. Furthermore, we think of culture as a construct of socially agreed upon beliefs used to live in the world. Inasmuch as the EPS serves an exceedingly diverse clientele, it is not surprising that it treats learning and culture in a singular manner. The institution and its faculty meet these challenges. The following sections provide explanation of how the EPS fulfills the roles of educating individual students and sorting out the needs of the diverse student body. And importantly, the narratives given by students far afield from North America and from Cyprus make clear what may not be readily apparent to the reader.

How the EPS Functions as a Community College

The EPS, which has a student population of 2,085, is situated in Famagusta, the second-largest town in North Cyprus. Famagusta is also considered to be a university town because it has the largest university (Eastern Mediterranean University (EMU) ) on the Island, as well as the largest community college – the EPS. The students studying at the EPS are mainly from Turkey and North Cyprus. In 2007–2008 academic year, 60% of Turkish students who came to study in North Cyprus had chosen the EPS.3 The EPS performs various functions, which require different emphasis in its curriculum. Table 23.1 displays the functions of the EPS both for traditional and nontraditional students. 23 The Community College at the Crossroads 419

Table 23.1 The curricular emphasis and the various functions of the EPS 1. Traditional students • Teaches proficiency in English EPS mainly offers intensive English instruction to students so that they will be able to cope with their academic studies when they shift to their departments • Enables transfer Students who become proficient in English language are given the opportunity to transfer to their chosen departments • Teaches disposition toward EPS aims to develop lifelong skills which autonomous learning will lead to autonomy in learning • Offers remedial practice for Students who are not well prepared or fail underprepared students to follow the courses in the EPS are offered remedial teaching in special classes • Offers extracurricular activities Students in EPS have the opportunity to participate in various clubs and facilities in their free time • Offers counseling and information EPS also offers counseling services to services students who need help and support in their educational and personal lives • Exposes students to interactive media Students are introduced and also encouraged to use instructional technology in the EPS 2. Nontraditional students • TOEFL IBT centre The EPS offers courses which aim to prepare students for the TOEFL test • Cambridge ESOL teacher The EPS provides teacher training courses training centre for university graduates who would like to be English language teachers • Teaches English language The EPS offers English language learning opportunities for adults

Functions for Traditional Students

The EPS offers intensive English language education to students to enable them to study in their chosen departments at university. At the beginning of the academic year, students sit in a placement test, which assigns them to a particular level of study in English: elementary, pre-intermediate, intermediate, and upper-intermediate. In the EPS, there is a semester-based system, which is a 4-month period of intensive English instruction and the students are expected to complete four levels of English language study: one of composition, one of grammar, one of listening, and one of oral interpretation, in each semester. Students who fulfill the requirements of the EPS have the opportunity to shift to 4-year university programs either at the EMU or elsewhere. Thus, upon successfully completing the school’s language program, students enroll in their departments in Faculties and Schools and pursue study in those departments with a high degree of English fluency. The EPS plays a key role in this transferring stage as it acts as a bridge, first between high schools and the community college and second between the 420 J. Kusch et al.

community college and the university. The students come from high schools that do not give the intense type of instruction that is available at the EPS. So they encounter what we might term a jolt of “English thinking shock.” The instructors and counselors at the EPS see them through this challenging experience. The reasons that students choose community colleges are “to prepare for transfer, or improve their English or basic literacy skills” (Laden, 2004a, p. 9). Furthermore, Martinez and Fernandez (2004) argue:

[S]tudents attend community colleges as a gateway to senior institutions, expecting to complete transferable courses and receive the guidance and mentoring necessary to successfully navigate postsecondary institutions. (p. 53)

Most university students in North Cyprus begin their higher education via the EPS, even those planning a route from the EPS to an MA program. But the majority of students in the EPS seek transfer to the 4-year university to become more employable or to earn a BA. This type of transfer system actually exists between the EPS and the EMU, since students who finish the EPS have the right to transfer directly to the EMU and study in their preferred major. This is a particular advantage of the EPS as compared to other 2-year colleges locally that cannot offer such a “seamless transfer system” (Starobin, 2002). The EPS fosters autonomous and lifelong learning in students by encouraging them to take responsibility for their own learning. Autonomous learning also enables students to make better decisions, to function in the bureaucratic matters most students face. Students learn to co-plan their courses and schedules to manage life outside the classroom and to plan ahead. The EPS aims to develop self-independent students who are capable of monitoring their progress in language learning and realizing their own unique styles of learning. Students who come to study in the EPS are often far from being autonomous and independent learners. The EPS is responsible for equipping students with necessary skills and strategies that will help them survive academically in their chosen departments. The EPS offers remedial instruction for students who are not well prepared. Elsewhere in the world “remedial education is spread throughout … higher education, from leading universities to community colleges” (Clark, 1997, p. 31). As recently as January 2008, Inside Higher Education online journal reported that 11 community colleges in California are receiving foundation grants to address the problem of under-skilled students. A portion of traditional students who choose the EPS as a last resort, largely make up the remedial group of students studying there. The EPS addresses remedial learning in a similar way to the US community colleges where much instruction is augmented by counseling, extracurricular courses, and tutoring services. At the EPS, extracurricular activities enrich the social and cultural life of the students, and improve their personal confidence with group communication skills. Such skills include conversation, drama, dance, mime, journalism, writing and photography clubs as well as sport activities. Extracurricular activities enable students to learn and sort through social and academic experiences outside of the classroom. 23 The Community College at the Crossroads 421

There is also a Student Counseling and Information Center (SCIC) at the EPS. The main aim of this center is to promote educational activities in the EPS. At the beginning of the academic year, the SCIC usually provides orientation sessions about the EPS and its environment. Typically at the beginning of the EPS study, counselors begin to help students sort out the transition from high school to the EPS. The SCIC also offers sessions to students in order to identify their learning styles, improve their study skills, and help them make individual self-study plans. Students have the opportunity to visit the center to discuss school or personal problems in a supportive environment. Finally, the EPS offers exposure to interactive media in its fully integrated Student Self Study Centers (SSSC), comprised of multimedia areas, a library area, a listening area, a speaking area, a video, DVD and satellite TV areas. The aim of these SSSCs is to provide and maintain an environment that encourages students to take individual responsibilities for their own learning. It is here that some of the EPS students first encounter autonomous learning, they are presented with various educational technologies and they are required to use these technologies in their studies.

Functions for Nontraditional Students

The EPS offers courses to university students, prospective graduates, and university graduates who prepare for and sit the Test of English as a Foreign Language (TOEFL) Internet-based testing (IBT). The EPS is an internationally recognized TOEFL IBT centre4 and the EPS instructors offer courses to nontraditional students in special classes. Additionally, the EPS is an accredited Cambridge English for Speakers of Other Languages (ESOL) Teacher Training Centre.5 The EPS gives university graduates the opportunity to receive an internationally recognized Teacher Training Certificate, that enables them to teach English anywhere in the world. The EPS also provides English language-learning opportunities to state schoolteachers as well as individuals in the community. At the same time, older adults have the opportunity to take courses that fit with their busy work schedules. To summarize, the EPS is a higher education institution that mainly serves traditional students who are in between high school and a 4-year college experience. At the EPS, students benefit from an ease of enrollment and can obtain skills necessary for eventual enrollment in 4-year universities. The curriculum in the EPS guides students who are not quite ready for the challenge of the 4-year college and assists them in selecting an eventual major and course of study upon completion of their work. In this sense, the EPS has a strong match programmatically with community colleges in North America and in Western Europe.6 Such planning enables students to thrive in a global and technological world and to build local 422 J. Kusch et al. and international relationships that address the changing needs and interests of a community comprised of a variety of cultures and backgrounds.

Methodology

This chapter continues an action research project begun in spring, 2007, in a graduate class at the EMU in North Cyprus. That project sought to reveal a descriptive insight of international students at the EMU as a reference point for further investigation into the problem of their adjustment, issues of student’s living in a foreign country, and their intercultural experiences. Methodology in this project focuses on three questions: • What are international students’ and the EPS instructors’ perceptions of the EPS? • How do the views of international students and the EPS instructors inform our perceptions of the EPS? • What changes occurred in our perceptions over the course of this research? For our study, we sought a group of students who represented a cross section of students from the over 20 countries from which students originate, and we sought to interview the EPS instructors who could offer time from their busy schedules. Interviews that we used were “fully structured,” where they included the face-to- face delivery of a questionnaire (Lomax et al., 1996). Interviewers asked all of the questions as planned, but allowed interviewees to expand their comments as they wished. By incorporating more than the scheduled set of questions, interviewees gave detail and insights that we had not anticipated. Although some readers might puzzle over the link between action research and case study research, we did not, since we regard action research as case study research where its usefulness is for others who are able to see its implications in their work. The effectiveness of action research seen this way is demonstrated by an improvement in the quality of the lives of people whom it is supposed to be affecting (Russell and Korthagen, 1995; Kusch et al., 1999; Bowl et al., 2008). The authors of this study are faculty members at the EMU and are interested in the stories of international students and Turkish mainland students enrolled in the EPS and how they learn in a new and ever-changing social environment. The students were chosen for this study partially on the basis of gender and country of origin. In current writing on action research, Richard Winter identifies action research as a form of research that directly focuses on developing new knowledge (Winter, 2007). In this chapter, we develop new knowledge about community colleges worldwide. We reflect upon our personal experience and learning and on the experience of others so that we might make useful suggestions for future growth and change. This is part of what Bakhtin calls a conversation in progress (Bakhtin, 1984). We assume that the suggestions and conversations that we include may produce further questions to explore in the worldwide conversation about community colleges as it related to globalization and change. The puzzles of cultural diversity and multiethnic education are rooted in a larger puzzle of 23 The Community College at the Crossroads 423

globalization. Current research on globalization identifies at least three defining features: (1) widespread change in communication technologies; (2) emerging global markets and post-national knowledge economies; and (3) unprecedented levels of immigration and displacement of population (Suarez-Orozco, 2001). The conversation that we consider in this study focuses on the role that cultural diversity plays within our community college institution and the implications that diversity has for the process of becoming and being literate. Ferdman, for one, asserts that literacy is culturally framed and defined (Ferdman, 1990). We assume that cultural literacy in an institution changes the lives of students enrolled and steers them towards eventual educational opportunities in the 4-year institution that they hope to attend. On the one hand, our story is a case study that focuses on a group of five international students enrolled in the EPS whom we treated as individuals, since these students represent a mixed minority perspective. We consider the international students as representing a minority group in the EPS. And, on the other hand, our study also focuses on two groups of Turkish speakers whose experience is comparable to the experiences of any mixed minority group of students in any community college. The distinction between the group level and the individual level is important because individuals may acculturate or in fact learn more rapidly than groups as a whole, since we found that international students were better able to focus on learning than on group cultural concerns (Berry, 1986). For example, when confronted by a difficult concept that is taught in English, a Turkish-speaking student may ask a Turkish-speaking instructor to explain in Turkish, while a Guinean or Azeri student must seek to learn in English. Our assumption in the interviews is metonymic since we feel that we can tell much about the whole of the institution by telling an in-depth study of its crucial participants. The findings of our study can be said to be generalizable because of the sampling procedures that we employed. In this sense, we employed “horizontal generalizability” such that if the same sampling procedures were performed on a population which has the same characteristics as the EPS, our reader could expect to see our findings replicated in the second study (Romberg and Stephens, 1986). How does an institution like the EPS serve a culturally diverse student population and ensure that different forms of knowledge and experience brought by students to the crossroads are acknowledged and incorporated in a multicultural approach? Put another way, how does the institution produce unity within diversity? Unity may emerge from shared dispositions toward education. Many new students entering the EPS come from societies that place importance on the role of education in personal and professional development. They may come from countries where they have grown up spending more hours in schools than their fellow students in North Cyprus. So values placed upon succeeding in the EPS differ between students from the host culture and those coming from other lands (Fuligni, 2001). In the following sections, we provide interview findings and consider from an individual and from a group point of view the process of learning in the EPS. The relationship of the individual to the group forms the basis for learning in a culturally diverse institution. We interviewed the students in our sample, since they 424 J. Kusch et al. offer a study in difference and a contrast to two majority groups of students who predominate at EPS. Questions that were used in the interviews with international students focus upon students’ attitudes, knowledge, and values. How do we evaluate the findings of the individuals and groups we spoke with? Narrativization assumes the speaker’s point of view and what counts as fact is the product of author’s interpretation, so facts and interpretations shape one another (Stivers, 1993). An important evaluative criterion we used is coherence (Agar and Hobbs, 1982). To show an interpretation is more than ad hoc, coherence must be “thick.” That is it must be global, local, and themal. Our subjects gave responses, used contrasts, actions and juxtapositions. Responses were themal in that patterns run throughout and responses were local about the current conditions at the EPS. Taken together, the interviews offer different perspectives on the same discourse problem, whereas at other times they reinforce different perspectives.

Interviews

We interviewed international students enrolled in the EPS and focused on the role of language and instructional technology (IT). The problematic quality of language has a critical role in the chapter, since the dominant language of most students is not English, yet the official language of instruction is English.7 In the interviews, we explore the role of IT in shaping the experience of students in the EPS and discuss the way that the EPS and local community intersect to enhance students’ experience. A transcript of findings is from interviews with a set of students from the EPS who have come to North Cyprus from Mongolia, Iran, Azerbaijan and Guinea. In our story line, all the students have pseudonyms. We call them Domrul, Kamyar, Shaya, Ahmed, and Mongk. In order to present a broader picture of the EPS institution, we include the perspectives of instructors of the EPS. Narratives of instructors complement students’ narratives and give a first-hand understanding of the particular characteristics of day-to-day life in the EPS. Interviews with International Students. Domrul is a Turkish-speaking student from Azerbaijan for whom the knowledge of the local language and cultural similarities help to better manage the environment. Domrul fits well into the context of Turkish or Turkish Cypriot culture and also socializes with other local students. Consequently, he manages well in the multicultural surrounding of the EPS. According to Domrul, the EPS teachers facilitate foreign students’ adaptation of English language and communication inside a culturally diverse population. In Domrul’s case, his suit- ability is facilitated by his Azeri background that somewhat resembles Turkish Cypriot culture: “Azeri culture and Cyprus culture is same, because the Azeri nation is Turkish, Turkey and Azerbaijan nation are same people.” Kamyar, a student from Iran, mentions that he has some limited contacts with Turkish people. Kamyar mentions that his teachers help him manage in the school, but that they are not very helpful when they speak in Turkish. Although 23 The Community College at the Crossroads 425

English proficiency is a goal of the EPS, Turkish language is a preferred language of some teachers in the EPS, and that preference detracts from the multicultural environment. Kamyar and Domrul likewise mention that time given in the EPS for learning English language is not sufficient: “[T]he service of education in this school is very high, but the time of education is very little.” We can interpret this to mean that the quality of education is deeply appreciated but that the time for education is brief. Shaya, a student from Iran, is an older student who hopes one day to pursue his MA studies in Communication and Media Faculty. The difference from other students is that Shaya is a mature, astute person, as such he claims to be more committed to his studies. In addition, Shaya is a more demanding student in the EPS, as he wants to become more proficient in English language for MA studies and asks for more suitable materials according to his level of studies. He gives less emphasis to the EPS as a multicultural institution than to the EPS as a preparation for his upcoming MA studies. Shaya who, like Domrul, is a Turkish-speaking student is better able to manage in the culture of North Cyprus. Shaya emphasizes that his knowledge of the Turkish language helps him communicate with locals, although he himself is trying to speak more in English: “[I]n Cyprus some Turkish students prefer to speak in Turkish … but many times I prefer not to speak with them in Turkish and they have to speak English with me.” Shaya is ready to sacri- fice his friendship with Turkish students in order to improve his English and at the same time he encourages his friends to practice their English by helping them to improve their language skills. The fact that some Turkish students do not put intensive efforts to speak English brings into question the self-motivation of Turkish students to learn English. Ahmed, a student from Guinea, sees his life in North Cyprus as very colorful. He is very open to making new friendships and communicating with the local population and other international students. Like other interviewees he adapted to the North Cypriot culture quickly and tried to learn the local language. An important thing for Ahmed is the quality of classroom education at the EPS, which he thinks, is very appropriate, and he stresses that the EPS students should work hard and get the maximum out of the facilities that the school provides. Ahmed, as other interviewees, is very positive about the teachers; he says: “[T]hey are very helpful anytime you have any question.” Ahmed is very satisfied with the teachers’ counseling, and he describes himself as a very involved and hardworking student. He tries his best to learn English since he comes from a French-speaking country and understands the link between English and technology. Ahmed mentions the importance of Internet facilities in the EPS: “There is a computer lab, when you finish your pop quiz you can check your grade from Internet.” Ahmed says that the EPS really assists him in his future major and he gives the example of how other staff in the EPS do this: There are facilities in the SSSC so you have to do your self-study, to find out how to do some research. Here is everything you need to improve your English, you have to be lazy not to improve your language. 426 J. Kusch et al.

Ahmed is very grateful of the facilities that the EPS offers the students and he wants to get the most out of it, thus encouraging other students to try their best in learning English at the EPS. Ahmed expresses gratitude to the North Cypriot community, which he feels has welcomed him. Mongk, a student from Mongolia, is different from the above-mentioned interviewees in that she is a shy girl who does not speak at length about herself; however, she tries to give a picture of the EPS and her student life without many details. When asked about interaction with international students, Mongk says that her friends are mostly from Nigeria and Iran. She suggests the Internet as the most useful way to communicate with friends. She likes living on campus rather than outside it, and along with other interviewees she agrees that North Cyprus is an expensive place to live in, and finds it more difficult for a girl to support herself. Speaking about her academic life, Mongk expresses dissatisfaction with the quality of classroom education as she experiences problems when some of the students speak Turkish and the teachers reply in Turkish which she does not understand. In our interview with Mongk about the importance of learning English, she emphatically states:

I think in 21 century English is one of the useful languages. I think nowadays everybody wants to learn English. If I will get English when I am going abroad I can connect with them.

Mongk is eager to learn English as a means of communication with other people in terms of academics but also for connecting socially with them. Mongk thinks that the EPS is very helpful for her future department in terms of the English language skills that she learns. A commonality among five interviewees is their interest in the culture and history of North Cyprus. All interviewees are interested in sightseeing and trying to find out more about the eating habits and culture of the local population. Even though our interviewees come from very different cultural backgrounds, they share the same views about Turkish Cypriot culture that it is friendly and hospitable toward foreigners. All interviewees agree that living in North Cyprus is very expensive and beyond their budget; however, they create ways to enjoy the social life that the area offers. At the individual level, each international student expressed concerns about learning and belonging in the EPS, both of which they see as attainable. The use of language in the EPS is clearly a problem for some of our interviewees such as Mongk, Shaya, and Kamyar, all of who experience unpleasant academic and social situations when their peers or teachers speak in Turkish. Interviews with Turkish Students. The answers of the Turkish students used in our story of the EPS carry very “fresh” opinions, since they are expressed by the “new comers” to North Cyprus. We have three characters from different parts of Turkey and from different socioeconomic backgrounds. In our story, we call them Tulip, Gur, and Raf. In the interviews, we were interested in four questions, i.e. how they decided to come to the EPS; what they think about the use of IT in the EPS; what their ideas are on cooperative learning in the EPS; and what they think about the teaching/learning environment in the EPS. Tulip is a 21-year-old girl who wears a headscarf and a long overcoat. She is from the southern part of Turkey. Her parents are not well off, so she took the 23 The Community College at the Crossroads 427 university entrance exam in Turkey three times to study in a public university but was not successful and decided then to come to the EPS. Her ambition is to study psychology. When she was accepted into this program, she did not hesitate. She is aware of the importance of learning English; however, the main reason she came is that there is no pressure from the university administration regarding the way she dresses. As of this writing, headscarves are not allowed at Turkish universities: In Turkey you can’t find a job if you don’t speak English. This is one of the reasons why I chose the EPS. Also, I won’t have any problems with my headscarf here. You know the situation in Turkey, we have no right to study at university, this is not fair. EMU is relaxed, nobody cares about it. I’ll be relaxed here, life is not easy in Antep,8 you have lots of responsibilities as a woman, if you don’t study and you don’t have a job. Her parents supported her decision to come to the EPS because it is inside the campus and Famagusta is a safe city for girls. Tulip is from a religious family and is not very confident about herself. Tulip is not computer literate because it was not necessary for her to learn it in high school. She is very excited about learning its use. She knows it is essential to use a computer when she goes to her department and for her future career: I am looking forward to learning it, I didn’t have the chance to learn it before but I’ll have the opportunity to learn it here in the EPS. My friends told me that we need to do presentations so I have to learn how to use a computer as soon as possible. Tulip is from a traditional educational system9 and she is not used to working cooperatively with her peers: “I think it is a good idea to work cooperatively with my friends. I believe that there is so much that we can learn from each other.” She is happy to be here, she says that there is a friendly atmosphere in the EPS, which enhances learning: All the teachers are very friendly and helpful here. You can go to their offices whenever you want, they are ready to help. In my high school most of our teachers were very strict and some were even very aggressive. Gur is 19 years old and he is from the city of Erzurum in the far east of Turkey.10 Gur says that he came to study in the EPS because it gives quality education in English. In Erzurum, there are few universities and the medium of instruction is in Turkish, not English. He also states that he chose the EPS because it gives quality education and that life in North Cyprus is much more different than life in Erzurum. Unlike Famagusta, Erzurum is a conservative city and there is not much to do for a typical 18–24 year old: My girlfriend and I decided to come and study here because of its good education. My girlfriend’s sister is also studying here and she is happy. Famagusta is a modern city and social life is much better here than Erzurum. In Erzurum people are very conservative but here they are not. I feel like I’m in a foreign country. Gur learned to use a computer by himself, although in high school they were not required to: At high school there were some computers but we never used them. We didn’t need to do research or anything like that either. But here there are self study centers and we have to use Internet for our projects and presentations. You can also study outside class by using online materials. Our teachers provide us with some Internet addresses for further study. 428 J. Kusch et al.

Gur pointed out that he did not have any experience in collaborative learning. He said that learning becomes more enjoyable and meaningful when they work cooperatively with their peers. He also believes that there is much to learn from fellow students. Working in groups and in pairs gives them this opportunity to share ideas/information: We never had group and pair work activities in class. Everything was done individually. I prefer working with my friends rather than working on my own. Working on my own is boring. Gur likes the teaching/learning atmosphere in the EPS. He says the teachers are friendly here. In his high school, the teachers were rather strict. Raf from Kusadasi11 stated that the EPS was his eighth choice in the university entrance exam. The EPS is a choice of last resort for students from mainland Turkey; however, it is a first choice for students from North Cyprus. Raf’s ambition is to become a computer engineer when he finishes the university. He said that most of his friends are studying here and they are happy to be in the EPS. He said that he preferred to study here because it is just like Kusadasi, it is hot and near the beach. He believes that the EPS offers a quality education compared to other private universities in Turkey. He thinks that learning English is very important for his education and future career. He is not very happy about the social life in Famagusta; he says that there are not enough bars and discos for the students: I came here because of many reasons: Firstly, it is near the beach and the weather is nice. I have lots of friends here in this university. Also I have to speak English fluently because I need it for my job. A computer engineer should speak English well. Raf is happy about Internet facilities in the EPS. He said that there are two self-study centers where he can get access to the Internet whenever he wants. Since he is going to be a computer engineer, he said that he prefers doing tasks/projects which require them to use Internet. In his high school, they did not need to use computers: “I like using computers for my studies. I like doing research using Internet for my portfolio tasks.” Raf stated that he did not have any experience in working cooperatively with his peers. He said that they needed to do some kind of research and projects in high school but they all had to be done individually. They were not allowed to get help from their peers: The last time I worked cooperatively with my friends was when I was at primary school. But in high school we didn’t have such tasks and activities. I prefer working cooperatively with my friends because it is more enjoyable. The teachers in the EPS encourage us to work and help each other all the time. Raf thinks that the EPS is a lively and friendly place and learning becomes more enjoyable in such atmosphere. He finds the teachers especially helpful: “In my high school not all our teachers were friendly. There were lots of rules. But the EPS is very relaxed.” These three stories provide a rich contrast between familiar and fresh contexts for learning. For Tulip, it is a relaxed code of dress, for Gur, it is a feeling of modernity, and for Raf, it is a chance to work cooperatively. Taken together the students have a sense of belonging, developing their identity in the EPS. In light 23 The Community College at the Crossroads 429 of data collected from these students, we see that all of them find the EPS more relaxing compared to their high schools in Turkey. The EPS provides students with a completely new, exciting, and challenging educational environment. Although all three students come from different parts of Turkey, they found the EPS as a special place uniting them through English language learning and complementing their cultural backgrounds with new knowledge and values.

Cultural Challenges

As many studies suggest community colleges become the place of multicultural integration of values where “certain cultural forms become legitimized through their inclusion or delegitimized through their absence” (Rhoads, 1999, p. 121 in Martinez and Fernández, 2004, p. 56). The process of adjustment to a new environment creates a strong sense of cultural identity (Martinez and Fernández, 2004) and it is vividly seen in the case of Turkish students coming from Turkey to North Cyprus to study. The first challenge to their “back-home-build-in” cultural assumptions comes in the airport when they notice that their Turkish Cypriot brothers and sisters differ from them in manners, behavior, physical appearance, and language. Cultural adjustments in community colleges have always been an issue of various discussions in literature. Dayton et al. (2004) emphasize that the process of adjustment takes place through compromising the “levels of expectations in the culture,” which can be low or high depending on the traditions the person belongs to and is surrounded by (p. 32). For instance, traditions have the direct effect on the academic responsibilities. An example is where grades matter so much more to students than learning, and students are accustomed to bargaining for the grade of their choice rather than the grade they earned. As such, lowered cultural expectations may result in the “lack of motivation in pursuing higher education,” “limited goals,” and low performance in educational setting (p. 32). Therefore: it is important to remember that while … students are very similar in their backgrounds, there is also a multitude of different countries and cultures within the … population. Each student may identify with a different country of origin or cultural heritage. It is essential … to recognize and celebrate these differences.… In the future, it will be beneficial … to identify the different subcultures within … student population, as well as recognize the unique perspective and experiences of each individual student. (Dayton et al., 2004, pp. 38–39) This is strongly applicable in the case of the EPS where Turkish students from Turkey, in comparison to other foreign students and Turkish Cypriot students, form a striking phenomenon. They represent the largest contingent of the whole student population both in the EMU and the EPS, and though they speak the same language as Turkish Cypriots and have similar culture with them, they are still foreigners in North Cyprus and have to adjust to the local norms of the country. The flow of time and the way time is regarded socially is a problem for not only Turkish students but also people of other nationalities as well. Ordinarily, Turkish 430 J. Kusch et al.

Cypriots are not in a rush to do anything, and typically, an expression used in North Cyprus is “yavas¸, yavas¸” (slowly, slowly). Time in North Cyprus does not mean as much as it does for those coming from cosmopolitan cities or countries. This creates stressful situations, especially among Turkish and Turkish Cypriots. Often whatever is fast for Turkish Cypriots is slow for Turkish mainlanders. Even the language that Turkish Cypriots speak seems to carry a lazy element. The words (mainly verbs) have short, cut endings with some lengthy vowels at the end of each sentence as if they are pulling up words trying to fill in the empty space before the full stop comes. For example, “Ne yapiyorsun?” (What are you doing?) in Turkish language will sound as “Napan?” in Turkish Cypriot language. Naturally, this type of cut-version Turkish creates misunderstandings and funny situations where Turkish students realize that they are indeed in a foreign country. The pronunciation of many Turkish Cypriot words also differ from Turkish language and even the grammatical structure of sentences is different. To the Turkish ear, they sound awkward and funny. Many Turkish students feel that the Turkish Cypriot language is a less-polite language than Turkish. More sensitive people would even say that the Turkish Cypriot language is a rude language because it does not have the usual polite forms of expressing oneself but has the direct form of ordering other people. However, in the eyes of Turkish Cypriots such form of communication seems acceptable and even appreciative because it represents “closeness, brotherhood, and intimacy” among people. In the eyes of instructors of the EPS, the differences in communication serve as an opportunity to enhance autonomy and English language instruction. Actually English language addresses the misunderstanding by unifying thought and language for all. What really makes Turkish students strangers among Turkish Cypriots are values. Compared to Turkish mainlanders, Turkish Cypriots are more secular, and religion has less influence on their daily lives. Only few of them attend Friday prayer meetings in Mosques, and the majority of those who do fast during the Holy month of Ramadan are people from Turkey. Turkish Cypriots call themselves “Bad Muslims” rather than true believers. Such an approach is due to the influence of many civilizations, cultures, and religious movements that existed on the Island for more than 2,000 years. Moreover, Turkish Cypriots want to differ from Turkish people and they do their best to underline those areas where Turkish culture and values end and Turkish Cypriot culture begins. However, the attitude of Turkish Cypriots towards Turkish mainlanders is friendly and tolerant, mainly expressed as playful teasing. Turkish students would say that Turkish Cypriots are very careless and, that they set different priorities in life. Turkish mainlanders and Turkish Cypriots have a different work ethic. They strongly feel that Turkish Cypriots work less for a much higher salary than they would get in Turkey. Another striking phrase to the foreign ear after “yavas¸, yavas¸” is “bos¸ ver” (it does not matter). Turkish students get frustrated with the “bos¸ ver” approach because they are used to getting their money’s worth in Turkey. Turkish people might call Turkish Cypriots lazy, while Turkish Cypriots call themselves “stress free” and “relaxed.” 23 The Community College at the Crossroads 431

These differences between the two groups have important implications for classroom learning in the EPS where new arrivals do not share skills acquired by successful students in their new surroundings. The cultural and linguistic characteristics and their interplay make for difficult pedagogical and curricular decisions for instructors. Learning in the EPS is truly a matter of socialization of different groups to a completely different set of rules that are continually contested. For Turkish students to feel assimilated requires a necessary attitude adjustment. As we shall see further on, instructors at the EPS struggle mightily to enable assimilation among groups and individuals by diversifying instruction, offering counseling opportunities, and creating extracurricular and social opportunities to this effect. Elsewhere the debate on such issues as what should constitute belonging and learning at all levels of education has been going on since at least the writings E.D. Hirsch and others in the mid-1980s. Broadly what should be the nature of the relationship between minority and dominant groups in not just higher education settings but in the whole society? A second question that our discussion suggests at this point is: What does learning at the community college level tell us in relation to the individual’s sense of self as a group member and in relation to intergroup relations in the society as a whole? And more narrowly what is the role of the EPS as a community college?

Interviews with Instructors from the EPS

The four instructors who contributed into this research are teaching English in the EPS. Their names are Gunes, Gul, Naz, and Feriha. Three of the instructors are Turkish Cypriots and one is from mainland Turkey, and they are all women. The opinions of these instructors add value to the students’ interviews, since they look at the problems with a different perspective and can summarize the existing trends in the relationship factors of students, teachers, and foreign environment more precisely. All the teachers interviewed agreed that the students in the EPS are expected to be equipped with necessary learning strategies and skills which will enable them to take the responsibility for their own learning. The students are required to be reflective and sufficient learners, which will lead them to autonomy in their academic studies. Unfortunately, the students who come to study at the EPS are often far from being autonomous and reflective students. As Yumuk (2002) puts it, most Turkish university students lack necessary critical thinking and reflection skills, which are the two most important requirements of academic life because of their teacher- dependent learning habits. According to the teachers most of the students in the EPS have issues with their learning. The teacher named Naz expressed her ideas in the following way: Most of the students in the EPS can be described as low achievers. They do not trust their performance and have problems in developing proper learning strategies. Traditionally, students come to the EPS from high schools that privilege memorization and rote learning. 432 J. Kusch et al.

So, the teachers in the EPS strategize their teaching behaviors to address not only to the needs of the self-sufficient learners but also those who are yet to become autonomous learners. One of the features that make the EPS a unique institution from others of its kind, according to our interview with the EPS teacher Gul, is the fact that the EPS prepares students for their departments and gives them a general knowledge of English. Our other interviewee, Gunes, says that the EPS provides students with not only the opportunity to learn English but with some other useful lifelong skills and abilities, which they will need throughout their academic life and career. Students are trained how to do research on a given topic through using Internet facilities and SSSC/library and then presenting it in class to their peers. They are required to work in collaboration with their peers both in, and outside of, class throughout their education in the EPS. Gul agrees that in the EPS, the education system is totally different from students’ previous experiences. The life in the EPS is relaxed and friendly. Speaking about characteristics which facilitate collaborative practice in the EPS our interviewee Gul says:

In the practice and production stages of the lesson, I usually put my students either in groups or in pairs in order to maximize students’ participation in class …. I just put them in groups or in pairs and let them experience using the language … it is good to see how they work cooperatively in order to accomplish the given task. Besides teaching English, the EPS also aims to help students adopt lifelong learning strategies:

In the EPS we have learner-training programs integrated into the syllabus …. Through learner training programs, we try to train students to be self-sufficient learners who are responsible for their own learning. Instructors in the EPS employ English language instruction to effect changes that acculturate newcomers as they come into contact with the new society. For the majority group of Turkish speakers, acculturation involves a unidirectional shift from native to host culture in the institution of the EPS, and for the minority group of students whose native language is not Turkish, this shift is a multidimensional negotiation of old and new traditions. We find that the force that achieves acculturation is English language learning. English language learning involves much more than gaining skills that enable the goals explained before as the transfer functions of the community college. In the EPS, learning English also provides a deep sense of identity, a purpose for employing technology and belonging within a new set of skills. The skills include more sophisticated communication, higher-order symbolic and technical competencies, habits of works such as collaborative practice and interpersonal sensibilities that are common in any global setting. The question remains will the acquisition of competences and skills adversely affect other cultural differences. The community college as we see has a problem-solving and a problem-setting capacity. 23 The Community College at the Crossroads 433

Conclusions

It has been said that the function of action research is twofold: to make the strange familiar and to make the familiar strange. In our chapter, we purposefully write about a place that is strange to most people in other parts of the world and we attempt to make it familiar by way of stressing the commonalities of personal voices of students and instructors. Noffke (1997) states that there are at least six purposes for doing action research; in our work, we have focused on two of those purposes – increasing our own personal knowledge, and suggesting social and educational transformation that might occur as a result of action research through clarifying what a community college is like in a foreign part of the world. Put another way, our action research is concerned with coming to understand and tackle the effects of unconscious and institutionalized behaviors. We stated earlier that language is a principle factor influencing all of our perceptions of the EPS. At the EPS, English language forms life. As such, we came to understand English language in the particular context of the EPS as guiding performance and directing communication. So language in this context does not just have a descriptive function – since it is used by instructors to notify, to promise, and to assign tasks in the school. Language cannot be separated from the contexts in which it is used. One other important dimension of English language instruction in the EPS is its use in the area of electronic language in the SSSC. The students are aware of the importance of learning English because of its use in IT for their future academic studies and careers. This is an important reason why they chose to study at the EPS. They all agree that the EPS provides them with all the opportunities to improve their English especially the use of the IT and the SSSC. Learning IT in the SSSC changes boundaries of who may communicate with whom, and as such, it changes both social and personal identities of students. Using IT in English allows students in the EPS to change the ways that find meaning in all that they study, to restructure social relations via the Internet and to think differently about themselves. Prior to writing this chapter, we saw the EPS as merely a language school that enabled students whom we currently teach in the university to survive in an English-medium academic environment. We found from reflecting on the narratives and perceptions of both students and instructors that there are many issues yet to resolve. Such issues include a greater awareness of where our students really come from geographically, culturally, and linguistically. We see that issues of difference between culture and ethnicity belong at the forefront of our thinking about curriculum and planning. A second conclusion that we wish to draw from this research is that more opportunities for this kind of analysis can be made to community college practitioners as part of their professional development. The typical international community college student at the EPS is paradoxical, as he/she is simultaneously separated from traditions far away and decidedly different and often at odds with their local environment. As a product of cultures hailing from distinct parts of the world, the new person, an EPS student, becomes disturbed not only in his/her own sense of being, but also that of the culture of which he/she become a part. 434 J. Kusch et al.

To a degree, the story of students reflects uneasiness about changing student populations that are so common around the world. The anxiety is twofold – there is enthusiasm for change, for new voices that will enrich and transform familiar norms, yet often return to exclusive identity positions. We wonder how is it that students will ensure that they do not lose or forget who they are? Since the old self may be destroyed if it mixes and also destroyed if it does not mix. While doing this research our perceptions about community colleges have changed tremendously. Before we started writing this chapter, we had a very super- ficial knowledge about the community college; however, our understanding has been enriched through the extensive literature research, narratives, observations, and various intellectual discussions among ourselves. We have discovered that the EPS forms a unique combination of features of the language school and at the same time fulfills all the functions of the traditional community college. This model can extensively be used in the global arena especially in the context of the Third World for in that part of the world the English School has definitely other purposes than in the developed countries. We describe the importance of those purposes in the introduction part of this chapter. While collecting the information for this research, a lot of other unresolved issues emerged which can become the topics of future studies about community colleges. Among those topics are the issues of the majority foreign student population versus the minority local student population; the change of identity of those studying in the foreign environment; and the cultural misunderstandings often occurring in the multicultural setting. For us researchers as outsiders, there is a dawning awareness to reconsider our own ethnicity and how it has an impact upon teaching and living with others. How we think of who we are influences both our personal relations with our students and the wider structures of the community college curriculum. This chapter is neither a beginning nor an end. Instead, it offers a new grounding from which to understand the community college as an element of global change.

Notes

1. Cyprus is the third-largest island in the Mediterranean after Sicily and Sardinia. The main ethnic groups inhabiting Cyprus are Greek and Turkish Cypriots. Due to political reasons, in 1974, the Island was split into the Greek and Turkish parts, whereas the Greek part is officially known as Cyprus and the Turkish part as Turkish Republic of North Cyprus (TRNC) or North Cyprus. After the de facto partition of the island in 1974, Turkish Cypriots who were in immigration in Turkey, UK, and Australia started returning to Cyprus. In addition, some 20,000 Turkish guest workers moved to the Island to revive the Turkish Cypriot economy. Many of these workers eventually decided to remain permanently and take TRNC citizenship. Some immigration from Turkey continued in subsequent years. Largely as a result of this dual immigration, the Turkish Cypriot population totaled 167,256 in 1988, and 260,100 in 2007, according to the TRNC State Planning Organization. 2. The board of trustees consists of businessmen and politicians who serve an advisory capacity for the EPS which gives them a power of decision making. 3. In 2007, out of 2,085 students in the EPS: 1,589 come from Turkey, 409 come from Cyprus, and 87 from other nationalities such as: Iran 20, Iraq 10, Kyrgyzstan 8, Azerbaijan 7, 23 The Community College at the Crossroads 435

Guinea 7, Kazakhstan 6, Mongolia 6, Palestine 5, Jordan 3, Pakistan 3, Turkmenistan 3, Chad 2, Tajikistan 2, Bulgaria 1, China 1, Eritrea 1, Nigeria 1, Ukraine 1. 4. Test of English as a Foreign Language (TOEFL) Internet-based testing (IBT) measures the ability of nonnative speakers of English to use and understand English as it is spoken, written, and heard in college and university settings (Educational Testing Service, 2007). 5. Cambridge English for Speakers of Other Languages (ESOL) exams are the world’s leading range of certificates for learners of English. Each year over two million people in 130 countries take them. They help students to gain entrance to a university or college, improve job prospects, and measure progress in English. Cambridge ESOL’s world renewed teaching awards provide a route into the English language teaching profession for new teachers and first-class career development opportunities for experienced teachers (Cambridgeesol.org). 6. The EPS has similar program offerings to Chicago community colleges that serve students who want to improve English language skills, and to the University of Hamburg in Germany that offers preparatory courses for various subject matters. 7. The provenance of language at the EPS specifically in North Cyprus generally is highly problematic. There are at least four different ways to classify language: (1) Turkish is the official language of business; (2) Turkish is the preferred social language; (3) English is the medium of classroom instruction; and (4) English is the medium of the Internet and software technology. Technological English is regarded by the EPS students as a means of social communication. 8. Gaziantep, informally Antep, is the capital city of Gaziantep Province in Turkey. It is the sixth-largest city of Turkey and it is the largest city in Turkey’s Southeastern Anatolia Region. The culture in Gaziantep is mainly influenced by the Arabic, Assyrian, Armenian, and Kurdish cultures. 9. In a traditional educational system, students sit in rows and the teacher is the sole authority. The teacher is responsible for delivering information to students and the only communication in class is from teacher to students. The teachers are rather strict and have lots of rules in class. The students are not required to work together either in pair or group-work activities which maximize students talking time in class and thus enhance cooperation and collaboration among students. Therefore, there is no cooperation in learning. Moreover, the students are not encouraged to use any kind of technology for the purpose of doing research for their projects. In the traditional system, the corporal punishment is an acceptable practice. 10. Erzurum is a city in eastern Anatolia, Turkey. It is the capital of Erzurum Province, the largest province in Turkey’s Eastern Anatolian Region. 11. Kusadasi is a resort town in the province of Aydin on the Aegean coast of Turkey, and the place of Christian pilgrimage. The area has been a center of art and culture since the earliest times and has been settled by many civilizations since being founded in 3000 BC.

References

Agar, M. and Hobbs, J.R. (1982). Interpreting discourse: coherence and the analysis of ethnographic interviews. Discourse Processes, 5, 1–31. Bakhtin, M. (1984). Problems of Dostoevsky’s poetics. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. Berry, J.W. (1986). Multiculturalism and psychology in plural societies. In L.H. Ekstrand (Ed.), Ethnic minorities in immigrant and minority education. New York: New York University Press. Bowl, M., Cooke, S., and Hockings, C. (2008). Researching across boundaries & borders: the challenges for research. Educational Action Research Journal, 16 (1), 85–95, Abingdon, Oxfordshire: Routledge. Chicago City College Web site, 2007: http://www.cccacademic-programs/adult_gen_info.shtml Clark, B.R. (1997). Small worlds, different worlds: the uniqueness and troubles of American academic professions. Daedalus Journal of American Academy of Arts and Science, 126 (4), 21–43. 436 J. Kusch et al.

Dayton, B., Gonzalez-Vasquez, N., Martinez, C.R., and Plum, C. (2004). Hispanic-serving institutions through the eyes of students and administrators. New Directions for Student Services, 105, 29–40. Ferdman, B. (1990). Literacy and cultural identity. Harvard Education Review, 60 (2), 181–205. Fuligni, A. (2001). A comparative longitudinal approach to acculturation among children from immigrant families. Harvard Educational Review, 71 (3), 566–578. Kusch, J., Stein, H., Bohm, G., and Pan, A. (1999). What’s new in courseware? Action research in teacher-student partnerships. Educational Action Research Journal, 7 (2), 259–272, UK: Triangle Oxford. Laden, B.V. (2004a). Serving emerging majority students. New Directions for Community Colleges, 127, 5–19. Martinez, M. and Fernández, E. (2004). Latinos at community colleges. New Directions for Student Services, 105, 51–62. McNiff, J., Lomax, P., and Whitehead, J. (1996). You and your action research project. London: Routledge. Noffke, S. (1997). Professional, personal & political dimensions of action research. In M.W. Apple (Ed.), Review of Educational Research AERA, 22, 299–337. Rhoads, R.A. (1999). Community colleges as cultural texts: explorations of organizational and student culture. Ithaca, NY: CUP Services. Romberg, T. and Stephens, G. (1986). What researchers do, monograph. Madison, WI: Wisconsin Center for Educational Research. Russell, T. and Korthagen, F. (1995). Teachers who teach teachers. London: Falmer Press. Said, E. (1975). Beginnings, intentions and methods. New York: Basic Books. Starobin, S. (2002). Community colleges in Japan and the social status of Japanese women. Community College Journal of Research & Practice, 26 (6), 493–502. Stivers, C. (1993). Reflections on the role of personal narrative in social science in signs. Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 18 (2), 408–425. Suarez-Orozco, M. (2001). Globalization immigration and education: the research agenda. Harvard Education Review, 71 (3), 345–366. Test of English as a Foreign Language (TOEFL) Internet-based testing (IBT) measures the ability of nonnative speakers of English to use and understand English as it is spoken, written, and heard in college and university settings (Educational Testing Service, 2007). University of Hamburg in Germany Web site: http://www.verwaltung.uni-hamburg.de/vp-2/5/ Propaedeutikum_e.html Winter, R. and Badley, G. (2007). Action research academic writing: a conversation. Educational Action Research Journal, 15 (2), 253–269. Yumuk, A. (2002). Letting go of control to the learners: the role of the Internet in promoting a more autonomous view of learning in an academic translation course. Educational Research, 44 (2), 141–156. Retrieved January 5, 2008, from Routledge database. Chapter 24 UK Case Studies of SpLDs and Widening Participation for Minority Groups

Robert Edwards

Introduction: The Community College Prototype

I take the community college prototype in the United States to be one which provides 2-year courses – at higher education (HE) level – combining liberal, technical, vocational, and occupational or professional elements. These courses typically satisfy the requirements of the first 2 years of 4-year degree courses at universities, so that students can transfer with ease from a community college to a university. Although this prototype is common in the United States, and is becoming more widespread globally (Raby, 2001), it is not so well known in quite this form in the United Kingdom. In this chapter I will examine various differences and similarities between the US community college prototype and its equivalent in the United Kingdom, and also look at the impact on some minority groups within HE in the United Kingdom. I will assume my readers are familiar with the US model, and I will give more details of UK practice. School education in the United Kingdom is currently compulsory up to the age of 16, although in 2007, there was a proposal to raise the age limit to 18 (Browne and Webster, 2007). Beyond 16, most school pupils have three broad options: to leave education; to enter further education (FE); or to stay on at school, or at a sixth-form college, for a further 2 years to take A-Levels or other qualifications, and thereafter perhaps enter HE. This chapter is essentially concerned with the latter two of these three options. In the United Kingdom, FE and HE are essentially totally separate, and have separate funding, although there are fuzzy boundaries and overlaps between the two, as I describe below. HE in the United Kingdom has traditionally been exclusively at undergraduate level and above, whereas FE has been at levels below undergraduate: separate institutions, separate buildings, separate funding, and separate educational levels. This is a simplified picture, because the polytechnics, which became universities in the early 1990s, usually embraced undergraduate education and below, and now FE colleges are taking on some HE work, described later in more detail. Within this chapter I will describe a number of developments within the UK FE and HE sectors. All these developments can be thought of as widening the

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 437 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 438 R. Edwards range of people who participate in HE in the United Kingdom; indeed “widening participation” is a general aim, and a repeated mantra, of many current initiatives in UK HE, both within individual institutions and within national government. The developments I will look at include access courses running within FE to prepare students for HE; foundation degrees running within HE; foundation studies courses, which are effectively 4-year degree courses running entirely within HE; combined studies courses within HE, in which students can plan their own studies, sometimes with extreme flexibility; associate student schemes which allow mature students to enter HE on a trial basis; and outreach courses which encourage those who feel totally excluded from HE to give it a try.

The British University System

The British system of higher education appears, at least to many of those working within it, to be in a state of perpetual change. Naturally institutions which are traditionally thought of as aspiring to critical and analytical thinking, and which regard themselves in that light, might be expected to embrace the prospect of change in order to adapt to changing environments. However, the rate at which new ideas and initiatives are brought into operation can be bewildering. The environment in which higher education institutions (HEIs) operate is affected on many fronts. These include changing government expectations, and consequent changing government-funding mechanisms; changing public expectations; changing financial circumstances of students; changing methods of assessing quality of institutions; increased competition between institutions; and the change from minority, through mass, to near universal, higher education. The list continues. An interesting review, including an international perspective, can be found in Shattock (1998). Some of the recent developments in the British higher education system, while being prompted by these environmental changes, have actually resulted in outcomes which relate to comparison with the community college model. I will describe some of these recent developments.

Further and Higher Education in the United Kingdom

The relationship between FE and HE in the United Kingdom is complex, and has moved through many phases, mainly affected by changes in national policies. The full development of the relationship over time is too complex to deal with here. A good explanation is given by Parry (2005), who includes detailed references to government policies. I will give a summary of the main points. Could this segue be improved with some editing? FE in the United Kingdom typically offers a range of post-compulsory education and training (PCET) courses to students from age 16 upwards. “The FE 24 UK Case Studies of SpLDs and Widening Participation for Minority Groups 439

sector comprises five different types of college: general further education college (or tertiary college); sixth form colleges; agricultural and horticultural colleges; art, design and performing arts colleges; and other specialist colleges” (DfES, 2005a). General FE colleges may deliver a wide mix of courses, often including basic adult skills provision, general academic courses at pre-degree level, and specialist vocational and occupational courses. The courses offered will usually include A-level courses, thus paralleling courses offered in school sixth-forms, and sixth-form colleges, and vocational courses such as building trades, construction, and hairdressing. Traditionally, school-leavers taking up these FE provisions have effectively excluded themselves, or been excluded, from HE; there has been a binary divide, and school-leavers choose one route or the other. Thus, in so far as the US community college prototype is leading students into HE, the two models were quite different. However, a key factor in any discussion of the UK FE and HE environment is the large expansion, over recent years, in the numbers of young people entering HE. The GB Age Participation Index (API) increased from 6% in 1961/62, through 14% in 1985/86, to 34–36% in 2001/02 (DfES, quoted in Hubble and Knott, 2004). The GB API is the number of home-domiciled young (aged less than 21) initial entrants to full-time and sandwich undergraduate courses of higher education expressed as a proportion of the average 18 to 19-year-old GB population. A concomitant of this increase has been a change in the relationship between UK universities and their students, essentially from a suppliers’ market to a buyers’ market. In the previous suppliers’ market, universities could choose and select their students; students generally felt lucky to have the privilege of a university education; and students survived, or not, on their own. In the current buyers’ market, UK HE as a whole has to work hard to acquire sufficient numbers of students, many universities have substantial marketing budgets and advertise extensively, and high student retention rates are expected by bodies which monitor the performance of universities. Thus there is more pressure on UK universities to view their students less as acolytes at the altar of learning, and more as customers who have to be pleased. This changing relationship between universities and their students has had an impact on services provided for students. For one thing, there has been a proliferation of services to look after, care for, and help students during their time in HE. Thus there are now large departments in universities, providing student counseling, health services, career advice, employment assistance, mental health support, physical disability support, dyslexia support, and many other services. The support for disabled students is a particularly interesting example of this change. The UK Disability Discrimination Act marks a transition in HE, and, of course, in other areas, from the provision of services for disabled services being something of a matter of luck, to the provision of these services as a matter of right. I will comment on these matters more fully later. In these respects the United Kingdom is probably some years behind the United States. The United Kingdom generally is now beginning to provide the counseling and support services which have been established in US community colleges for many years (D. Turner, 2007, University of Glamorgan, personal communication). These services are also appearing in FE institutions. 440 R. Edwards

A more recent trend in FE is for higher education institutions (HEIs) – universities – to franchise the first year, and sometimes the first 2 years, of many of their degree courses to FE colleges. Under a franchise arrangement HEIs retain control of the specification and validation of their courses, but allow FE college staff to deliver and teach the courses to FE students on the FE colleges’ premises. The HE academic staff will keep a monitoring watch over the delivery of the course. It is common for the first 1 or 2 years of 3-year degree courses to be franchised in this way; students transfer from the FE college to the university for their final year. Thus this recent development in FE in the United Kingdom is tending more and more to approach the community college prototype in the United States. A much fuller account of the complex and changing patterns of links between UK FE and HE can be found in Gareth Parry’s article, “The higher education role of further education colleges” (Parry, 2005). His summary is forthright: Further education colleges in England contribute more than a third of entrants to higher education and teach one in eight of the undergraduate population. They are at the centre of policies to increase and widen participation in higher education. Through their delivery of the foundation degree they collaborate with universities and employers to change the pattern of future demand for undergraduate education. The higher education part of their mission should be regarded as normal and necessary. Lead responsibility for its development and health should rest with a single body. Not all should be expected to undertake higher level work. Colleges should lay claim to a specific level or type of undergraduate education and make that their own. The concept of further education is redundant and should be abandoned. However, the concept of Further Education has not been abandoned in the United Kingdom; FE has made some areas of education its own – perhaps particularly courses involving practical skills and stand-alone vocational courses, described later in this chapter – and the prevalence of the idea of a ladder of education in current governmental thinking (see Leitch, 2006, for example) suggests that FE also has a definite role in providing access to HE. The franchising of HE courses to FE is part of this access role. Some HEIs in the United Kingdom franchise a great deal, and some not at all. The reasons for franchising can include economics – HEIs need students – and student demand – people want qualifications, and the government plans to increase numbers entering HE. UK FE colleges are quite separate, and separately funded, from HE institutions. There is one national funding body for HE, and a separate body for FE (or, more accurately, three funding bodies for each, since England, Wales, and Scotland each have different bodies). It might be imagined that HE and FE serve similar interests, and yet in fact this is only partly true; to a large extent they serve overlapping but different constituencies. The overlap is in the region of first degrees: some FE takes on the teaching of the first 1 or 2 years of degree courses, and these are also taught in HE; FE provides potential undergraduates with the qualifications they need to enter HE, and some HE also takes on this role, in the form of foundation studies courses, described below. The differences appear in that FE teaches courses that have more practical skills and fewer analytical skills (examples might include hairdressing, blacksmithing, plumbing, building construction, and automobile 24 UK Case Studies of SpLDs and Widening Participation for Minority Groups 441

maintenance), whereas HE expects skills such as extensive reading and analytical writing (corresponding examples might include business administration, civil engineering, and automotive engineering). There is also an overlap and difference in levels of attainment: FE covers a range from sixth-form school level to second-year degree level; HE covers a range from pre-degree level to higher degree levels. Parry’s observation (ibid) that “[North American] Community colleges [are] increasingly involved in collaborative ventures with high schools, either to provide courses not available in the school curriculum or help raise the general level of achievement of students looking to enter college programs” raises a further comparison with the United Kingdom. FE colleges, especially those which include a sixth-form college function, and those providing A-level courses, do provide a parallel alternative to secondary schools. They also assist under-qualified students to progress to HE. However, “there has been a call on the [North American] community college to respond to shortages in specific occupations, such as school teachers and health professionals” (Parry, 2005), which is not so evident in the United Kingdom. It may be that changes in the United Kingdom’s FE and HE systems are the result of US influences in the United Kingdom. Those same influences could affect Australia and New Zealand, too, and not necessarily via the United Kingdom, but I am straying into supposition here, since I have no data to support or counter this idea.

Access Courses at Colleges of Further Education

I have explained above how FE colleges in the United Kingdom have many functions apart from that of assisting people to enter higher education. The latter is, however, one of the key activities of many FE colleges, and one that is now taking on greater significance. There are two main mechanisms for FE to enable people to progress to HE. The first mechanism, which I have already mentioned, is similar to the US system of community colleges. Students can study for the first year, or the first 2 years, of a degree course, under a franchise arrangement from an associated university. If successful they may progress to the study the second year, the final year, or both, of an honors degree at the university itself. The second mechanism concerns access courses. Many people do not acquire A-level grades, or equivalent qualifications, at school. Some may have rushed into paid employment, parenthood, or other activities, and then wish to return to education. Others may have attempted to gain qualifications, failed for any number of reasons, and then decided to make another attempt, sometimes many years later. Some FE colleges are associated with local universities, so that a student passing an access course at the college is guaranteed a place on a degree program at the associated university. Thus such courses can offer the very real chance of progressing 442 R. Edwards onwards to a degree to those people who may have come from educationally impoverished backgrounds.

Foundation Degrees

Foundation degrees were introduced in September 2001 as an alternative to conventional undergraduate degrees and higher national diplomas (HNDs) (DfES, 2005b). Foundation degrees are “innovative degrees that are designed and delivered in partnership with employers to equip people with the relevant knowledge and skills for business” (DfES, 2005b). They are equivalent to the first 2 years of an honors degree, and can thus be gained in 2 years with full-time study, but they are also specifically aimed at people in paid employment, who will typically gain a foundation degree in 4 years, by studying part-time and working part-time. A particularly important point is that foundation degrees are intended to be flexible, and that progression to an honors degree, and to higher degrees, is not only possible, but encouraged. In Parry’s words (Parry, 2005), To stimulate demand for short-cycle undergraduate education as well as to help close the “skills gap” at the intermediate levels, the government invented a new 2-year work-focused qualification, the foundation degree (Fd). This was intended to take the bulk of future expansion in higher education and, over time, to replace the HND and HNC. To ensure the qualification was of high quality and aligned to the world of work, the new degree needed to be a partnership between universities, who awarded the qualification, employers, who helped design and develop the degree, and colleges, who delivered most of program. More than that, the foundation degree was required to be both an exit and a transfer qualification. The Department for Education and Skills (DfES) Web site (DfES, 2005b) gives examples of mature people in low-skilled work who started with a foundation degree with the support of an employer, and who have now progressed to Ph.D. study.

Foundation Studies Courses

Despite the similarity in the names, foundation studies courses are entirely different from foundation degrees. Failure, or low grades, in A levels – the final examination level at the end of school sixth-forms – has traditionally been associated with a padlocked gate for those aspiring to a university degree courses. Rightly or wrongly, low A-level grades used to be seen as a disaster, and the end of the road. Anyone witnessing school pupils collecting their A-level results will be familiar with the tears of despair, mixed with the shrieks of elation; and these scenes are now displayed annually and routinely in the news media. Foundation studies courses offer a clear path with a second chance. By enrolling on a 4-year degree course which begins with a foundation year, roughly the 24 UK Case Studies of SpLDs and Widening Participation for Minority Groups 443

equivalent of A level, students can guarantee their places on the following 3-year degree program, as long as their foundation year is passed successfully. At my own institution, the foundation studies program has brought significantly large numbers of students, who would otherwise probably not have entered higher education at all, on to degree courses. In the United Kingdom, universities receive government funding based on the number of academic credits studied by enrolled students; which means that a university’s core budget increases when it recruits more students, so this increase in student numbers is an asset, as far as budgets are concerned. (Of course that simple description of a key feature of UK university finances omits many complexities.) It has been noticed by some teachers that these unconventional students often tend to be among the higher academic achievers at the end of their degree courses, not the lower, despite the expectations of some other teaching staff (D. Morgan, 2007, University of Glamorgan, 2008, personal communication). On the other hand, other students in this group find that university study does not suit them, and leave either at the end of the year, or before the completion of the year. In short, foundation studies courses attract students who may not otherwise ever reach HE; some of them succeed well, and some of them do not progress far.

Flexible Degree Programs: Combined Studies

There is now a well-established tradition of flexible degree programs in some UK HEIs. At one end of the scale there are degree programs which combine elements of two degree subjects. These programs may be described as joint degrees, or major– minor degrees, and students may have some possibility of module choice to tailor their degree to suit their interests. At the other end of the scale there are programs in which students may have a much wider choice of subjects in their first year, or for longer. Probably the most flexible program in the United Kingdom is that provided by the University of Glamorgan (University of Glamorgan, 2007). On this program students are able to choose each one of their six subject modules, throughout their whole degree course, from almost the entire range of modules delivered by the university. They can also choose the number of modules they study each year, and change that decision, if they wish, year by year. This extreme flexibility makes the program particularly attractive to people who may have children, families, or employment, for example, since they can, to some extent, plan their own timetable to suit their other commitments. This Combined Studies program is by no means a community college model, but it does share what I consider to be a key characteristic: that of striving to adapt the traditional HE offering to suit the varied needs of real students. Until the recent rapid expansion of the UK HE system, universities had no problems filling all the places they had. Now the situation has switched – there may be more available university places than there are suitable students to fill them. Hence universities feel economic pressures to make themselves more flexible, and more accessible, to a wider variety of potential students. 444 R. Edwards

An example of a Combined Studies student illustrates the point. A postal-delivery worker, with children of his own, he studied part-time on the program, achieving a good degree result after many years of part-time study. His employment, delivering letters house to house, was in the early hours of the morning, so that he could not attend the university until 10 or 11 a.m. each day. By choosing his modules accordingly he managed to build up a complete course which suited his interests and his work timetable. A conventional degree would very likely have been impossible for him to complete.

Associate Studentships

The popular image of university students, persistently and irritatingly promoted by many news media channels, is of people in their late teens or early twenties, generally free of responsibilities, and eager to combine maximum fun with minimum work while at university. Now that UK HEIs are widening their appeal and their admission policies to other age groups and other demographic groups, this stereo- typical image is even less accurate than it always has been. Associate studentships, as offered by my own institution, and perhaps others, are a case in point. Full honors defined as degree courses will set certain minimum entry standards. These would typically be A-level grades, or equivalents. There are many mature students who never passed, or even took A levels, who may feel that HE is forever barred to them because they cannot face 2 years of study to prove that they can reach a university’s entry standard, and yet who have had considerable work or other experiences which means that they could benefit from a university education. Associate studentships are designed for such people. Associate students may enroll on one or two modules, amounting to one third or one sixth of the first year of a 3-year degree, with only minimal entry qualifications – usually enthusiasm, plus some evidence of likely success, are the basic requirements. They can use this introductory experience to assess whether they wish to continue toward a full degree. Equally, the university can use the experience to decide whether it wants these students to continue, or not. In more formal terms, associate students are guaranteed places on full-degree programs if they pass the modules they have enrolled on. If not, they are not, although they may reapply at a later date. An example illustrates the mechanism. A junior administrator working for the armed forces at a local air base found his job tediously undemanding, but lacked the qualifications necessary to enter higher education. He enrolled as an associate student on two modules: one in creative writing and one in video production. He was supported by his employer, and granted time off to study as part of a redundancy package, since the base was due to be reduced in size in the near future. He enjoyed his two modules, and passed them. This entitled him to enroll as a part-time student on the Combined Studies program, and to keep the credits he had gained. He progressed further, converted to a full-time program, gained an upper second-class honors degree, and has now published his first novel. 24 UK Case Studies of SpLDs and Widening Participation for Minority Groups 445

A second example concerns a woman with very little self-confidence who began studying a single module to introduce herself to the study skills required in higher education, against the violently expressed wishes of an abusive partner. These first tentative steps eventually led her on not only to a good honors degree, but also to a master’s-level qualification, arranging herself to interview the UK Prime Minister face-to-face on two separate occasions as part of her course; a fulfilling career; and marriage to a much more supportive partner.

Community Outreach Courses

The programs described so far offer potential students many different routes to degree-level courses, but they all require a significant level of commitment of time, perhaps money, and probably travel. Some universities have developed the much older idea of extramural classes to outreach courses, delivered to a far wider range of participants. Extramural classes, taught by lecturers from traditional older universities, tended to appeal, in their subject matter, style, location, and clientele, to the more affluent and middle-class section of communities. By extending the idea of single modules being delivered off-campus, some universities now run a wide range of outreach courses in many areas, some very deprived. Outreach courses are often delivered in conjunction with, and at the premises of, small community centers run by very small teams of enthusiastic local people who wish to rejuvenate their own communities, and provide opportunities for their neighbors to have more education. They are often supported by small grants from local government. Such topics as local oral history, how to build a personal computer, the history of astronomy, and word processing, can lead people not only to new jobs, hobbies, and interests, but also to further degree-level study, and, if they wish, full honors degrees at universities. Many of the outreach modules are accredited in the UK HE credit-point scheme, so students begin accumulating credit points from the very start. There is a financial incentive for the sponsoring universities to ensure that modules do have this accreditation because students enrolled on accredited modules attract extra core funding.

Specific Learning Difficulties

There is much potential for confusion in the use of terms in the area of specific learning difficulties, especially in an international context. Specific Learning Difficulty (SpLD) is a term sometimes used in the United Kingdom as a synonym for dyslexia (see TechDis (a)). However, I intend to use it in the same way as many other people do, as a complete term including not only dyslexia, but also dyspraxia, dyscalculia, dysgraphia, autism, Asperger’s Syndrome, Attention Deficit Disorder 446 R. Edwards

(ADD), and several other so-called difficulties or disabilities. TechDis (b) agrees with my usage: People with “Specific Learning Difficulties” (SpLD) have specific deficits (and strengths) in specific cognitive skills, for instance short term memory, while those with a “Learning Disability” are likely to have a general deficit in their cognitive ability. Specific Learning Difficulties may also encompass Attention Deficit Disorder and Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder, Asperger’s Syndrome, Autism and Dyspraxia. Confusingly in the USA these difficulties also tend to be described as Learning Disabilities. Thus, if TechDis (b) is correctly reporting US usage, “Learning Disability” means a specific difficulty in the United States – a specific difficulty experienced by a person who has no difficulties in other areas of life; whereas it means a general difficulty in the United Kingdom – difficulties experienced by a person in all, or nearly all, areas of life. Whatever political influences direct or motivate community colleges and the various similar modes of operation of UK HE, the underlying purpose is to facilitate the provision of higher education to groups of people who would have been denied this access in the past. The second theme of this chapter picks up the other strand of my own work in HE – that of Specific Learning Difficulties and people with disabilities. There are significant numbers of people with Specific Learning Difficulties. Statistics are very hard to come by, but estimates range from a few percent to higher than 10%. Not all of these people, incidentally, wish to be considered as being part of an identified single group. Many of them would certainly have to be personally determined and highly motivated even to enter HE, let alone succeed on a degree program. In Romania in 2003 I was told by a departmental head at the University of Cluj Napoca that in order for anybody to become a member of the university, whether student or staff, they had to be able to demonstrate that they were “ normal,” meaning that they had no disability of any sort, before their application could even be considered. It may be a long time since such a situation prevailed in the United Kingdom or the United States, but there have certainly been changes in the expectations placed on UK HE in recent years. I want to spend time on these matters in the context of community colleges because, once again, we are dealing with a group of students who can now hope to gain admission to HE and degree schemes, but who would have been denied that access in the past. The UK’s Disability Discrimination Act (DDA) became law in 1995, although at that time it did not apply to all aspects of education. The Special Educational Needs and Disability Act (SENDA) was added as Part IV of the DDA in 2001. SENDA places a legal obligation on universities, FE colleges, and schools not to treat a disabled person less favorably for any reason connected with their disability, and to make reasonable adjustments if a disabled person would otherwise be placed at a disadvantage. TechDis Act (c) gives a summary, and the Office of Public Sector Information (2001) gives the complete act. Knox (2003) also gives a useful guide for teaching staff. One effect of the Disability Discrimination Act has been to formalize and clarify the obligations of the UK FE and HE sectors toward students with Specific Learning 24 UK Case Studies of SpLDs and Widening Participation for Minority Groups 447

Difficulties. This, in turn, has continued the gradually increasing acceptance of dyslexia, and other so-called disabilities, within education, and within society generally.

Dyslexia and Other SpLDs

Children at school, at all levels and all ages, may be severely affected by specific learning difficulties. It may be more correct to say that children may be severely affected, not by any particular SpLD, but by the manner in which their possible difficulties are regarded by those with whom they come into contact within their school. While some children may be well received, treated with kindness and consideration, and helped appropriately to achieve their potential; others may be made to feel stupid and useless at any sort of academic work, and possibly dissuaded from taking up any further education opportunities in the future. As a vivid example, Jackie Stewart (2006) reports his feelings at school, and particularly how he felt disabled as an adult, not by dyslexia, but by the way he was treated at school: I wasn’t diagnosed as dyslexic until I was 42 years old, and if there’s anything missing from my life it’s an education – I’d love to re-run it. I went to a state school in Dumbarton, Scotland, where I was almost always bottom of the class. The teachers made a fool of me, called me stupid and told me I wasn’t listening properly or paying attention. They’d say things like, “How do you spell ‘What’?” and I wouldn’t know where to start. Even my parents, who were good parents, thought I was lazy because they didn’t know. I’d go into the playground and the kids would say, “Hello, Dummy.” So I went with the other dummies, who were humiliated and angry people but I felt comfortable with them because they weren’t embarrassing or humiliating me. By the time I was 14, I was in the wrong place at the wrong time with the wrong people and one night got the living daylights kicked out of me, resulting in a broken nose, dislo- cated shoulder and cracked ribs. I shouldn’t have been there with those people. My school years were the unhappiest of my life in terms of the frustrations and complexes they gave me and I left school as soon as I could at the age of 15. Although I was embarrassed by my inabilities, I knew I had to make up for them in other ways. I started clay-pigeon shooting competitively and ended up winning most of the major championships, shooting for Scotland and Great Britain. Then, when I was 23, I started motor racing, which improved my self-respect. But not everybody is as lucky as me to find something they can do well. By the time of my diagnosis, I’d won all of my Grand Prix races and three World Championships, closed major deals and was financially independent. But I was still thinking, “I’ve got to try harder because they might find out I’m stupid.” When I was told I was dyslexic it felt as though somebody had saved me from drowning. The apparent persistence of that intense feeling of inferiority and stupidity, despite overwhelming evidence to the contrary, is remarkable evidence of the damage that it is possible for institutionalized education to inflict. The effect of the UK’s Disability Discrimination Act on FE and HE is not easy to assess. It is, in any case, mixed with the effect of changing public awareness of 448 R. Edwards

Specific Learning Difficulties. Is the Act the result of growing public understanding and awareness, or does the Act itself increase public knowledge, or both? It may not be possible to know. The current situation is that FE and HE are now legally obliged not to discriminate against students or potential students for reasons connected with a disability; and Specific Learning Difficulties are defined as disabilities just as are, for examples, blindness or mobility difficulties. In the past some potential students may not have been admitted to FE or HE; later they may have been admitted, but left to fare as best they could with inadequate assistance; now there is a legal obligation on educational institutions to give them whatever assistance they require to be on a par with other students.

Dyslexia

David Grant provides an excellently readable account (Grant, 2005) of his first- hand encounters with many people with dyslexia or dyspraxia, or both. He works especially with students in higher education. Two extensive autobiographical accounts of living with dyslexia are given by Susan Hampshire (Hampshire, 1982) and Eileen Simpson (Simpson, 1980). These books give vivid accounts of personal experiences. While the educational environment has undoubtedly changed, since these books were written, for many school pupils with dyslexia, I believe that many pupils are still treated badly, at all stages of the educational process. While dyslexia is believed to be by far the most widely distributed SpLD, many other difficulties, if that is the correct word, are experienced by some people. Each difficulty may have its own particular characteristics, and give its owner a specific pattern of strengths and weaknesses. What they all have in common, however, is a tendency to make their owners appear, both to others and to themselves, to be different from the majority of people. This is clear in the descriptions of dyslexia, above, and it is also brought out in accounts such as those given by Daniel Tammet (2007) and Mark Haddon (2004). Tammet has published an autobiographical account of his experiences of autism; and Haddon has published a vivid fictional description of what it must be like to live with Asperger’s Syndrome. By describing personal feelings of alienation and frustration, books and other accounts such as these provide a clear context in which to consider whether educational institutions really provide appropriate learning environments for all their pupils or students.

Obstacles to Progression

People who have had experiences such as Sir Jackie’s at school and in their youth will understandably tend not to consider any form of further or higher education, involving reading or writing, as a possibility for them. They may fear themselves 24 UK Case Studies of SpLDs and Widening Participation for Minority Groups 449 too stupid to undertake academic study, or they may consider university simply inaccessible to them. Thus they may easily be lost to the many opportunities which are actually there for them, but which they may never consider as remotely related to them. In fact it is perfectly possible for many people with dyslexia to succeed, and succeed highly, in FE and HE, although some of them may benefit from assistance of one kind or another. Differences such as those I have briefly described have been very significant causes of exclusion from HE in the past, but the difficulties of access are still present, albeit to a lesser extent. Although Sir Jackie Stewart’s experiences of motor racing are far from average, it is likely that his abiding experiences from school, as quoted above, are similar to those of very many people who had similar difficulties while at school. In my opinion, the main factor illustrated by this quotation, and reported again and again in the literature (Lockley, 2001; Dalton, 2004; Scott, 2004; Wray, 2001 for examples), is the damage done to self-respect and the way in which future steps in education are effectively sealed off. The barriers, for some students, may come down even before they reach the age at which they may legally leave school; for others they may come down before sixth-form study, FE, or HE. An example is the father of a student at my university. His son is a wheelchair- user, and has very limited mobility. As a result, both he and his parents have come into contact with the university’s disability and dyslexia service. This contact gave the father both the information and interest to enquire about opportunities for himself. This led immediately to his acceptance as an associate student to study one history module, and also to his assessment for dyslexia and visual stress (Meares Irlen Syndrome, sometimes called “Scotopic Sensitivity Syndrome”). His diagnosis of dyslexia, coupled with his acceptance on an undergraduate module, brought tears to his eyes with the realization that he was not stupid, as he had always been told, and that with the help of colored filters he was able to read texts without the words constantly moving around the page. He walked through doors that were suddenly opened to him, that he had never even thought would be worth pushing because he thought they were forever locked. On the other hand, as Sir Jackie’s example also demonstrates, dyslexia may also have more positive effects: “40% of the 300 millionaires who participated in the more comprehensive study had been diagnosed with dyslexia. Adrian Atkinson, a business psychologist who worked with the research group, noted that ‘Most people who make a million have difficult childhoods or have been frustrated in a major way. Dyslexia is one of the driving forces behind that’ (The Sunday Times, October 5, 2003; Reading Rockets, 2006). In higher education a dyslexic student may appear as being very bright and alert in tutorials, often being a great contributor to discussions, but then surprise the lecturer by handing in an essay which appears to be the work of someone who cannot even string a few words together to make a clear sentence. Students with dyslexia may have to work extremely hard to achieve middling results which other students can match, or exceed, with very little effort at all. The experience of listening to a lecturer, while simultaneously trying to take notes, interpret confusing 450 R. Edwards projected slides and images, and ignore extraneous noises, can leave a student with dyslexia totally exhausted, and needing a good hour’s break before the next class, when the timetable may make that impossible. There is a clear need for more in- service training of FE and HE teaching staff, and such programs are becoming more widespread. The key issue here is that UK HE is having to adapt itself – partly because of the need to widen participation to a greater number of students, and partly because of new legislation. Previously, disabilities have not been readily accepted as valid differences by all HEIs; now HE is more easily acceptable to more potential students.

Widening Participation: Glamorgan Outreach

The University of Glamorgan is one of the post-1992 new universities, having previously been a polytechnic, developed from the Glamorgan School of Mines, founded at the beginning of the twentieth century. It is located in southeast Wales, a few miles north of Cardiff, in an economically deprived area, at the centre of the once thriving coal and iron industries which revolutionized life and employment in South Wales in the nineteenth century. More recently the area has suffered periods of high unemployment, but also the establishment of many small and medium-sized enterprises requiring employees with new skills and needing retraining. The university recruits a large proportion of its students from the immediate area, and has put effort into recruiting from as wide a proportion of the community as possible, under the banner of widening participation. The University of Glamorgan’s Outreach Dyslexia Project is based on the belief there is a substantial body of people who could gain benefit from studying, but who never consider that possibility because of their previous educational experiences. Thus the objective of the project is to transfer knowledge about dyslexia and its effects to people such as these, in their local communities. In order to achieve this objective the project is currently delivering workshops on dyslexia at community centers to students, potential students, tutors, and staff; offering assessments to staff, students, and others who wish it; introducing potential students to the university campus; and representing the university as a center which is not necessarily remote and out of touch, but willing and able to contact individuals who might approach HE with less trepidation if they had more encouragement and support. There is also an interesting reverse transference of knowledge, in that lecturers who become more acquainted with dyslexia, and with the different thought processes of their different students, become more attentive and effective teachers. The project achievements so far include the presentation of workshops, private individual assessments for dyslexia, and the widening portrayal, however hard this may be to quantify, of universities as institutions which are aware of dyslexia and its effects, and which are likely to be welcoming of potential students who have dyslexia. 24 UK Case Studies of SpLDs and Widening Participation for Minority Groups 451

Conclusion

I have given a description of many ways in which students may find routes into, and through, UK higher education. These ways did not generally exist some years ago, but are now well established, and, in some cases are showing signs of expanding in significance. Perhaps these new routes represent a manifestation of the US community college model, in a slightly different form? I have also described how specific learning difficulties have been a barrier to further and higher education in the past, and how this position has changed in recent years. Finally, Mortimore’s comments on the tensions resulting from encouraging students who have difficulties with literacy into an educational environment “where literacy remains the dominant discourse” (Mortimore, 2007) brings me to a conclusion linking my two themes. In the 1970s and 1980s it was more acceptable than it is now for universities to ignore SpLDs. At a time when only 5–10% of the population even expected to enter university it was probably assumed by potential students and university admissions staff alike that any literacy difficulty would prevent admission. Universities had no need or pressure to draw upon those people who needed special support. Indeed, universities may well have contributed to the sense of failure of those people, by giving them clear evidence of their exclusion from a significant route to development. Now widening access, and the change from an elite system of HE to a mass system, means that if universities are aiming to recruit 50% of the population, they cannot ignore those with SpLDs.

References

Browne, A. and Webster, P. (2007). School Leaving Age Goes up to 18. Retrieved August 10, 2007, from The Times Web site: www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/life_and_style/education/article1 292132.ece Dalton, P. (2004). Dyslexia & Dyscalculia. Parliamentary Office of Science and Technology Postnote Number 226. Department for Education and Skills (DfES) (2005a). Every Child Matters: Further Education College. Retrieved April 28, 2007, from Every Child Matters Web site: www.everychildmatters. gov.uk/ete/agencies/fe/ Department for Education and Skills (DfES) (2005b). Foundation Degrees. Retrieved May 25, 2007, from Foundation Degrees Web site: http://www.foundationdegree.org.uk/ Grant, D. (2005). That’s the Way I Think: Dyslexia and Dyspraxia Explained. London: David Fulton. Haddon, M. (2004). The Curious Incident of the Dog in the Night-Time. London: Vintage. Hampshire, S. (1982). Susan’s Story. London: Chivers. Hubble, S. and Knott, D. (2004). The Higher Education Bill. Research Paper 04/08. London: House of Commons Library. Knox, J. (2003). The Special Educational Needs and Disability Act: Guidance for Teaching Staff. Retrieved 17 May, 2006, from the Demos Project Web site: http://jarmin.com/demos/course/ senda/index.html Leitch, S. (2006). Leitch Review of Skills, Prosperity for All in the Global Economy – World Class Skills. Retrieved 19 February, 2008, from HM Treasury Web site: http://www.hm-treasury.gov. uk/independent_reviews/leitch_review/review_leitch_index.cfm 452 R. Edwards

Lockley, S. (2001). Dyslexia and Higher Education: Accessibility Issues. Retrieved May 30, 2007, from the Higher Education Academy Web site: www.heacademy.ac.uk/embedded_object. asp?id=21626&filename=Lockley Mortimore, T. (2007). Of Babies, Bathwater and the Need to Label. Should We Jump Off the Learning Styles Bandwagon? Patoss Bulletin, 20(1), 55–62. Office of Public Sector Information (2001). Special Educational Needs and Disability Act 2001. Retrieved May 18, 2007, from Office of Public Sector Information Web site: http://www.opsi. gov.uk/acts/acts2001/20010010.htm Parry, G. (2005) The Higher Education Role of Further Education Colleges, in Foster, A. (Ed.), Realising the Potential. A Review of the Future Role of Further Education Colleges (The Foster Review), Ref 1983–2005DOC-EN, Annesley: DfES, Appendix 6, Foster Review of FE ‘think piece’. Retrieved September 4, 2007, from DfES Web Site: www.dfes.gov.uk/furthereducation/ uploads/documents/Higher_EducationinFE_Gareth_Parry.doc Raby, R. L. (2001). Community College Model Characteristics. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 458893). Reading Rockets (2006). Are Dyslexia and Wealth Linked? Retrieved May 12, 2006, from Reading Rockets Web site: http://www.readingrockets.org/article/5665 Scott, R. (2004). Dyslexia and Counselling. London: Whurr. Shattock, M. L. (1998). The Challenge Ahead. Times Higher Education Supplement, August 14, 1998. Simpson, E. (1980). Reversals: A Personal Account of Victory Over Dyslexia. London: Gollancz. Stewart, J. (2006). Article on His Personal Experience of Dyslexia. Hello! Magazine, January 19, 2006. Tammet, D. (2007). Born on a Blue Day. London: Hodder & Stoughton. TechDis (a) Dyslexia/Specific Learning Difficulties (SpLD). Retrieved May 22, 2007, from the TechDis Web site: http://www.techdis.ac.uk/index.php?p = 9_2_3_1 TechDis (b) Learning Difficulties. Retrieved May 18, 2007, from the TechDis Web site: http:// www.techdis.ac.uk/index.php?p = 9_2_3 TechDis (c) What Is SENDA? Retrieved May 18, 2007, from the TechDis Web site: http://www. techdis.ac.uk/index.php?p = 3_12_21 University of Glamorgan (2007). BA [Hons]/BSc [Hons] Combined Studies. Retrieved May 25, 2007, from the University of Glamorgan Web site: www.glam.ac.uk/coursedetails/685/221 Wray, M. (2001). An Introduction to Students with Dyslexia in Higher Education. Retrieved May 30, 2007, from Skill (National Bureau for Students with Disabilities) Web site: http://www. skill.org.uk/info/demos/dyslexia.asp Chapter 25 A Multiple Streams Analysis of the Impact of Globalization: Case of a Russian Community College

Eboni M. Zamani-Gallaher and Inna Gorlova

Introduction

The open-door concept is far-reaching as many countries promote access to higher education. Still persistent, however, is the uneven entry of various segments of society often on the margins of participation. While higher education in the United States has had an imprint on higher education across the globe, the US community college has served as a unique prototype (in various forms) that has become integral for educational access and workforce development. Despite cultural differences in higher systems globally, higher education for the average person in many societies often equates to greater economic and occupational mobility, particularly for students from nontraditional groups (Freeman, 1998; Raby, 2001). However, equality of higher education opportunities cannot be easily typified as policies and structures for who gains admission to college in the United States in contrast to other countries is fairly contextual. Even as the community college model of the United States has emerged in other parts of the world such as Australia, Canada, China, and South Africa, for example, comparative examination of education is fraught with ethnocentrism if not properly done (Noah, 1998). Hence, thematic comparisons (Kogan, 1998) of institutional attributes are better suited in contrasting educational systems. The aim of this chapter is to explore characteristics of 2-year colleges in the United States and in the Central-Chernozem Region of Russia. We focus on data related to Natural-Technical College which is located in the city of Voronezh, Voronezh Oblast.1 Voronezh Oblast is one of six oblasts that form the Central-Chernozem Region, also known as the Central Black Soil or Black Earth Region of Russia. Voronezh is situated approximately 300 miles south of Moscow and the Central- Chernozem Region is a part of Central Russia. This chapter endeavors to discuss themes/patterns relative to globalizing behaviors in community colleges, and whether institutions seek to ingrain globalization as one means of equalizing opportunities in a postcommunist Russian context and in a post-civil rights era in the United States. More specifically, similarities and dissimilarities relative to the mission and core functions of US and Russian community colleges are assessed against key globalizing behaviors: (1) homogenization, (2) internationalization, and (3) multiculturalism. Conceptual underpinnings for

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 453 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 454 E.M. Zamani-Gallaher and I. Gorlova this chapter are drawn from Globalization Theory and Kingdon’s Multiple Streams Policy Framework in examining the climate for curbing social stratification and promoting cultural competency in community colleges via internationalization and multiculturalism as critical forms of global behaviors. There are many forces impacting equality in higher education environments (e.g., internal and external political pressures, economic markets, and social roles, etc.). Becher and Kogan (1992), contend that at any one time, the extent to which one force (e.g., managerial, civil society, or market criteria) can yield useful comparisons of educational enterprises in different countries should evoke assessing the impact of political systems comprised of various policies, policy movements, and structures. More directly stated, this chapter is not starting with theoretical assumptions as the means by which we seek to further the understanding of the parallels/differences of the function and operation of community colleges in the United States and the Central-Chernozem Region of Russia. Postsecondary, non-compulsory, nonuniversity professional educational institutions in Russia are considered to be similar to community colleges in the United States. These institutions are referred to by United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and the Russian Ministry of Education and Science as preuniversity levels of higher education. In the Russian educational system, “community colleges” which provide preuniversity professional and vocational training are divided into two educational levels – basic vocational education (Nachal’noe Professional’noe Obrazovanie) and technical secondary education (Srednee Professional’noe Obrazovanie) (Gijsberts, 1998). Institutions that provide these two levels of professional education include different types of educational organizations such as professional technical schools (professional’no-technicheskoe utchilische), lyceums, technikums, and colleges. While professional technical schools and technikums were features of the Soviet system, “colleges” are a newly appeared post-Soviet educational entity. “Colleges” were created in accordance with the western educational system and, because of that, Russian “colleges” meet many of the characteristics of “community colleges.”

Methodological Considerations

The chapter reflects an attempt to identify the analogous and dissimilar epistemological foundation of the community college mission and functions relative to evidence of three global behaviors (i.e., homogenization, internationalism, and multiculturalism). Analysis of the extant literature in addition to existing information garnered through content analysis of public documents and archival materials (e.g., research literature – peer-reviewed articles/scholarly book chapters; institutional Web sites, college-course catalogs, strategic plans, core values, mission and vision statements, white papers, and policy briefs, etc.). Our examination of the aforemen- tioned materials was conducted based on Levin’s framing of Globalization Theory and the Multiple Streams Policy Analysis paradigm developed by Kingdon. More 25 A Multiple Streams Analysis of the Impact of Globalization 455 explicitly, Kingdon describes the policy process in terms of three interactive streams. The first stream referred to as the problem stream is characterized by what policy issues are considered high priority and are added to the agenda pass the competing interests of policymakers. Second in the policy process is the solution stream in which there is a testing of the waters to ascertain what policy ideas will be welcomed for discussion, need further revisiting, and/or should be combined with other social conditions in need of addressing. The third is the political stream which involves specific policy initiatives receiving support that could lead to official proposing of the policy or disfavor resulting in resistance to implementation from constituents in key decision making posts (e.g., legislative or executive branches of government). Relative to globalization theory, our approach calls for closer examination of the national political culture and changing demographics as a backdrop to shaping homogenization, internationalization, and multiculturalism as global behaviors that have emerged in community college models. Overall, the foundation for our analysis in this chapter seeks to examine what problems, solutions, and politics presented the right timing for a “window of opportunity” (Kingdon, 2003), resulting in acceptability of globalization at the 2-year college level. Hence, the community college in effect is responding to globalization through augmenting the curriculum, offering new programs, working with local employers to meet workforce and training development needs (Gijsberts, 1998). Colleges seek to establish more relationships with local secondary schools to recruit students, with local businesses to provide jobs for their graduates, and with local higher education institutions to increase access for graduates to higher education. As community colleges worldwide are called to respond to the needs for workforce education and training of divergent learners, content analysis methods were used to provide illumination regarding institutional access and globalization in the Central-Chernozem Region of Russia. Hence, the authors sought to take into account that the context for postsecondary education in the Central-Chernozem Region of Russia is uniquely challenged by transitioning from a socialist society to what is considered to be a more democratic society.2 We have been intentional in highlighting the Central-Chernozem Region of Russia, given it is one of the most populated and industrially developed Russian regions illustrative of rapidly changing markets which have lead to transformations in professional education at all levels from vocational preuniversity training to higher learning and research institutions. The new world order in Russia is reflective of emerging multicultural dimensions in schooling along the educational pipeline and reconfigurations of national identity in lieu of multiethnic participation as well as concerns regarding access by gender and socioeconomic status (Dmitriyev, 2000). Dmitriyev (2000) contends that multicultural education is a new phenomenon in post-Soviet Russia. Relative to homogenization and internationalization as global behaviors, Russian higher education mimics the US educational system in its inability to have an authentic acknowledgement that racial/ethnic preferences surface in education with regard to hiring practices and student admissions decisions. Further, we believe that multicultural approaches in education (e.g., affirming diversity in terms of hiring 456 E.M. Zamani-Gallaher and I. Gorlova and admissions) will enrich the culture of higher education institutions, their openness to changes, and further develop their capacity to thrive. Given the demographic changes that include growing numbers of students of interethnic marriages, class clashes, and increasing numbers of senior citizens, the younger generation in Russia has the difficulty of negotiating the wave of educational reform amid negotiating multiple identities with the country’s postcommunist identity. There is a small body of research by Russian scholars that examines diversity issues in terms of demographic shifts, equity, and patterns of globalization (Dmitriyev, 2000; Ilyin, 2003; Rozanova, 2003, 2004). Rozanova (2004) is one of the few Russian scholars that study cultural hegemony in Russia as one of the complexities of global transformations whereby she situates the preponderance of education and diversity as factors that contribute to dominion and exclusion in contemporary Russian society. However, little, if any, research by Russian educators and researchers has squarely focused on the interaction of racial/ethnic pluralism in correspondence with social class or gender as they may bear influence on systemic access dilemmas in lieu of globalization. Interestingly when considering globalizing behaviors, Russia has been charged with homogenization at a national level in terms of quickly mirroring American capitalism (Bridger and Pine, 1998). Conversely, the United States is still grappling with the economic realities of globalization via diversity in its many forms that is poised to ultimately drive modern American capitalism (Garcia, 2004). Given the demographic situation in Russia being described as a “crisis,” how has the primary role, functions, and mission of community colleges evolved in fostering increased access for disadvantaged social groups? More explicitly, we pondered: To what extent can globalization be embraced in Russia to transform nonuniversity colleges to better respond to Russia’s new pluralism as a means of addressing social stratification? All said the overarching aim of this case study was to determine the relativity or in other words which global forces vary according to context and those which appear to be comparable along the lines of Kingdon’s model. This exploratory case study offers a policy analysis examining how ethnicity, gender, migration patterns, and employment trends along with various changes in the cultural, economic, and political structure influence access at Natural-Technical College (NTC), located in Voronezh, Voronezh oblast, Central-Chernozem Region of Russia. NTC is a preuniversity non-compulsory educational institution that was founded as Voronezh Radio-Technical College (Voronezhskiy Radio-Technikum) in 1937. NTC was established by the federal government with the task to prepare technical professionals for developing industry in the Central-Chernozem Region of Russia. Keeping the mission to prepare students to work for industry as well as to go to the next higher level of professional education, the NTC was joined to the higher educational institution, Voronezh Politechnical Institute, in 1960 and was renamed Faculty of Secondary Technical Education (Fakul’tet Srednetechnicheskogo Obrazovaniya). However, the pros and cons of open access have presented a dilemma relative to mission, the role of internationalization and the context for multiculturalism. To-date available data indicates that globalizing changes in the curriculum have not affect the overall mission and corresponding admission policy of Natural-Technical College. 25 A Multiple Streams Analysis of the Impact of Globalization 457

Just as it has since the beginning of its existence, Natural-Technical College admits the same category of students – graduates from the high schools. For other potential learners the door of the college is kept closed. There are 48 community colleges in Voronezh, and all of those institutions are competitors. All colleges compete for students, for resources, and for prestige. The demographic situation is expected to bring a new challenge to colleges in the following years. The coming generation of secondary school students was born in the early 1990s when the birthrate was very low because of an economical, political, and social crisis that the country experienced (DaVanzo and Adamson, 1997). In short, Russian postsecondary institutions expect to face a decreasing number of young people.

Historical and Theoretical Foundation

Globalization Theory

According to Mason (as cited in Zeszotarski, 2001), for globalization to take root and flourish is more dependent on culture and the skillful attendance of dealing with cultural differences than economic issues alone. The variety of the world’s citizens today reflects an increase in people across the spectrum of difference. Culture, globally speaking, involves multiple cultures and is comprised of persons that are multiethnic, increasingly multilingual, with the acknowledgement that all segments of the world are interrelated and connected (Levin, 2002b). Therefore, there has been a redefining of community from its original conceptualization, particularly when considering community colleges as a form of higher education. The process of globalization has ignited increased competition among higher learning institutions on an international scale. In a similar sense, higher education is experiencing the impact of globalization much like the business sector in terms of revenue diversification – the call for high production to meet high skill and high demand markets that make knowledge management a commodity (Levin, 2001b; Liu, 2007; Waters, 1996). In correspondence to this paradigm shift of increased competition, greater diversity, and need for highly skilled training, the international emphasis at many institutions of higher learning began to take root; the community college was not exempt from the manifestation and residual effects of economic globalization (Levin, 2000, 2001a). Prior research illustrates that there are ramifications of globalization theory for community colleges (Dudley, 1998; Levin, 2001a, b, 2002a; Levy and Merry, 1986; Knowles, 1995; Raby, 2001; Raby and Tarrow, 1996).

Mission and Purpose

The National Doctrine of Education of Russian Federation (n.d.) defined new goals of education and expected results for the period until the year 2025. With the purpose of “integration of Russian system of education into the world educational 458 E.M. Zamani-Gallaher and I. Gorlova system taking into account national experience and traditions” (National Doctrine of Education, n.d.), the first step of the postcommunist Russian government was made in 2000 on the secondary school level. The 10-year secondary school Russian system which includes elementary, middle, and high schools was altered to 12 years of schooling (i.e., look-alikes of Western secondary school systems). Today, some secondary schools offer a 12-year program, whereas most Russian schools did not complete transition and work with the 11-year framework. Students from each type of secondary school programs (i.e., those with 11 as well as those with 12 years of schooling) attend community colleges in Russia.

Globalizing Behaviors

The likeness of community colleges in the United States and abroad (i.e., whereby they have remarkable shared characteristics) is representative of how institutions attempt to standardize the delivery of their services, streamline their processes, align their products, as well as approach their work in the same fashion speaks of homogeneity (Levin, 2001a). Homogenization in addition to internationalization and multiculturalism are among the globalizing behaviors shaping higher education. The following segment discusses these three activities with regard to the manner in which community colleges in Russia and the US have attempted to become global- minded institutions. Homogenization as related to institutions of higher learning in Russia, illu-strating features of the US community college system, encompasses five homogenizing characteristics corresponding to Raby’s (2001) community college models. The first characteristic of the community college model defines these institutions as postsecondary and post-compulsory institutions which are “included in national educational plans, have a curriculum, budget, and a mission that expresses localized connections” (Raby, 2001, p. 2). In the United States there is clear organization of a formalized community college system which includes: stand-alone institutions, branch campuses, community colleges embedded into the 4-year institutions with variations in governance structures (e.g., independent boards, multiunit, consolidated, coordinating boards, district and state boards, etc.). By contrast, Natural-Technical College accepts students who accomplished the compulsory and/or secondary education. Currently, in Russia, the minimum mandatory education is ninth-grade graduation. Complete (polnoe) secondary education students receive the equivalent of the US high school diploma upon graduation from the 11th grade. It is mandatory for those students who were accepted after 9th grade to learn the entire course of the 10th and 11th grade of high school during their study at the college. In short, a community college education allows students to concurrently complete their high school program. Additionally, NTC implements national educational plans of the Russian Ministry of Education and Science (Programmy razvitiya obrazovaniya, n.d.) through providing academic activities and receiving funds from the federal budget. The programs offered by NTC are required to be licensed and certified by the National Accreditation Agency of 25 A Multiple Streams Analysis of the Impact of Globalization 459

Russia (Quality Assurance, n.d.). The federal funding covers 100% of the cost for more than half of the students who study at NTC. The second community college model characteristic indicates that the institutions have a “specific purpose that advocates a singular element (technical or occupational), or combines pre-university academic, technical, vocational, occupational, training/retraining, socio-cultural and adult education” (Raby, 2001, p. 2). Case in point, Natural-Technical College delivers educational programs that prepare professionals with certificates and associate degrees and those “transfer” students who go on to the next stage of postsecondary institutions. NTC prepares secondary school graduates to work as professionals in industry, construction, advanced welding, and nursing. The average length of training programs is 3 years. However, about 70% of NTC’s graduates continue their education at senior level (i.e., 4- or 5-year) institutions of higher learning. NTC was unable to provide information relative to tracking student graduation rates. The third characteristic of homogenization speaks about community colleges not being held in the highest esteem. It is commonplace for community colleges to be seen as lesser institutions of higher learning by state and federal governments; they are often relegated to being prisoners of elitism in academia by university scholars or met with low regard by the general populace (Raby, 2001, 2007). This characteristic holds true across the US context of higher education and is mirrored in Russia as, for example, Natural-Technical College is not considered as an elite or prestigious postsecondary institution. Admission requirements show that NTC serves people from low-income and socially disadvantaged groups and those who would be considered as the “underserved” individuals with the lack of preuniversity preparation. Of course, lack of attention from the federal government is tied with the lower funds from federal, state, and municipal budgets (i.e., NTC receives funding from remaining amount of the principle budget). The fourth characteristic of community colleges is their focus on local needs (Raby, 2001). Russia’s NTC similarly addresses the needs of the local market in terms of producing highly qualified workers, technical professionals, and nurses for community-based employers. The fifth homogenizing characteristic reflects the fact that “community college models embody an ideal that low tuition accentuates open access, which in turn perpetuates alternative routes for post-secondary education that can build and maintain democratic overtures in relation to societal changes” (Raby, 2001, p. 4). During Soviet times, there were some “quota” programs for ethnic minorities that helped those people in or from former Soviet republics to get higher education. Currently, Russia’s colleges require students to be Russian citizens, to have money for their education, or to meet requirements if college applicants attempt to receive financial aid. Students from any ethnic minority group who are Russian citizens are considered Russian speakers. Hence, students who come to Russia from former Soviet republics (i.e., Kazakhstan, Ukraine, etc.) are expected to be fluent in Russian language. International students from countries others than former Soviet republics are offered to learn Russian as a Foreign Language prior to study at the college or university. Additionally, courses on Russian as a foreign language traditionally are offered by the as 4–5 year courses universities. 460 E.M. Zamani-Gallaher and I. Gorlova

NTC provides access to low-income and socially disadvantaged citizens that may not otherwise have postsecondary educational opportunities. These underserved groups represent the majority in a developing country such as Russia. Everyday people in Russia are not as frequently able to enter higher education which could subsequently aid in their ability to meet personal goals and succeed professionally. Furthermore, the chance to participate in decision-making processes and to defend their rights as citizens eludes many Russians that have not ascended educationally. Prior to the massification era of higher education in the United States, the vast majority of American citizens also could not realize postsecondary attainment as it was a primary vehicle of further advancement for the elite. Even in contemporary times, there still remains a neglected majority, as Dale Parnell so aptly argued in the mid-1980s; this group spans first-generation, low-income, racial/ethnic minorities, students with disabilities, women, and displaced workers which often fall through the cracks of the educational system and are at the margins of full participation in higher education in the United States. Akin to these homogenizing characteristics that are reflective of global behaviors within the US context are parallels relative to issues of higher educational access in Russia. NTC was selected for this case study as it is a typical example of majority of colleges across the city of Voronezh, across the region, and across Russia. The uniqueness of the college is its affiliation to the higher educational institution, in particular Voronezh State Technical University. Also of note, the NTC’s affiliation to the larger postsecondary education structure allowed its resources to be accessible for the authors. Similar to the US community colleges, Russia’s community colleges are separate educational entities that see their role in preparation of middle-level qualified professionals who assist specialists with the higher level of education. Attempting to meet the demand of a large segment of students to pursue higher education, Russia’s community colleges established partnerships with local universities to provide students with easier access to higher education and is more cost-efficient. Subsequently, community college graduates usually enroll at the third year of the university program.

Internationalization

Levin (2001b, 2002b) describes the manifestation of globalization in postsecondary education in terms of behaviors such as efforts to attract international students, internationalizing the curriculum, offering more foreign- language courses and study-abroad experiences. Therefore, generally speaking, internationalization in higher education encompasses several aspects including: curriculum development, increasing the presence of international faculty, matriculating international student enrollees, and so forth. Internationalization also extends to educational services exported by colleges, the level of student, faculty, and/or institutional involvement in international projects. However, in proffering our ideologies in concert with the extant literature, it is our belief that internationalization is an integrative process of 25 A Multiple Streams Analysis of the Impact of Globalization 461 weaving the sociopolitical, cross-cultural, and economic dimensions of the world’s societies across multifaceted missions of higher learning institutions. In essence internationalization calls for higher education officials to purposefully seek to enhance students’ understanding of international interdependence, encourage their global awareness, and cultivate intercultural competencies. From a US context, this would include intertwining internationalization across the tripartite mission of teaching, research, and service functions in the case of 4-year colleges and universities. Applicable to the multiple missions of community colleges is the collegiate, vocational, continuing education, and community service functions (Cohen and Brawer, 2008). More recently scholars have noted a mission shift relative to the key functions of the community colleges expanding to include increasing remediation, contract education, and global economic concerns driving alterations to the mission (Bailey and Averianova, 1998; Levin, 2000). When considering this pattern of infusion in the United States, some community colleges have been proactive in altering their mission to shift from merely localized educational concerns to being more cognizant of the need for a globally educated community (Levin, 2002b; Zeszotarski, 2001). In Russia there has been increased involvement in teaching foreign languages and the implementation of international projects. Different teaching methods are used at Commerce-Bank College, Moscow, for their foreign language courses. These methods are as follows: playing business games which include negotiating, signing contracts, and dealing with business correspondence; watching and discussing video films; organizing concerts of foreign songs; issuing student newspapers in foreign languages, conducting language contests. In fact, the participation of postsecondary institutions in intercontinental ventures has brought some colleges recognition from international organizations such as the State College of Technology and Management in Moscow Oblast receiving the American Golden Certificate of International Prestige award in 2003. The award was given to the State College of Technology and Management for international collaboration with European and American institutions, for strong partnerships with college graduates’ employers, and for quality of educational programs (Roginskiy, 2005). Students of all majors at Natural-Technical College receive training on usage of modern personal computers (PCs) and software in their professional fields. Medical professional equipment produced abroad is used for future technical professionals who would serve the similar equipment in hospitals and clinics after graduation. Voronezh State Industrial- Liberal College has an international partnership with Finland. Students at this college go abroad for short-term educational trips and also obtain experience hosting their peers and professors who visit their college in Voronezh. The majority of educational institutions across the country continue to repro- duce traditions of centralized authoritarian culture. Educational administrators lack knowledge and skills of how to initiate and apply all possibilities that free market and new time bring to them. Successful examples of achievements and recognitions of some colleges become very important for administrators and educational leaders to learn about ways to succeed, encourage global education, and to prepare students to meet the needs of employers. 462 E.M. Zamani-Gallaher and I. Gorlova

Multiculturalism

Overall, multiculturalism speaks of the complicated interchange between cultural and ethnic diversity; how it plays out in society and in particular in educational institutions as microcosms of the larger social world. Scholars have noted that multiculturalism is a key educational reform strategy that calls for unveiling the histories and cultures of marginalized groups, the value-laden assumptions regarding contributions of diverse racial groups, and forwarding a social justice agenda to remediate inequitable educational outcomes (Banks, 2006; Nieto and Bode, 2007). However, as it relates to globalization, Levin (2001b) contends that one way in which the globalizing process manifests at community colleges is through their acknowledgement of changing demographics (such as growth in English as a Second Language (ESL) and immigrant students) beyond how the new pluralism drives student enrollment or monetary motivations. While there are many ways or behaviors illustrative of globalization in higher education, the practices of a college, its policies, and mission, and so on, reflect the degree to which a particular community college’s primary functions with regard to the exchange of teaching and learning demonstrate a commitment to diversity. Relative to diversity and multiculturalism in Russia, Dmitriyev (2000) asserts that cultural racism exists particularly against people from Africa or toward people with yellow skin (e.g., yellow-skin people in Russia are people who are referred to as brown-skin persons in the United States). However, more significant, are ethnic conflicts between Russians and ethnic groups of people who moved legally or illegally to Russia from former Soviet republics in Caucasus region (Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia) and from middle Asian republics (Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan). Russians view representatives of these ethnic groups as well as immigrants from Afghanistan, China, and Vietnam as stealers of their jobs, wealth, and well-being, and refer to those people as “blacks” (Dmitriyev, 2000, p. 7). Additionally, there is a debate over what constitutes Russian people as other ethnic groups emerge desiring to refer to themselves ethnically in contrast to national terms. Soviet ethnocentrism persists in other ways as interethnic marriages are producing an increasing number of bi- and multiethnic Russians who are confronted with reconciling multiple identities with regard to nationality and ethnic background (Dmitriyev, 2000). Colleges in Russia recognize the ethnic tensions. Abuses and deaths of few international students by Russian skinheads created big scandals and public talks.3 Educational institutions of all levels constantly seek ways how to develop tolerance, respect, and interethnic understanding. Most common activities that colleges implement are related to celebrating the cultures. Days of ethnical cultures include preparing ethnic food, performing rituals, dances, songs, ethnic costumes. According to Hovland (2005a, b), the learning objectives for affirming diversity under the auspices of multiculturalism are not divergent from global education. Global education could be quite complimentary to the basic tenets of multiculturalism as each advances social justice from multiple perspectives to promote cultural/ intercultural understanding and competency. In spite of the commonalities and 25 A Multiple Streams Analysis of the Impact of Globalization 463 parallels that could be made in taking Westernized forms of diversity global, the intentional exploration of intersections between multiculturalism and globalization in the curriculum (especially at resource-dependent community colleges) is scarce.

Kingdon’s Public Policy Model

The policy process typically involves a series of events occurring within a highly politicized environment with various stakeholders jockeying for position over policy issues. Policy issues arise from public concerns over controversial policy issues (e.g., issues related to perceived social ills such as immigration, segregation, etc.). Fowler defines public policy as “the dynamic and value laden process through which a political system handles a public problem. It includes a government’s expressed intentions and official enactments as well as its consistent patterns of activity and inactivity” (2004, p. 9). Similarly, Kingdon (2003) frames public policy on a continuum comprised of a series of processes which includes four parts: (1) agenda setting, (2) specifying alternatives, (3) making authoritative choices, and (4) implementation of the policy decision. Kingdon’s model calls for multiple streams to converge in the policy process for policymaking to occur. When the nexus between the three streams takes place, this is referred to as the “window of opportunity.” According to Kingdon, the window eventually opens when precipitating events and incidents in the problem and/or political stream raise the attention to social problems considered to have public causes. While Kingdon’s approach is comprised of a series of events, it would be a misno- mer to present it as if it were sequential and linear in nature (2003). Kingdon does not consider policymaking a stage-like process but considers each of the streams to intersect while being independent of one another until a window of opportunity opens. While Kingdon’s Multiple Streams Policy Framework has not been applied in the limited research on globalization with equity/access policies by Russian scholars, we feel that this organizing conceptual framework may have heuristic value in examining the interface of globalization in terms of the effects of internationalization and multiculturalism emerging in the community college context (Fig. 25.1).

Emergence of Globalization: A Multiple Steams Analysis

Background, Issues and Events: Russia

In contrast with the United States, where community colleges were initially developed and expanded through the state legislatures increasing venues for access to higher education, postsecondary vocational/occupational schools in Russia (former USSR) were established by the federal government. Unlike their US counterparts, Russian taxpayers were not involved in decision making and 464 E.M. Zamani-Gallaher and I. Gorlova

Problem Stream

“Window of Driving issues, changes, & actors Opportunity” that promote or constrain policymaking (e.g., demographics, Coupling & economy, educational access, Solution Stream Policy occupational mobility, geopolitical Formation concerns, special interests groups, etc.).

Political Stream

Fig. 25.1 Illustration of policy framework based on Kingdon’s multiple streams analysis

respectively did not participate in policymaking. During the Soviet reign, the role of community colleges was strictly defined to prepare the working class and Soviet intelligentsia (e.g., elementary school teachers, nurses, and others who can be considered as “blue collar”). Research by Gerber has shown that career pathways following the fall of the Soviet educational system are greatly influenced by present institutional hierarchies which arguably reduce life chances and perpetuate social stratification in Russian society (2000, 2003). In fact, when examining gender and class differences, women and persons with low-income status more commonly attend less prestigious institutions of higher education (i.e., specialized secondary educational school also referred to as tekhnikum, technical colleges); are employed at lower rates, experience wage differentials; and have higher rates of layoffs (Gerber, n.d., 2006). While the elitist dichotomy of Vysshee Uchebnoe Zavedenie (VUZy), which are akin to the university system in the United States, and Srednee Spetsial’noe 25 A Multiple Streams Analysis of the Impact of Globalization 465

Uchebnoe Zavedenie (SSUZy), the equivalent to vocational–technical community colleges, exists at present, during the early Soviet-era colleges, preuniversity educational institutions were recognized as highly prestigious institutions that accepted well-prepared secondary school graduates. Postwar Russia brought the expansion of postsecondary education (Gerber, n.d.). The length of a secondary school education was 8 years during that time, and a very few higher education institutions accepted those who graduated from community colleges. In the 1950s, the federal government made a decision to develop the secondary school program and extended it 2 more years. Since that time, secondary schools provided two levels of graduation – after eighth grade and after tenth grade. About 15 years ago, 1 or in some cases 2 more years were added to the school program to make it more similar to the Western high school model of a 12th-grade secondary school. Hence, contemporary compulsory education is 9 years and completion of secondary education requires 11 or 12 years of study. Today, Russian community colleges admit students with both levels of graduation, 9th and 11th (12th), and teach students on separate programs where the 9th- grade graduates must complete their secondary school education during their study at college. The general admission requirements include to be a Russian citizen, to have a graduation certificate (Svidetel’stvo – after 9th grade and Attestat after 11th or 12th grade), to provide standardized test results (Edinyi Gosudarstvennyi Ekzamen), or to pass entrance examinations and an interview. Currently, each of two levels of nonuniversity professional education offers training for more than 280 different professions in about 40 professional fields. From 1997 to 2000, over 20 new professions in Secondary Professional Education were added to the Russian Profession Classification. Forty-five percent of professions which are taught at colleges are unique and are not offered in higher education. In the literature, nonuniversity professional education often is considered as a separate independent level of professional education that serves the particular employment needs of organizations, businesses, and agencies and meets demands of the big part of the economy. As it was mentioned above, as per the official documents of the Russian Ministry of Education, according to the international classification of UNESCO, Russian colleges are referred to preuniversity level of higher education. The changes occurring in post-Soviet time led to the decentralization of the educational system. The Russian Federation Law on Education that was legis- lated in 1992 states that educational institutions must develop bylaws and other necessary policies in accordance with the Russian Federation Constitution that guarantee all Russian citizens equal rights for professional and higher education on competitive basis. The Federal Law on Education states that educational institutions admission policy must not discriminate against people because of their race, gender, age, religion, beliefs, language, health conditions, social class, residency, and criminal background. Orphans and people with disabilities of the first and second categories have a priority for admission at college or higher education institution (Russian Federal Law on Education, n.d.). 466 E.M. Zamani-Gallaher and I. Gorlova

Problem Stream

Post-Soviet Russia and the Globalized Community College

The decentralization process of the education system resulted in a number of changes and the governing of institutions implemented democratic features. The transition from a socialist state to attempting to position for a market economic base has resulted in significant changes in government revenue and consequently the inadequacy of higher education financing. More specifically, the ability of higher education to expand its reach in the training and development of citizens is largely dependent on admissions policies and financial reform such as the legalization of tuition for all publicly or privately controlled colleges (Liu, 2007). Appointments to most leadership positions were changed by voting for candidates. Approaches in curriculum and instruction now contain some degree of academic freedom, though post-Soviet Russia shows career opportunities and advancement in academia increasingly stratified with little upward mobility (Smolentseva, 2003). The educational policies of the Soviet government and the Communist party were designed strategically – to educate each category of people for particular purposes in particular period of time. Nontraditional students were considered as undesirable incidents in case they happened to be into the system. For instance, from 1920s through the end of 1940s, the government provided mandatory illiteracy courses for adults. Young people had to receive a formal basic education according their abilities and willingness for future work or study. Everything in education was smoothly moved to serve the economy and politics. The individual needs in education were not considered as an important issue because the needs of the country were prioritized. Therefore, the planned economy and centralized system directed people to follow the existing path in education. In terms of educational pathways, literacy campaigns involved a nationwide task for a major part of the adult population in the country. Classes for adults were opened by all educational institutions. Komsomol as well as Communist party was responsible for political literacy of the people.

Up-Close Voronezh: Natural-Technical College (NTC)

Voronezh is a well-developed industrial city that boasts a population of over one million people. As such Voronezh has to change very quickly to capitalize on the free market and respond to global demands. Local businesses frequently request highly qualified specialists in different fields from institutions of higher learning. This new era has introduced innovative technologies, called for up-to-the-minute services, and the latest professional languages. Case in point, Russian language does not keep pace with English terms which enter the Russian environment and do not get translated. English words such as marketing or management that are used without translation in Russian spelling are examples of global effects on language, life, and culture. According to the opinions of administrators at NTC, the material and professional resources of their college allows them to increase and expand training programs, 25 A Multiple Streams Analysis of the Impact of Globalization 467 and provide educational services to greater number of students. An “open access” to education for different categories of people should be the next step in the Natural- Technical College admission policy toward meeting new demands of global forces while facing new challenges and satisfying the local community needs. An open access admission policy is one of the homogenizing features of globalization as it corresponds to the US community college system. While Russia does not have a formalized community college system, again, there (Table 25.1). Various financial aid programs make costs at the community college affordable for a wide range of people. Similar to the US context, the possibility to transfer credits attracts those students who want to save some money by paying lower tuition at the community college level.

Table 25.1 Postsecondary, non-compulsory, nonuniversity educational institutions in Voronezh, Voronezh Oblast, Russia (Data is valid for 2006)” Name of educational institution Pronunciation Translation 1. Воронежский Авиационный Voronezhskiy Aviatsionnyi Voronezh Aviation College Техникум Tekhnikum 2. Воронежский Государственный Voronezhskiy Gosudarstvennyi Voronezh State Industrial- Промышленно-Гуманитарный Promyshlenno- Liberal College Колледж Gumanitarnyi Kolledzh 3. Воронежский Механический Voronezhskiy Mekhanicheskiy Voronezh College of Техникум Tekhnikum Mechanics 4. Воронежский Монтажный Voronezhskiy Montazhnyi Voronezh College of Техникум Tekhnikum Industrial Assembly 5. Воронежский Финансово- Voronezhskiy Finansovo- Voronezh College of Экономический Техникум Ekonomicheskiy Tekhnikum Finance and Economics 6. Воронежский Юридический Voronezhskiy Yuridicheskiy Voronezh College of Law Техникум Tekhnikum 7. Энергетический Техникум Energeticheskiy Tekhnicum College of Energy 8. Воронежский Колледж Voronezhskiy Kolledzh Voronezh “Nomos” «Номос» “Nomos” College 9. Воронежский Базовый Voronezhskiy Bazovyi Voronezh College of Медицинский Колледж Meditsinskiy Kolledzh Nursing 10. Воронежский Государственный Voronezhskiy Gosudarstvennyi Voronezh State College of Промышленно-Экономический Promyshlenno- Industrial Economics Колледж Ekonomicheskiy Kolledzh 11. Воронежский Voronezhskiy Voronezh State College of Государственный Gosudarstvennyi Industrial Technology Промышленно- Promyshlenno- Технологический Technologicheskiy Колледж Kolledzh 12. Воронежский Государственный Voronezhskiy Voronezh State College of Профессионально- Gosudarstvennyi Pedagogy Педагогический Колледж Professional’no- Pedagogicheskiy Kolledzh 13. Воронежский Колледж Voronezhskiy Kolledzh Voronezh College of Железнодорожного Транспорта Zheleznodorozhnogo Railroad Transportation Transporta (continued) 468 E.M. Zamani-Gallaher and I. Gorlova

Table 25.1 (continued) Name of educational institution Pronunciation Translation 14. Воронежский Voronezhskiy Voronezh Electric and Электромеханический Колледж Elektromechanicheskiy Mechanics College of Железнодорожного Транспорта Kolledzh Railroad Transportation Zheleznodorozhnogo Transporta 15. Воронежский Колледж Voronezhskiy Kolledzh Voronezh College of the Минюста России Minyusta Rossii Ministry of Justice 16. Воронежский Колледж Voronezhskiy Kolledzh Voronezh College Экономики, Менеджмента и Ekonomiki, of Economics, Права Menedzhmenta i Prava Management, and Laws 17. Естественно-Технический Estestvenno-Tekhnicheskiy Natural-Technical College Колледж Воронежского Kolledzh Voronezhskogo at Voronezh State Государственного Технического Gosudarstvennogo Technical University Университета Tekhnicheskogo Universiteta 18. Колледж Профессиональных Kolledzh Professional’nykh College of Professional Технологий, Tekhnologiy, Technologies, Экономики и Сервиса Ekonomiki i Servisa Economics, and Services 19. Московский Финансовый Moskovskiy Finansoviy Moscow College of Колледж Kolledzh Finance 20. Музыкально-Педагогический Muzykal’no-Pedagogicheskiy Pedagogical College of Колледж Kolledzh Music 21. Музыкальное Училище Muzykal’noe Utchilische Rostropoviches School of имени Ростроповичей imeni Rostropovichey Music 22. Художественное Училище Khudozhestvennoe Uchilische School of Fine-Arts 23. Пожарно-Техническое Pozharno-Technicheskoe School of Firefighting Училище Uchilische Techniques 24. Профессиональное Professional’noe Professional School #1 Училище №1 Uchilische #1 25. Профессиональное Professional’noe Professional School #11 Училище №11 Uchilische #11 26. Профессиональное Professional’noe Professional School #12 Училище №12 Uchilische #12 27. Профессиональное Professional’noe Professional School #13 Училище №13 Uchilische #13 28. Профессиональное Professional’noe Professional School #17 Училище №17 Uchilische #17 29. Профессиональное Professional’noe Professional School #18 Училище №18 Uchilische #18 30. Профессиональное Professional’noe Professional School #21 Училище №21 Uchilische #21 31. Профессиональное Professional’noe Professional School #3 Училище №3 Uchilische #3 32. Профессиональное Professional’noe Professional School #30 Училище №30 Uchilische #30 33. Профессиональное Professional’noe Professional School #36 Училище №36 Uchilische #36 (continued) 25 A Multiple Streams Analysis of the Impact of Globalization 469

Table 25.1 (continued) Name of educational institution Pronunciation Translation 34. Профессиональное Professional’noe Professional School #53 Училище №53 Uchilische #53 35. Профессиональный Professional’nyi Professional Lyceum #2 Лицей №2 Litshey #2 36. Профессиональный Лицей №4 Professional’nyi Litshey #4 Professional Lyceum #4 37. Профессиональный Лицей №7 Professional’nyi Litshey #7 Professional Lyceum #7 38. Воронежский Учебно-Курсовой Voronezhskiy Uchebno- Voronezh Training Center Комбинат Kursovoy Kombinat 39. Воронежский Учебный Voronezhskiy Uchebnyi Voronezh Training Center Комбинат Минстроя Kombinat Minstroya of the Ministry of Construction 40. Межхозяйственный Mezhkhozyaistvennyi Training Center of Учебный Комбинат Uchebnyi Kombinat Voronezh Agricultural Воронежагропромстрой Voronezhagropromstroy Industrial Construction 41. Межшкольный Учебный Mezhshkol’nyi Uchebnyi Secondary School Комбинат №1 Kombinat #1 Training Center #1 42. Межшкольный Учебный Mezhshkol’nyi Uchebnyi Secondary School Комбинат №2 Kombinat #2 Training Center #2 43. Учебно-Курсовой Комбинат Uchebno-Kursovoy Kombinat Training Center 44. Учебно-Курсовой Комбинат Uchebno-Kursovoy Kombinat Training Center Автотранспорта Avtotransporta of Automobile Transportation 45. Учебно-Курсовой Комбинат Uchebno-Kursovoy Kombinat Training Center of Pipe Центротрубопроводстрой Tsentrotruboprovodstroy Installation 46. Центрально-Черноземный Tsentral’ Central-Chernozem Учебный Комбинат no-Chernozemnyi Training Center Uchebnyi Kombinat 47. Учебно-Производственный Uchebno-Proizvodstvennyi Academy #6 Training Комбинат Школы- Kombinat Shkoly-Internat #6 Center of Production Интернат №6 48. Учебный Консультационный Uchebno-Konsul’tatsionnyi Training and Consulting Пункт Бутурлиновского Punkt Buturlinovskogo Center of Buturlinov Торгово-Экономического Torgovo-Ekonomicheskogo College of Economics Техникума Tekhnikuma Sales and Services

Consider different interest groups that would express their “pros” and “cons” regarding open-access policies, who the college is for, and the affordability of NTC. Changes and new applications are always accompanied by resistance and opposition from conservative stakeholders (Kingdon, 2003). However, the struggle for change not only brings victories and benefits for some special interest groups but also losses that relate to nonmaterial things such as values, traditions, stereotypes, or power and influence. What obstacles would appear in designing a new admission policy or in revamping the mission to encompass globalization to address the current demographic situation created by the drop in birthrates, migration, and economic and political crises of early 1990s? There are a few categories of stakeholders who would reject 470 E.M. Zamani-Gallaher and I. Gorlova and hamper new changes. There may be resistance from bureaucrats in reshaping admissions to target nontraditional students. In essence, Russian authorities would lose some control over the educational institutions because new types of students would incite a cultural paradigm shift that would require new assessments, new policies, and drive the diversification of curricular offerings. Another special interest group who would possibly reject the admission policy changes and any subsequent attempts to reform Russian education to be more reflective of international and multicultural issues are conservative professors and educational leaders. These groups of educators believe that a community college has to teach its traditional students not seek to target the underserved through implementation of a “governmental order” to carry out social reengineering of higher education. Traditional-minded, old generation rejects changes and would defend not having the scope of education address the needs of diverse cultural groups.

Solution Stream

In spite of resistance from conservative groups of educators and government authorities, rapid globalization will continue to force colleges to be cognizant of changes in education policy as well as more efficient relative to human and fiscal resources. At present, Russian universities have actively sought to attract foreign students to increase the number of fee-paying students since only roughly 15–20% of those enrolled pay tuition (Liu, 2007). Hence, individual Russian community colleges could follow suit of higher education (i.e., universities) in aggressively recruiting international students to stimulate additional revenues for the schools. Voronezh NTC could be a great example for other colleges in the Russian postsecondary system by implementing a new approach of open access in the admission policy in addition to integrating globalization into their mission via curriculum and student services. The open access approach will help NTC find new ways and potentials for future development and survival as increased access benefits potential and current students, faculty, staff, and local businesses. Hence, the resources and official status of the college should allow for the design and delivery of quality training programs for diverse student groups. To make the changes in admission policies less painful, the policymakers can design the open access with a step-by-step implementation which would gradually open doors of the college for different groups of learners. Policymakers could identify the groups of learners such as professionals from the business sector, groups from the employment centers, or minority groups across the spectrum of cultural differences. In implementing a new step-by-step approach, the open-access policy could first provide an access for businesses to send their employees for professional development train- ings. The employers would pay for courses on management, marketing, sales, culture of the organization, team building, new software usage, and other areas of demand. The Municipal Employment Centers help adults find jobs, so they will send their clients to the college to take classes in order to develop their qualifications or change 25 A Multiple Streams Analysis of the Impact of Globalization 471 professions. The Youth Employment Centers deal with the high school students from lower-income families by giving them temporary jobs during summer school breaks. In practice, there are very few opportunities for teenagers to be employed for summer period. The Youth Employment Centers can send students to take summer classes at the Natural-Technical College and prepare them for future study. Students could take credit classes which would later be accepted by the college. In relationship to ethnicity in Russian higher education, the educational needs of minority ethnic groups are not explored very much at NTC. It is obvious that migration from the former Soviet countries significantly affected the current demographic situation. Classes on Russian language for non-Russian-speaking migrants as well as general education for refugees would be demanded from those minority groups. Other groups of potential learners, such as parents, people on probation, and seniors would gradually be welcome to attend classes at NTC. Night classes for adults, Sunday classes for seniors, summer classes for high school students, and distance learning are different formats of delivering educational services at convenient time for those who are “left behind” the college walls and would be able to benefit from the incorporation of global behaviors and increased access. Diverse groups of learners and individuals will get access to formal and informal education that will help people from socially disadvantaged groups compete on the market, become qualified customers, and socially involved citizens.

Political Stream

Access and Equal Education for the Masses

In the Russian economy more than 26% of all working people have a secondary professional education. In all major economical spheres (excluding science, education, finance, and leadership positions) the proportion of those who have community college diploma ranges from 28% to 45% which is 1.5–2.0 times more than the number of employees who have higher education diploma. Today, both researchers and practitioners discuss the potential use of equal rights and equal possibilities for Russian citizens to obtain a higher education if they choose to do so. In Soviet Russia, communist propaganda promoted the idea of “equal rights” for all citizens to obtain an education. It was considered as one of the existing achievements of the Soviet system, and even after the collapse of the Soviet Union the problem of access to higher education “did not exist” and therefore it was not discussed (Frumin, 2006, p. 5). The new experiment of applying the standardized test (Edinyi Gosudarstvennyi Ekzamen (EGE) [Common Governmental Examination]) for high school graduates was aimed at providing equal access to higher education for all categories of citizens. However, the researcher Frumin (2006) stated that there was “the strongest inequality” at the high school level where the higher results of the EGE was tied to elite urban schools and expensive tutoring. Frumin (2006) pointed out the 472 E.M. Zamani-Gallaher and I. Gorlova absence of researches regarding a linkage between educational inequality and the process of developing the democratic values in Russian society. Thus, the selection of secondary school graduates for higher education is based on the competitions between parents’ socioeconomic standing and affluence. During the last 15–17 years in Russia the demand for higher education has increased tremendously. Different researchers (Shishkin, 2006; Polischuk and Livni, 2005; Kolesov, 2006) provide very similar data regarding the number of students at higher educational institutions in Russia which has grown 2.5–3.0 times during the last 15 years. The researchers recognize higher education as mass education. Ninety-six percent of the young people with higher education diplomas, and 92% of those who do not have university diplomas believe that the youth of today need to get a higher education (Shishkin, 2006). The researcher lists many factors which guarantee young people gaining access to higher education at prestige institutions. They are as follows: study at a urban school, have high academic achievements at secondary school level, have computer equipment at the school, have parents with a higher education, obtain pre-higher education preparation at the chosen higher educational institution, take private tutoring with tutors who work for the chosen higher educational institution, have parents with prestigious careers and high social status (Shishkin, 2006, p. 220).

Window of Opportunity

While the fall of the Soviet Union created a coupling of the problem, solution, and political streams, the window of opportunity has failed to rectify social stratification in higher education. Tuition charging forms of higher education became instituted and access appeared more attainable when students paid for their study (Efendiev and Dudina, 1998). Russian postsecondary institutions do not experience enough pressure from the market, and because of this they are not pushed to increase the quality of education or fully address who is accessing higher learning institutions (Polischuk and Livni, 2005). In Soviet times most youth were not interested in obtaining an education unlike the industrial era whereby the educational system had particular goals aimed to serve the industry (Novikov, 2005). Students were under a strict control and were not motivated to gain knowledge. In modern conditions of rapid global market changes, the education and qualifications have become a source of capital for professionals. Strictly planned classroom activities are changing now to forms which give students more freedom for self-learning. One sociopolitical response to encouraging globalization will be the politics of pedagogy that plays out relative to the revamping of the curriculum to be more student-centered, less formalized, and increasingly open to new interpretations and experiences of students across all walks of life. 25 A Multiple Streams Analysis of the Impact of Globalization 473

Curriculum and Globalization: NTC and Others

At Blagoveshchensk Financial-Economical College, the data, document copies, and other information from local organizations are put to use in the college courses. For example, data provided by Amur Oblast Committee on State Statistics is used to help teach the “Economics of the Organizations” course, the local business incubator provides the college with data for the course “Small Businesses as a Foundation for the Economy,” the local Wine plant and other companies provide their financial reports to the college to aid in the teaching of Theory of Economic Analysis, and local Russian–Chinese partnering projects are used for the course International Economic Activities. Given freedom, global market forces, and competition to enroll solvent students have pushed colleges to change the pattern of “one college–one program” toward a wide diversification in the curriculum which they now offer. Colleges create different monitoring groups, and sign faculty members and administrators to explore the local educational and job market in order to recognize the external demands for launching new programs. Most newly opened programs and offered courses on their content are very far from the traditional teaching core of the colleges. For example, Technical College in Voronezh started programs on nursing and usage of medical equipment. As a result, in order to better reflect the new mission the name of college was changed to Natural-Technical College.4 Pedagogical college which specializes in training teachers now can offer courses in clothes design, hairdressing, and accounting. Railway College today attracts students in management, banking and finance, and Public Relations programs. The official documents of the Ministry of Education show that during last 15 years the educational programs on technical and agricultural disciplines were decreased but a number of programs related to economy, technologies, communications, and law were increased up to 35%. Most recently courses created relate to multimedia and computer usage, IT technologies, communication and telecommunication, professional equipment usage, management, finance, banking, taxes and custom service, public relations, foreign language interpretation, entrepreneurship, small business, micro economy, hospitality, tourism, and many more. Almost each college across the country offers programs in accounting, economics, and law. The Russian Academy of Justice started offering a program in jurisprudence in 2006. This program contains extra classes in foreign languages and study abroad for three semesters. Current college curriculums reflect changes in the global market, address the needs of local businesses, and offer post-Soviet learners greater opportunities to gain an adequate skill set to be a competent professional in a global economy. However, acquiring the requisite skill set to compete in a global economy costs. The average amount for 1 year of study at colleges in Voronezh was about US$1,000 for the 2006/07 academic year. At NTC, students were required to pay upfront for their year of study whereas some colleges accepted monthly payments. Hence, the diversification of the curriculum has been shaped by both global economic influences and the fact that there is a need to accommodate increasing numbers of students desiring to pursue postsecondary education, thus producing massification of higher education. 474 E.M. Zamani-Gallaher and I. Gorlova

Coupling Streams

The policy window opens to let problems be solved with the solutions from those political groups which are at the top of decision-making process (Kingdon, 2003). Already, formal democratic changes have been witnessed in the structure of the governing body. For example, Dmitry Medvedev, elected President of the Russian Federation on March 2, 2008, has started making steps in improving Russian education, being First Deputy Prime Minister of the Government of Russian Federation. For example, he has suggested eliminating the number of postgraduate and doctoral programs in order to improve the quality and prestige of Russia’s highest academic degrees. We hope that his leadership will increase the transitional movement of Russian education toward democracy and access to education for many underprivileged groups of people in Russia. The curriculum was significantly changed due to movements in the market, and the next step slated in the development process is access to the college. NTC, as well as other educational organizations has been affected by global forces. During the last decade, NTC has updated and expanded existing programs and opened three new programs – nursing, management, and cable-net systems. Natural-Technical College has contractor-employers that determine what kind of specialists and how many specialists they need and guarantee to hire. The ability of NTC to adjust programs to local market needs allows the college to survive, to be successful in new economical conditions with an increasingly heterogeneous student body.

Conclusions

Overall, there are good prospects for increasing participation in Russian higher education with the community colleges playing a pivotal role. The open-access admission policy is a new proposed approach in policymaking for the Russian educational system. From a Russian context, the community colleges are the best form of the postsecondary institutions which could support democratic changes in the country. However, we are concerned that colleges think about democratic changes very little. Institutions want to attract more solvent students and be able to survive as organizations. Traditionally speaking, higher education has been more concerned about economy not democracy. As more young people have access to Russian postsecondary institutions, community colleges stand to play a very important role in helping young people to be democratic citizens, gain education, high demand skills, and obtain gainful employment. The mission of community colleges coupled with its malleability, smaller size in comparison with the state universities, and other features make the community college the ideal institution to meet local community needs within a global context. A role that community colleges play today in educating students from the socially disadvantage groups is very important but it will be more significant in the near 25 A Multiple Streams Analysis of the Impact of Globalization 475 future as community colleges open their doors for the wide range of Russians whose educational needs increase everyday. It is more likely that community college models will become further ingrained in post-secondary educational structures. In that our world is increasingly multiethnic, multicultural, and multilingual, a higher education structure, such as the community college model, that acknowledges, endorses and respects that diversity, becomes most desired. (Raby, 2001, p. 6) However, in spite of difficulties of transformation from one very conservative and highly centralized system to another more flexible and mobile educational system, Russian colleges reflect the features of current times that are conditioned by the global forces. In lieu of the window of opportunity opening to create more flexible national (governmental) standards, there have been modest increases in academic freedom, and greater involvement of employers in the development of training programs. Colleges have more readily opened their doors for nontraditional students, such as women, multiethnic groups, and people with disabilities. Also of note has been growth in the admissions of part-time students who serve their sentence in the prisons. Since the fall of the Soviet Union, the government covers the costs for study about 60% of regular students at the Secondary Professional Education level, and roughly 40% of higher education students receive financial support from the government. Therefore, there is increasing mobility of people, growing value of education, and intensive competition between educational institutions which drive Russian colleges to go beyond the traditional Soviet mission and develop their ability to recognize and reflect demands of the global market changes. Some of the globalizing behaviors at NTC and other Russian colleges include: establishing partnerships with postsecondary educational institutions abroad to attract international students from foreign countries; removing traditional entrance examinations in 2007/08 to employ a national standardized test (i.e., Federal Governmental Test [Edinyi Gosudarstvennyi Ekzamen]) for use to apply to all colleges for student admission; installing advanced comprehensive programs to ease the process of transferring students to the university level of higher education. There are many parallels and disconnects between the manifestation of globalizing behaviors when considering the contexts for post-Soviet Russia and US community college education. Though the demographic realities are distinct, each country has experienced college student demographic changes (e.g., more women enrolling, increased internal migration, etc.). In Russia, as more people from former Soviet countries migrate, the resulting impact surfaces in the multicultural demographic makeup at colleges. Also just beneath the surface are politics of identity converging with the politics of pedagogy and ethnocentrism as Russian language is the main language of teaching. However, Russian as a foreign language is offered for the international students. In closing, this exploratory case study locates globalization in one Russian community college utilizing the tradition of Globalization Theory and Multiple Streams Policy Analysis. As with any social inquiry, there are limitations of the study to be addressed. Our analysis illustrates an exploratory case study utilizing a 476 E.M. Zamani-Gallaher and I. Gorlova policy analytic approach. This policy analysis is a bounded case situated in a specific context (i.e., Voronezh, Central-Chernozem Region of Russia). There are no claims of generalizability described in this chapter. While there could be some transferability, we call the reader to judge the usefulness of the conceptual frameworks to other community college settings and societal contexts. This chapter reflects methodological implications and weaknesses in the analysis of the policy environment in Russia. For example, this analysis does not fully differentiate the unintended or indirect impacts of open access or the implications of globalization on various stakeholder groups or beyond one community college (i.e., NTC). According to Pasteur (2001), how policy is put into practice within institutions varies substantially in different parts of a country or province based on variations in the local environment. Hence, our analysis is not as comprehensive relative to geographical and temporal dimensions of the Russian environment as they could have changed but not be reflected in the college’s policy statements. Finally, as this is not an empirical work, future research should reflect empirically data-driven studies, perhaps longitudinal in nature to address the impact of changing demography on campus climate and the educational environment (i.e., academically, culturally, and socially) of Russian community colleges.

Notes

1. Voronezh Oblast is a subnational entity parallel to what is considered a state in the United States. 2. Prior to the fall of the Soviet Union, Russian society was marked by socialist ideologies which advocated for heavy regulation, economic control, state rule of education, in addition to ownership of industry and capital. 3. Lezhanina et al. (2005). On October 9, 2005: A hate crime was committed resulting in a student from Peru being killed in Voronezh, while on September 25, 2006 a student from India was killed in St. Petersburg (http://www.lentacom.ru/reviews/71.html). Other assaults and batteries occurred in Tambov (http://www.rian.ru/defense_safety/investigations/20070205/60228266. html), in Moscow (http://www.utro.ru/articles/2003/11/30/254626.shtml), and in Tver (http:// touristblog.info/2007/10/blog-post.html). 4. NTC is located in the Central European part of Russia. Coauthor Inna Gorlova lived in Voronezh city for over 25 years. She graduated from Voronezh State University in 1984, taught Russian as a foreign language at two higher education institutions in Voronezh, and observed the process of transformation in the educational system in the Voronezh region. We chose Natural-Technical College as an explicit example of college changes during the last decades in Voronezh and Voronezh oblast, Russia.

References

Bailey, T.R. & Averianova, I.E. (1998). Multiple missions of community colleges: Conflictory or complementary. Community College Research Center Occasional Paper. NY: Teachers College, Columbia University. ERIC Documents Reproduction No. ED428800. 25 A Multiple Streams Analysis of the Impact of Globalization 477

Banks, J.A. (2006). Multicultural education: characteristics and goals. In J.A. Banks & C.M. Banks (Eds.), Multicultural education: Issues and perspectives, 6th edition. New York: Wiley. Becher, T. & Kogan, M. (1992). Process and structure in higher education, 2nd edition. New York: Routledge. Bridger, S. & Pine, F. (1998). Surviving post-socialism: Local strategies and regional responses in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. New York: Routledge. Cohen, A. M., & Brawer, F. B. (2008). The American community college (5th ed.). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. DaVanzo, J. & Adamson, D. (1997, July). Russia’s demographic “crisis”: how real is it? Washington, DC: RAND Issue Paper – Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies Labor and Population Program. Dmitriyev, G.D. (2000). Ethnicity and culture in Russian schools. ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED445 991. Dudley, J. (1998). Globalization and education policy in Australia. In J. Currie & J. Newson (Eds.), Universities and globalization (pp. 21–43). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Efendiev, A.G. & Dudina, O.M. (1998). Moscow college students in the period of the reform of Russian society. Russian Education and Society, 40(9), 6–31. Fowler, F.C. (2004). Policy studies for educational leaders: An introduction, 2nd edition. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Prentice Hall. Freeman, K. (1998). Equality of higher education in post-communist Hungary and Poland: challenges and prospects. In K. Kempner, M. Mollis, & W.G. Tierney (Eds.), ASHE reader on comparative higher education (pp. 371–383). Boston, MA: Pearson Custom. Frumin, I. D. (2006). Osnovnye podkhody k probleme ravenstva obrazovatel’nykh vozmozh- nostey [Main approaches to the problem of equality in education]. Voprosy obrazovaniya [Issues of Education], 2, 5–22. Retrieved January 25, 2009 from http://vo.hse.ru/authors. aspx?catid=324&ob_no=505. Garcia, G. (2004). The new mainstream: How the multicultural consumer is transforming American business. New York: Harper Collins. Gerber, T.P. (n.d.). Post-secondary education in Russia since the Second World War: Growing inequality due to institutional change and economic crisis. Retrieved October 22, 2007 from http://64.233.167.104/search?q=cache:nyj1X6BFCGcJ:steinhardt.nyu.edu/humsocsci/ rc28/Gerber.pdf+Theodore+P.+Gerber%2Bpost-secondary+education+in+Russia&hl=en&ct = clnk&cd=2&gl=us Gerber, T.P. (2000). Educational stratification in contemporary Russia: stability and change in the face of economic and institutional crisis. Sociology of Education, 73, 219–246. Gerber, T.P. (2003). Loosening links? School-to-work transitions and institutional change in Russia since 1970. Social Forces, 82(1), 241–276. Gerber, T.P. (2006). Dynamic gender differences in a post-socialist labor market: Russia, 1991. Social Forces, 84(4), 2047–2075. Gijsberts, I. (1998). Financing vocational education in Russia: issues and options. Vocational Training: European Journal, 13, 73–82. Hovland, K. (2005a). Shared futures? The interconnections of global and U.S. diversity. Diversity Digest, 8(3), 5, 19. Association of American Colleges and Universities. Hovland, K. (2005b). Shared futures: global learning and social responsibility. Diversity Digest, 8(3), 1, 16. Association of American Colleges and Universities. Ilyin, M. (2003, January). Policies of globalization and equity in Post-Soviet Russia. Paper presented for the fourth annual Global Development Conference, Cairo, Egypt. Retrieved August 30, 2007 from http://www.gdnet.org/pdf/Fourth_Annual_Conference/parallels2/CIS/ Ilyin_paper.pdf Kingdon, J.W. (2003). Agendas, alternatives, and public policies, 2nd edition. New York: Longman/Pearson Education. Knowles, J. (1995). A matter of survival: emerging entrepreneurship in community colleges in Canada. In J. Dennison (Ed.), Challenge and opportunity (pp. 187–207). Vancouver, BC: The University of British Columbia Press. 478 E.M. Zamani-Gallaher and I. Gorlova

Kolesov, V. (2006). Rynok obrazovatel’nyh uslug i tsennosti obrazovaniya [Educational market and value of education]. (Mezhdu WTO i Bolonskim protsessom) [Between WTO and Bologna process]. Vysshee obrazovanie v Rossii [Higher Education In Russia], 2006, No2. Retrieved March 27, 2008 from http://www.vovr.ru/?set=content&mc=4&full Kogan, M. (1998). Comparing higher education systems. In K. Kempner, M. Mollis, & W.G. Tierney (Eds.), ASHE reader on comparative higher education (pp. 41–45). Boston, MA: Pearson Custom. Levin, J.S. (2000). The revised institution: the community college mission at the end of the twentieth century. Community College Review, 28(2), 1–25. Levin, J.S. (2001a). Public policy, community colleges, and the path to globalization. Higher Education, 42(2) 237–262. Levin, J.S. (2001b). Globalizing the community college: Strategies for change in the twenty-first century. New York: Palgrave/St. Martin’s. Levin, J.S. (2002a). In education and in work: the globalized community college. The Canadian Journal of Higher Education, 32(2), 47–78. Levin, J.S. (2002b). Global culture and the community college. Community College Journal of Research and Practice, 26(2), 121–145. Levy, A. & Merry, U. (1986). Organizational transformation: Approaches, strategies, & theories. New York: Praeger. Lezhanina, E., Kartashova, L., Lazarenko, L., & Sokolova M. (2005, October 11). Voronezhskiy sindrom [Voronezh syndrome]. Rossiyskaya gazeta, N3896, October 11, 2005. Retrieved March 27, 2008 from http://www.rg.ru/2005/10/11/voronej-student.html Liu, Y. (2007). Revenue diversification: a comparison of Russian and Chinese higher education. Higher Education in Review, 4, 21–42. National Doctrine of Education (n.d.). International Labor Organization. Retrieved January 25, 2009 from http://www.ilo.org/public/english/employment/skills/hrdr/init/rus_4.htm Nieto, S. & Bode, P. (2007). Affirming diversity: the sociopolitical context of multicultural education, 5th edition. Needham Heights, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Noah, H.J. (1998). The use and abuse of comparative education. In K. Kempner, M. Mollis, & W.G. Tierney (Eds.), ASHE reader on comparative higher education (pp. 46–53). Boston, MA: Pearson Custom. Novikov, A.M. (2005). Novye pedagogicheskie problemy v usloviyakh perekhoda k postindustrial’nomu obschestvu [New pedagogical problems in transfer time towards postindustrial society], Spetsialist [Specialist] 3, 2–8. Programmy razvitiya obrazovaniya [Programs on education]. (n.d.). Federal’noe Agentstvo po Obrazovaniyu [Federal Agency on Education]. Retrieved January 25, 2009 from http://www. ed.gov.ru/ntp/ Pasteur, K. (2001, April 2). Tools for sustainable livelihoods: Policy analysis. Institute of Development Studies. Retrieved on December 7, 2007 from http://www.livelihoods.org/info/ tools/pas-PA01.rtf. Polischuk, L. & Livni, E. (2005). Kachestvo vysshego obrazovania v Rossii: rol’ konkurentsii i rynka truda [Quality of Higher Education in Russia: role of competition and labor market], Voprosy obrazovania [Issues of Education] 1, 70–86. Quality Assurance. (n.d.). National Accreditation Agency of Russia. Retrieved January 25, 2009 from http://www.nica.ru/main.en.phtml Raby, R.L. (2001). Community college model characteristics. ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED458 893. Raby, R.L. (2007). Internationalizing the curriculum: on- and off-campus strategies. New Directions for Community Colleges, 138, 57–66. Raby, R.L. & Tarrow, N. (Eds.) (1996). Dimensions of the community college: international, intercultural, and multicultural perspectives. New York: Garland. Roginskiy, A.S. (2005). Ot rabfaka do kolledzhnogo kompleksa [From the “working faculty” to the college complex], Spetsialist [Specialist] 5, 9–10. 25 A Multiple Streams Analysis of the Impact of Globalization 479

Rozanova, J. (2003). Russian in the context of globalization. Current Sociology, 51(6), 649–669. Rozanova, J. (2004, March). Russian political sociology in the New World Order: Discontents of globalization responding to hegemony challenges? Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, Le Centre Sheraton Hotel, Montreal, Quebec, Canada Online. Retrieved on February 19, 2008 from http://www.allacademic.com/meta/ p73576_index.html Russian Federal Law on Education (n.d.). Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation. Retrieved January 25, 2009 from http://mon.gov.ru/dok/fz/obr/3986/ Shishkin, S.V. (2006). Elintoe i massovoe vysshee obrazovanie: sotsial’no-ekonomicheskie razli- chiya [Elite and mass education: socio-economical differences], Voprosy obrazovania [Issues of Education] 2, 203–221. Smolentseva, A. (2003). Challenges to the Russian academic profession. Higher Education, 45(4), 391–424. Waters, M. (1996). Globalization. New York: Routledge. Zeszotarski, P. (2001). ERIC review: issues in global education initiatives in the community collage. Community College Review, 29(1), 65–78. Chapter 26 Pathways to Participation: A Comparative Study of Community College Entrepreneurial Educational Programs in the United States and Ireland

Daniel C. DoBell and Sarah A. Ingle

Introduction

The global economic environment of the last 10 years has been characterized as the “age of the entrepreneur.” As large corporations continue downsizing, employing fewer people, outsourcing more functions to smaller, more nimble enterprises, the small, entrepreneurial firm has come to dominate the business landscape. In the United States, for example, the majority of the 6.8 million new jobs created from 2003 to 2006 came from small enterprises and this growth is expected to continue (GEM, 2006). Likewise, in Ireland, over 97% of all operating businesses fall into the small business category. Beyond the United States and Europe, “the positive influence of international markets, new opportunities and better business environments are promoting the creation of new ventures” (GEM, 2006, p. 1). Clearly, global economic growth is being driven by the small, entrepreneurial firm, and it is becoming increasingly evident that entrepreneurial attitudes and skills must be identified and nurtured for sustained economic development. Kuratko (2003) suggests that “entrepreneurial firms are the essential mechanism by which millions enter the economic and social mainstream” (p. 5), and community colleges both in the United States and abroad have begun to play an important role by developing educational programs geared toward students of entrepreneurship not traditionally served by the 4-year institution. As such, the community college prototype with its tradition of open access, local orientation, and low cost has become an alternative pathway to economic participation for a large population of students. Community college entrepreneurship educational programs can prepare the individual for new venture start-up by developing the skills necessary to increase the effectiveness and long-term stability of the enterprise (Gorman et al., 1997). Beyond traditional business skills development, the community college entrepreneurship program can expose the student to economic opportunities present in the local environment. Finally, the educational process can enhance entrepreneurial development “through the provision of role models, the expansion and strengthening of personal networks, and through temporary apprenticeship placements” (Gorman et al., 1997, p. 57).

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 481 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 482 D.C. DoBell and S.A. Ingle

The entrepreneur of today is, according to Bell et al. (2004), “born global,” and in this chapter, we examine the emergence of entrepreneurial education in the community college from a global perspective looking specifically at programs in Ireland and the United States. We begin by providing an overview of the current entrepreneurial educational environment in community college models in each country highlighting their respective theoretical and curricular foundations. We then examine the main challenges facing the growth of entrepreneurial education in both countries which we view as three interrelated themes; the development of theoretical foundations, the growth of pedagogical methodologies based on theory, and finally, institutional placement and mission support. Next, we look more closely at specific examples of entrepreneurial education programs from representative institutions in each country focusing on the interrelationships within our analytical framework. We conclude by comparing how each country is addressing the challenges of theoretical development, practical pedagogical application, and institutional mission enhancement, and finally, provide our recommendations for areas of future research.

Community College Entrepreneurial Education in the United States and Ireland

The growth and expansion of the entrepreneurial curriculum both in the United States and abroad has been nothing short of remarkable. A recent study indicated that there are more than 2,200 courses being offered in entrepreneurship in the United States at over 1,600 schools (Kuratko, 2005). While the majority of these programs reside in the 4-year institution, the community college has begun to embrace entrepreneurial education as an important element of the institutional mission. Why is the community college well situated to deliver these programs? As Carducci et al. (2005) suggest: “By their very nature, the colleges are tied to the local community they serve” (p. 6) and therefore provide “an ideal context in which to develop educational programs to create entrepreneurs” (p. 6). The community college itself is an entrepreneurial institution with an infrastructure purposely designed to adapt to changes in the regional environment. In the local community college, there is no need for expensive dormitories, libraries, and research facilities (Dougherty, 2006). As Brint and Karabel (2006) suggest, community colleges have throughout their history been able “to situate themselves favorably for the next available market niche” (p. 72). Moreover, as entrepreneurship education is an inherently local endeavor, it is best taught by experienced entrepreneurs in experiential educational environments which are commonly found in the local community. Thus, as global economic development becomes more dependent on entrepreneurs, community college models have evolved both in the United States and abroad to prepare students to engage in, and enhance, local business environments. According to Dellow (2007), “given the rapidly changing nature of the global economy, those of us in community colleges need to … develop strategies to prepare the workforce for life in this environment” (p. 39). In order for community colleges 26 Pathways to Participation 483 to develop these strategies, it is important to look at the similarities and differences among institutions in a global context and that is the purpose of this chapter; to compare the development of entrepreneurship programs in community colleges in the United States and Ireland toward gaining a better understanding of those strategies and practices. Ireland and the United States were chosen for comparative purposes not only because of the breadth of literature devoted to entrepreneurship as an academic discipline in the two countries, but also because both continue to struggle with many of the same issues shaping theory, pedagogy, and ultimately, educational policy. We begin by providing an overview of the entrepreneurial education environments in each country. United States. Entrepreneurial education in the United States has been around for over 60 years. According to Katz (2003), the first known entrepreneurship class was held in 1947 at the Harvard Business School entitled “Management of New Enterprises.” Since that time, entrepreneurship education “has grown to become an infrastructure of tremendous size, scope and wealth” (Katz, 2003). The chronology developed by Katz suggests that entrepreneurial education in higher education in the United States did not come into its own until the 1970s when business schools in 4-year institutions began offering the first undergraduate and graduate business degrees with an entrepreneurial concentration. The number of university offerings grew exponentially from over 1,050 schools reporting courses in entrepreneurship in the 1990s to today with over 2,200 courses being taught at over 1,600 schools (Kuratko, 2005). Zeithaml and Rice (1987) characterized this domestic entrepreneurial curriculum as covering a diverse range of related business specializations which Kuratko (2005) describes as “a broad, integrative, pragmatic, and rational approach to business” (p. 582). Community colleges in the United States followed the lead of 4-year institutions with entrepreneurial programs first appearing in college catalogs in the early 1970s. According to Hagan (2004), however, it was not until the 1980s that “the interest and recognition that the community college could have an important role in meeting the needs of American entrepreneurs became more visible” (p. 31). And while there has been a similar trajectory of growth in entrepreneurial programs at all institutional levels, Maidment (2007) argues that “judging from the number of associate degree programs in the small business/entrepreneurship area at community colleges, it is safe to say that this has not been an area of great interest for most of these colleges” (p. 66). Similarly, Hernandez-Gantes (1995) suggest: “The contribution of two-year colleges to the business and technical preparation of entrepreneurs is disproportionately low in comparison to the contribution of four-year colleges and graduate schools” (p. 15). The character and intensity of these programs at the community college level varies greatly among institutions. Maidment’s (2007) study of 21 community college programs in small business/entrepreneurship showed that requirements ranged from one to six courses of varying credit values. The distinction between entrepreneurial studies and small business is another area of divergence among community colleges with programs in the United States using these terms interchangeably. The curricular structure of these programs are, similar to 4-year programs, broad in scope although Maidment (2007) notes that some programs do offer concentrations in marketing or finance. 484 D.C. DoBell and S.A. Ingle

Hagan (2004) argues that community college “small business and entrepreneurship programs are as diverse as the communities and institutions that house them” (p. 2). Thus, it is by their very nature that a standardized community college entrepreneurship curriculum or even a definition may not be forthcoming. Cox and McCormick (2005), who describe the importance of the “role of local contexts in shaping community colleges’ mission, structures, and outcomes” (p. 20), suggest that defining the institution itself is problematic. They articulate at least five different classification schemes proposed for community colleges none of which has been fully embraced. Therefore, the placement and classification of the entrepreneurial curriculum within the domestic community college may vary depending on the classification of the community college, its mission and its local context. Entrepreneurship programs, for example, may be supported more fully in an urban institution compared to a rural organization as “one of the distinguishing characteristics of the economies of rural distressed areas is the relative absence of indigenous entrepreneurs and the paucity of capital available for development” (American Association of Community Colleges, 1998, p. 7). Ireland. The community college equivalent in Ireland is the “Institutes of Technology” (ITs). These institutions were established in the 1970s to provide a system of regional technical colleges (RTCs), based, in part, on the United States model of technical and vocational education serving the needs of regional economies. The founding of the ITs, itself, was an entrepreneurial endeavor as they represented “a third-level system of technical education for which there was no UK model” (Barry, 2005, p. 38). Concomitant to the growth of vocational educational establishments in the United States, the ITs in Ireland grew to their present form to include 15 institutions located around the country with four based in or near Dublin’s city center. In the late 1970s, the Irish ITs added bachelor’s, master’s and doctoral programs, creating an institution serving nearly all of the higher educational needs of their respective regions. As such, these institutions now award 1-year certificates, 2-year diplomas, 3- or 4-year undergraduate degrees as well as postgraduate degree programs to the Ph.D. level. They provide broad, open access to the “third-level” system of education (after elementary and secondary), and allow individuals to progress at their own rate and ability in a more flexible way than the traditional 4-year institution. As Ireland is part of the European Union, it is important to set the entrepreneurship education environment within the context of Europe as a whole. The European Commission has in the last 10 years become increasingly aware of the need to develop entrepreneurship education on the continent. According to the European Commission’s Web site “Europe, it is recognized, needs more entrepreneurs but, unlike in the United States, however, this career path is rarely first choice for the average European” (EC, 2008). To discuss and promote this issue an international conference was held in Oslo, Norway, in October 2006 (EEEC, 2007). The main aim of this conference was to facilitate discussion on best practice in entrepreneurship education at all levels and to determine how to promote entrepreneurship education more systematically. The conclusions drawn from the higher education workshops focused on six main areas: clarifying third-level (postsecondary) education out- 26 Pathways to Participation 485 comes, building effective entrepreneurship education, developing effective educators, reshaping the institutional paradigm, integrating entrepreneurs/professionals in curricula design and delivery and securing public support/interventions. The recommended actions for higher education from the Oslo conference were broadly based. They did, however, recommend that considerable effort be devoted toward developing a shared framework of desired outcomes for entrepreneurship education and identifying experiential learning opportunities for students at all levels within varying models. Unlike the United States where entrepreneurial education exists primarily at the postsecondary level, entrepreneurship education in Ireland is becoming increasingly prevalent at all levels from primary school (K-6) through secondary (7–12). At the secondary level, for example, 1 year is set aside in most schools as a “Transition Year” where extra subjects are introduced and students get the opportunity to undertake work placements in both profit and not-for-profit organizations. Many schools also introduce the concept of enterprise development at this stage and students in teams set up a small business and run it on a profit-making basis throughout the academic year. According to Fitzsimons et al. (2005), “this initiative opens students’ minds to the possibilities of entrepreneurship and equips them with the confidence and skills to start and run their own business” (p. 38). Typical businesses include creating and selling a school year book, making candles or other craft-based products for sale, or providing a service such as gardening or car- washing. Entrepreneurship education is then introduced at a more advanced level in both undergraduate and graduate levels (third and fourth levels) which include both theoretical and practical elements. In many cases, assessment is by means of a business plan developed from an original idea which provides a no-risk environment for the student to develop a real business proposition. The main reason for this kind of education being offered in such a broad academic context is an increasing awareness among educators that promoting and advancing entrepreneurship and enterprise among young people provides students with an early realization of their potential as entrepreneurs. Entrepreneurial education also empowers students to develop a realization that they do not need to be exclusively dependent on large corporations for their livelihood (Birdthistle, 2006a). One recent study on the effect of secondary-level entrepreneurship education in Ireland supported this notion by demonstrating that such programs result in the development of key personal skills and competencies creating an increased awareness of self-employment possibilities (Birdthistle et al., 2007). Another recent research project found that over 70% of Irish entrepreneurs viewed their formal education to be either relevant or very relevant to their current entrepreneurial role (Birdthistle, 2006b). There were, however, additional findings indicating the need for an increased entrepreneurial focus in higher education in order to provide more support to budding entrepreneurs. The entrepreneurs studied also felt that all academic disciplines should educate students toward becoming more entrepreneurial in general, “rather than just training them to be employees in another firm” (Birdthistle, 2006b, p. 101). Acs et al. (2007) argue that a strong cultural context supports a strong personal entrepreneurial context “where the individual perceives opportunities, believes that 486 D.C. DoBell and S.A. Ingle he/she posses the skills, knowledge and experience to start a business” (p. 124). In this regard, Ireland still faces cultural barriers as the idea of entrepreneurship as a career option has traditionally not been viewed as favorably as in the United States. These cultural barriers are evidenced in lending practices where funding for high-risk ventures is often difficult to obtain. Birdthistle (2006b) notes: “[T]he most significant difficulty they [entrepreneurs] encountered in the start-up phase of the business was finance or the acquisition of capital” (p. 104). It is an economic environment that has, for over 4 decades, pursued a “policy that relied significantly on attracting inward foreign direct investment” (Acs et al., 2007, p. 128). As such, banks have traditionally viewed indigenous start-up enterprises with no track record with suspicion, and lending institutions have charged punitive interest and other fees on loans to small businesses further impacting cultural appreciation and enthusiasm for entrepreneurial endeavors. This environment, however, is changing and in general policymakers have come to realize that for “entrepreneurial activity to occur, the host country will require a cultural context that supports indigenous entrepreneurial activity” (Acs et al., 2007, p. 128). According to Birdthistle (2006a), Ireland has developed into “one of the most strongly supportive cultural contexts for entrepreneurial activity in the world as it has an economic environment which is very conducive to the development and growth of small businesses.” Policymakers are providing further evidence of a cultural shift beyond foreign investment toward indigenous enterprise as recent “policy interventions by Enterprise Ireland have evolved to include initiatives aimed at stimulating venture capital investments” (Acs et al., 2007, p. 130). The ITs, in particular the Dublin Institute of Technology (DIT), have been instrumental in spearheading the development of entrepreneurial education in Ireland, and are very active in promoting good practice in teaching and research in this field. The Irish IT system is not unique in Europe in this regard, however. Finland, for example, and its network of Universities of Applied Sciences, previously known as Polytechnics, have a similar entrepreneurial focus and other European countries including Norway and France are not far behind. Recent legislation to fund business incubation facilities on each of the IT campuses highlights the growing importance of entrepreneurship and experiential learning opportunities in ITs to Irish governmental agencies.

Three Links in a Chain: An Analytical Framework

According to Kuratko (2005), “the entrepreneurial revolution has taken hold across the globe and has undeniably impacted the world of business forever” (p. 577). As discussed earlier, entrepreneurship as an academic discipline is emerging on a global scale both in the 4-year institution as well as the community college. As with any academic discipline, the theoretical foundations must first be established before practical applications and pedagogical methodologies can be developed. Robinson and Hayes (1991) suggest that a primary obstacle that must be overcome in the 26 Pathways to Participation 487

Define Entrepreneurship to Derive Institutional Support Establish Theoretical Create Practical Pedagogical from Strong Theoretical and Foundations Methodologies from Practical Foundations Theoretical Foundations

Fig. 26.1 Analytical framework entrepreneurship education field in the United States “may be the lack of solid theoretical bases upon which to build pedagogical models and methods” (p. 51). They go on to argue that linking pedagogy to real-world applications is an important next step toward maintaining student interest and gaining institutional support. Likewise, Bennett’s (2006) survey of 141 entrepreneurship educators in the United Kingdom found “a lack of uniformity vis-à-vis general pedagogical approaches” (p. 184) to teaching the subject of entrepreneurship which has been influenced by those educators’ “interpretations of the meaning of entrepreneurship” (p. 180). As such, “more than a third of the respondents disagreed or strongly disagreed that they were committed to their roles as teachers of entrepreneurship” (p. 184). Given the present state of entrepreneurship as an emerging academic discipline, both in the United States and Ireland, it is possible to characterize the field of entrepreneurial education within the context of community college reform as three links in an evolving chain (Fig. 26.1) each serving to strengthen the whole: defining entrepreneurship itself to solidify theoretical foundations, creating pedagogical methodologies from theory, and finally, deriving institutional support based on strong theoretical and practical foundations. As we will see through our comparative analysis, these foundations are necessary for the discipline to become established regardless of the context be it Ireland, the United States, or beyond. Each of these links is now discussed in a general context followed by an examination of two specific cases within this analytical perspective.

Defining Entrepreneurship

According to Hagan (2004), “conventional wisdom suggests that a thorough understanding of a field of study should begin with a definition of terms” (p. 18) and the differing nomenclature used on both sides of the Atlantic is indicative of one of the main challenges facing scholars and researchers in establishing theoretical foundations supporting pedagogical methodologies in entrepreneurial education. Katz (2003) defines entrepreneurship as “a collection of academic disciplines and spe- cialties including entrepreneurship, new venture creation, entrepreneurial finance, small business, family business, free enterprise, private enterprise, high-technology business, new product development, microenterprise development, applied economic development, professional practice studies, women’s entrepreneurship, minority entrepreneurship and ethnic entrepreneurship” (p. 285). This definition, which Katz describes as both “eclectic and inclusive,” accentuates the difficulty in arriving at 488 D.C. DoBell and S.A. Ingle a generally accepted definition for entrepreneurship which Hagan (2004) characterizes as a “definition dilemma” (p. 18). Within the entrepreneurship literature in general there is confusion between “entrepreneurship,” “enterprise,” and “small business” in terms of how each are defined and theoretically distinguished. As such, “the conceptual difference is often blurred in both the academic and real worlds” (Winslow et al., 1999, p. 3). Thus, one of the main challenges facing practitioners in the field of entrepreneurship in higher education is that of definition which is not unexpected for a field in its relative infancy. Hagan (2004) suggests that, while “there is not one, unequivocal conception of what, in essence, comprises the entrepreneur” (p. 19), it is possible to distinguish entrepreneurial characteristics as “small business management has to do with the techniques of operations and that entrepreneurship … is more concerned with attitude, opportunity recognition and start-ups” (p. 20). Likewise, Kuratko (2005) argues that entrepreneurship may be viewed as opportunity-driven while management is primarily resource-driven. In Ireland, scholars have reached similar conclusions. O’Gorman and Cunningham (2007), for example, found that common traits among Irish entrepreneurs included self-belief, risk-taking, and persistence. Entrepreneurship, therefore, expands on “small business” to not only encompass the business skills necessary to run a small business, but to also include the development of personal traits such as risk-taking, creativity, and opportunity recognition. This distinction suggests that it is possible to run a small business without being an entrepreneur and has definite implications for the educator as the skills necessary to operate an existing small business will differ significantly from the skills needed to start and grow a new venture from the ground up. Overall, this opportunity-driven element which differentiates the entrepreneur can be viewed as both cross-cultural and global in nature as “the vast majority of early-stage entrepreneurs across the world claim that they are attempting to take advantage of a business opportunity” (GEM, 2006, p. 15).

Defining the Pedagogy

In 1991, Robinson and Hayes argued that entrepreneurial education lacks “good solid theoretical bases upon which to build pedagogical models and methods” (p. 51). More recently, Kuratko (2005) suggested that the discipline has grown to where we must now consider “what should be taught and how should it be taught” (p. 581). As such, a critical challenge for educators lies in “designing effective learning opportunities for entrepreneurship students” (Kuratko, 2005, p. 585). The notion of standardization of curriculums, methods and materials has been an ongoing issue associated with entrepreneurial education in the community college due, in no small degree, to the lack of a commonly accepted definition of entrepreneurship and articulating the differentiating characteristics of the entrepreneur. In the United States, the Consortium for Entrepreneurial Education has emerged as advocating national content standards for entrepreneurial education toward 26 Pathways to Participation 489 positioning “itself as the primary advocacy and resources group for entrepreneurship education for grades K-14 and adult education” (CEE, 2007). Similarly, the National Association for Community College Entrepreneurship was formed in 2002 aimed specifically at furthering development in the entrepreneurial curriculum in community colleges in the United States. While these entities promote the development of standardized pedagogical methodologies, there continues to be great variance in approaches employed by entrepreneurial educators in the United States and elsewhere. In Ireland and the United Kingdom, for example, Matlay (2006) found that differences in conception, context, design, and delivery have had a major influence on the development of diverse entrepreneurship pedagogical methodologies. Traditional lecture methods continue to be prevalent among community college entrepreneurial educators, although research suggests that action and experiential learning methods may be a more effective strategy for entrepreneurial education (Hagan, 2004). According to Hills (1988), “entrepreneurship coursework should be more experientially oriented than other business school coursework” (p. 118). This would seem intuitive given the notion that what differentiates entrepreneurship from “small business” is the acquisition of opportunity, recognition, and risk-taking characteristics. As Kuratko (2003) suggests, entrepreneurship students should take part in activities that are relatively unstructured and “require a novel solution under conditions of ambiguity and risk” (p. 16). Dr. Colette Henry, head of the department of Business Studies at Dundalk Institute of Technology (DkIT) in Ireland, supports this notion by arguing that “we need to get rid of lecture thea- tres and throw away the overhead projectors, if even for part of the course, and allow students more time to develop their creative thinking, their team work and their flair for developing new ideas” (Doyle, 2007). Likewise, in the United States, the Rural Entrepreneurship through Action Learning organization recognizes that traditional methods are insufficient in the training of new entrepreneurs “because entrepreneurs are more interested in hands-on participation than in passive learning” (Hagan, 2004). As Smith et al. (2006) note, however, experiential learning environments are not without challenges as the inculcation of an “action based learning” approach to entrepreneurship, although a worthy venture, is constrained by the traditional pedagogy and structural limitations. Opportunities for entrepreneurial education can be found in a variety of situations and there is increasing evidence to indicate that entrepreneurial education needs to look beyond the field of business to incorporate a more multidisciplinary approach. According to the results of a US nationwide survey carried out by Solomon et al. (2002), “new interdisciplinary programs use faculty teams to develop programs for nonbusiness students, and there is a growing trend in courses specifically designed for art, engineering, and science students” (p. 72). A United States-based example comes from Johnson County Community College in Overland Park, Kansas, which has “taken steps to weave entrepreneurship throughout” (Duffey, 2007, p. 11) the institution leading to “campus-wide integration of entrepreneurship education” (Duffey, 2007, p. 13). Likewise, in Ireland, the benefits of such an integrative approach are exemplified by the DIT’s recent formation of the Institute of Minority 490 D.C. DoBell and S.A. Ingle

Entrepreneurship (IME). The IME brings together students, faculty and enterprise- active staff from various disciplines across the institute with the aim of offering students “equal opportunity to maximize their economic and social potential through entrepreneurship research, education, training and mentoring” (Institute of Minority Entrepreneurship, 2007).

Mission Compatibility and Institutional Placement

Beyond defining pedagogical methodologies, the inability of entrepreneurship as a discipline to define itself has contributed to an ongoing debate about the legitimacy of the entrepreneurial curriculum and, hence, the place of entrepreneurial education within higher education as a whole. According to Kuratko (2005), “real maturity and complete academic legitimacy of the entrepreneurship field have yet to be experienced” (p. 587). Conversely, Katz (2003) argues that the overwhelming presence of entrepreneurship courses in higher education indicate a mature and generally accepted field of study. At the community college level, there is evidence to suggest that entrepreneurial education continues to struggle for prominence in the overall institutional mission. As was mentioned earlier, both Hernandez-Gantes (1995) and Maidment (2007) argue that community colleges do not place a high priority on their entrepreneurial and small business programs when compared to their 4-year counterparts. How entrepreneurial programs are funded in the community college provides some additional insight into institutional placement. Most entrepreneurship training programs in community colleges in the United States are offered as noncredit, and are funded by external sources (Hagan, 2004). Robinson and Hayes (1991) suggest that the lack of formal academic programs funded by traditional sources represents a lower level of commitment on the part of community college institutions to support the field. In contrast, funding for entrepreneurship classes and programs in Ireland is generally the responsibility of the government’s Department of Education, and is on an equal footing with other classes that carry the same academic credit rating. The compatibility of entrepreneurial development programs within institutional missions and strategic initiatives continues to be the subject of debate and analysis. Morest (2007) suggests that elevating the status of economic and workforce development programs, such as entrepreneurial educational initiatives, “institutionalizes the college’s involvement in programs that are not considered sufficiently collegiate by some” (p. 41). Hagan’s (2004) research on community college presidents supports this notion when she suggests that “based on statistical results, the finding is that there is no relationship between the presidents’ perceptions of primary mission and the development of entrepreneurship programs in community colleges” (p. 91). Others have argued, however, that the workforce development mission of the community college automatically places entrepreneurial education prominently within the institution. As Levine (2000) suggests, the present-day “mission of the community college has less emphasis on education … and more on the economic 26 Pathways to Participation 491 needs of business and industry” (p. 2). The debate is not exclusive to the United States as the importance of entrepreneurship becomes increasingly critical to regional economies worldwide. In the final analysis, the specific mission of an institution ultimately determines the place of entrepreneurial programs within the overall mission and strategic plan. If, for example, transfer is viewed as the primary mission, those programs that do not lead to transfer to the 4-year model will not be viewed as making a significant contribution. Griffin (2007) provides an explicit US example in her study of the Florida community college system where “the findings were that the transfer mission remains a primary one” and that although programs geared toward economic development are “emphasized in planning documentation, the emphasis is much lower in the curriculum” (p. 147). Conversely, the Tralee Institute of Technology in Kerry, Ireland, lists as a guiding principle in its 2004–2007 strategic plan that of “encouraging the use of innovative and entrepreneurial techniques in our teaching, research, consulting and development activities” (p. 4). In general, meeting the educational needs of the local community is viewed by many as the primary mission of any given community college which will necessarily vary depending on the characteristics of the local environment.

Comparative Cases: Elgin Community College, Illinois, and Dundalk Institute of Technology, Ireland

As the literature suggests, there is evidence to indicate that the lack of a single, commonly accepted definition of entrepreneurship continues to hamper the development of theoretical foundations and has contributed to a broad diversity of teaching methods and program formats in both the United States and Ireland. Consequently, having a discipline so broadly interpreted and defined has resulted in variations in how entrepreneurial education is placed within, and supported by, individual institutions. In order to more fully explore these issues in an international context, two institutions, both offering 2-year degrees and both with relatively well-developed entrepreneurial educational programs, were chosen for comparison: the Elgin Community College (ECC) in Elgin, Illinois, and the DkIT in Dundalk, Ireland. Returning to our analytical framework, each of these institutions is now examined in terms of how they define entrepreneurship, the respective curricular and programmatic character, and finally, how entrepreneurial education may be viewed within the context of the institutional mission and strategic focus. Elgin Community College – Elgin, Illinois. As it exists today, the Illinois Community College system consists of 48 comprehensive community colleges located in 39 districts, each with boards elected by the local citizenry. Every college in the system has a comprehensive mission which includes transfer, vocational, and developmental components. A search of the programmatic offerings provided by the Illinois Board of Higher Education (2007) Web site reveals that programs in both small business and entrepreneurship are offered in Illinois community colleges under the program 492 D.C. DoBell and S.A. Ingle heading of Enterprise Management and Operations. These programs are offered within the specific community colleges primarily under two titles – small business management and entrepreneurship – and are generally situated within a business administration department or a small business development center. Of the 48 community colleges within the Illinois system, 21 offer small business or entrepreneurial programs with nine institutions using the term “entrepreneurship” and the other 12 describing their programs as “small business.” The scope of certificates and degrees offered by the various institutions varies greatly ranging from an occupational certificate requiring less than 12 h of instruction, to an Associate’s degree in Applied Science (AAS) which requires over 64 h of instruction. The ECC is one such comprehensive institution in the Illinois system with a well-defined entrepreneurial education program. ECC is one of only two institutions offering an AAS degree specifically in entrepreneurship in the state of Illinois, while every other institution refers to the AAS as a small business degree. ECC offers four instructional options in the area of entrepreneurship: 1. AAS Degree in Entrepreneurship – 64 h 2. Vocational Specialist Certificate in Advanced Entrepreneurship – 49 h 3. Vocational Specialist Certificate in Intermediate Entrepreneurship – 30 h 4. Basic Vocational Specialist Certificate in Introductory Entrepreneurship – 12 h According to the ECC 2006 accountability/program review report, there are no courses in the entrepreneurship curriculum which are contained in the Illinois Articulation Initiative. As such, these courses are not considered university equivalent and none of the courses taken within these programs can be transferred to the 4-year institution. An analysis of the AAS degree curriculum in entrepreneurship at ECC reveals that while the program is concentrated in entrepreneurship, classes from other complementary disciplines, primarily business, are integrated into the program. The 22 required classes are broken down into specific disciplines with five required classes in entrepreneurship, five required classes in business, three required classes which cover both entrepreneurship and management, two required classes in marketing, one required class in each of accounting, economics, computer science, principles of management, and speech communications and, finally, two electives, one from business/management and a single liberal education requirement. Entrepreneurial classes are taught by three full-time instructors in the entrepreneurship program department, while all other classes are taught by instructors from their specific departments. The mission of the ECC is indicative of an institution with a comprehensive mandate: “To improve people’s lives through learning” (ECC, 2007). The institutional goals that go along with that mission offer some additional insight into programmatic priorities. The first four goals of ECC as described in their Strategic Initiatives and Targets Summary are as follows: 1. Prepare students to be competitively employed. 2. Prepare students to be successful in baccalaureate programs. 26 Pathways to Participation 493

3. Provide students with basic academic skills. 4. Provide district employers with programs and services to sustain a quality workforce. Clearly, empowering students with employment opportunities is a high priority of the ECC as it is mentioned twice in the first four goals of the ECC Strategic Initiatives Summary. This may indicate why the ECC entrepreneurial education program is far more comprehensive and developed than most other programs in the state. The ECC 2006 accountability/program (ECC, 2007) review report provides some clues as to the placement of the program within the institution. According to this report, the entrepreneurship education program began in 2002 with one student enrolled in entrepreneurship classes with significant annual enrollment increases ever since. The latest figures show a total of 336 students enrolled in entrepreneurship courses in FY2005 representing an increase of 47% over the previous fiscal year. Of those 336 students, 18 were declared majors for the AAS degree in entrepreneurship. While there has been a steady increase in enrollment over the last 4 years, there has also been an increase in withdrawal rates and lower pass rates. The withdrawal rate from FY2004 to FY2005 increased by 8% from 30.6% of the students withdrawing from the program in 2004 to 38.6% of the students withdrawing in FY2005. Several inferences can be drawn from this discussion of the ECC entrepreneurship program. Our analysis supports the notion that there exists no clear distinction between entrepreneurship and small business management among community college educators. The course description for ENT101, Entrepreneurship Seminar I at the ECC, for example, describes the course as examining “various small businesses and analyze successful and unsuccessful business ownership and management practices” (ECC, 2007). Nowhere is the notion of opportunity recognition or risk- taking as described by Hagan (2004) and Bennett (2006) present in this description. From a pedagogical perspective, catalog descriptions of entrepreneurial courses suggest traditional approaches are used as the associated coursework focuses on the analysis of management practices, business plan development, and business case studies. Absent in the curriculum are any indications of a multidisciplinary approach as program components are derived almost entirely from within business- related disciplines with the exception of the requirement of a single liberal arts elec- tive class associated with the AAS degree. Finally, the place of the entrepreneurial program within the institution seems relatively secure as continued enrollment increases demonstrate a clear demand for these educational services. Irish Institute of Technology – Dundalk, Ireland. As mentioned earlier, the Irish Institutes of Technology embody many of the same characteristics of the community college model in the United States, and the DkIT located in the northeast central region of Ireland provides a useful setting for comparison. Entrepreneurship training has been taught at the DkIT in one form or another for over 20 years having originated in the Business School. These offerings first appeared in the curriculum as “Innovation Studies” and “Enterprise Development” and have been broadened to include both entrepreneurship and small business management and the content, 494 D.C. DoBell and S.A. Ingle delivery, duration, and structure of the various courses and programs continues to change and evolve. One significant change is the growth of a multidisciplinary approach as entrepreneurship is now taught in four different schools: Business and Humanities, Informatics and Creative Media, Nursing and Health Studies and Engineering. Recent funding from a European Union (EU) initiative facilitated DkIT to completely redesign the first year entrepreneurship modules offered to students which has led to entrepreneurship education at DkIT being offered as a component of a very diverse group of specific programs including agricultural science, sports leadership, hospitality and tourism, event management, food science, creative multimedia as well as the traditional areas of business and marketing. The “Creativity and Innovation” (C & I) course offered at the subdegree (below bachelor) level provides a glimpse into the pedagogical methodologies driving entrepreneurial education at the DkIT representing a new course incorporated as part of the complete programmatic review of entrepreneurial education courses described earlier. “C & I” is a course that is completely assessed by means of a business plan that students develop in teams and is taken by final year business students. Third year students in other programs including Hospitality Management take another course entitled “Enterprise Development” which is also assessed by means of a final business plan. Students have to produce a hard copy of the plan and then present and defend it before their instructors as well as invited representatives from the local business community. The emphasis is very much on experiential learning as the students develop the idea and write the business plan in a supportive environment, making mistakes as they go along and learning from an “action-based” learning experience. This pedagogical approach has been found to be very meaningful for students and has resulted in enhanced student learning outcomes. In addition to courses in various programs and a Certificate in Business and Enterprise Development, a full-time 1 year Master of Business Studies (MBS) in entrepreneurship and marketing has also been developed by DkIT (DkIT, 2007). The structured tuition is from September to May over two semesters with a final dissertation submitted in August. The aim of the MBS program is to equip students with the theory, practice, and research capabilities for employment as managers in a wide range of industry sectors, with specific concentrations in both areas of entrepreneurship and marketing. The core courses included in Semester 1 are: Business Strategy; Entrepreneurship and Economic Development; Systematic Innovation and Intrapreneurship; Marketing Theory and Practice; New Venture Finance; and Research Methods. In semester two, the topics are: Marketing for SMEs; Entrepreneurship Theory and Practice; Change Management; Marketing for New Product Development; Business Planning; and an empirical research-based dissertation of around 20,000 words. The responsible faculty come from a variety of educational backgrounds and real-world experiences. Some have an MBS in marketing and entrepreneurship, while others bring with them general business degrees along with experience in the area of entrepreneurship, either theoretically or at a more hands-on level. Several of the part-time and associate faculty also run their own firms. Educators aim 26 Pathways to Participation 495 wherever possible to work and liaise with the campus-based business incubation center and often the manager of this center will assist in the assessment of the final business plans. Local entrepreneurs and business owners are also involved in the design or redevelopment of entrepreneurship education courses and the college has established relationships with the Irish government agency responsible for indigenous business, Enterprise Ireland. DkIT is also very much to the fore in terms of entrepreneurial research in Ireland. Since its inception in 2001, the DkIT Center for Entrepreneurship Research (CER) has established itself as a national center for independent, high-level research of relevance to businesses, policymakers and academics both nationally and internationally. The CER’s research team comprises both academic faculty and non-academic staff, including external associates from other institutions in Ireland, mainland Europe and the USA (Dundalk IT Centre for Entrepreneurial Research, 2007). Collectively these researchers have published a wide range of applied and theoretical entrepreneurship articles that have helped inform debate and enterprise interventions in Ireland and beyond. One of the specific aims of the CER is to work toward developing and creating an improved enterprise culture by informing educational programs within DkIT. It fulfills this aim in a number of ways including contributing to the development of entrepreneurship teaching curricula at both undergraduate and graduate levels. The CER was instrumental in the development of the MBS in entrepreneurship and marketing previously mentioned. The aims and objectives of entrepreneurship educational programs at DkIT are very much reflected in the strategic focus of the institution as a whole. The field of entrepreneurship is very relevant to DkIT’s mission in terms of providing “the community with quality third level education and services, relevant to the economic social and cultural development of the region in the national and international context” (Dundalk Institute of Technology, 2007). The words “relevant,” “development,” and “context” are most important here, and indicate how this particular institute, and Irish ITs in general, are viewing entrepreneurial education as an important strategic initiative specifically for the regions, and ultimately for the continuing growth and development of the country, and its economy as a whole.

Conclusions and Areas of Further Research

Examining the growth of entrepreneurial education from an international perspective reveals important insights into how globalization is affecting community college reform. Comparisons can be made with the industrial revolution when concepts and techniques originating in the United States were developed and improved upon by other countries. According to Katz (2003), “for the 20th century’s history of entrepreneurship education, the world turned to America for inspiration. For the 21st century version, the world could turn anywhere” (p. 298). By comparing the growth of entrepreneurial programs in the United States and Ireland it may be observed that, indeed, inspiration is coming from sources other than the United States. 496 D.C. DoBell and S.A. Ingle

The notion of defining the characteristics of the entrepreneur toward developing the theoretical foundations of entrepreneurship education challenges scholars both in Ireland and the United States. As we saw in our discussion of ECC, even those programs in the United States seen as highly developed do not articulate differences between “entrepreneurship” and “small business.” Similarly, in Ireland, entrepreneurial educational programs at the DkIT do not provide a clear distinction. DkIT, however, formally recognizes one of the defining characteristics of the entrepreneur, as described by Hagan (2004), through its “Creativity and Innovation” class. Ultimately, it will be the job of researchers to articulate, refine, and empirically support those definitions that specifically distinguish the entrepreneur, and further, how the entrepreneur should be educated. In our research, we found significant divergence between the United States and Ireland in the area of pedagogical development and curriculum standardization. Scholars from both Ireland and the United States suggest that entrepreneurial programs are most effective when they are approached from a multidisciplinary perspective employing experiential pedagogical methodologies. Fitzsimons et al. (2005) argue that, in Ireland, educators need to “expose more technical and science students to an understanding of market and commercial requirements” (p. 40). Likewise, Solomon et al. (2002) provide the US perspective by suggesting that entrepreneurial education should take place beyond the business department. Our analysis of DkIT demonstrates that multidisciplinary strategies are embraced in Ireland as entrepreneurial education is taught within a diverse range of academic disciplines. Conversely, in the United States, entrepreneurial education lies almost exclusively within the discipline of business administration. Experiential learning opportunities are also abundant in Ireland as evidenced by the funding of business incubation facilities on each of the IT campuses throughout Ireland. In the United States, institutional support for such facilities is sparse and varies greatly by region. Institutions on both sides of the Atlantic face the practical issue of experiential learning opportunities being a resource-intensive endeavor. Comparing the contribution of entrepreneurial education to the mission and strategic objectives of the relative institutions is problematic considering the Irish ITs encompass the full spectrum of higher certificate and degree-level awards. That being said, however, some inferences can still be drawn. The strategic focus of the DkIT suggests that entrepreneurial education is considered to make a substantial contribution toward providing the community and the region with quality “third level” educational opportunities. Entrepreneurial programs at DkIT also contribute to the transfer mission by enabling students to gain entry to higher degree programs. The 2-year Higher Certificate in business at DkIT, for example, is fully transferable toward a bachelor’s degree with clear articulation guidelines. Conversely, in our US example, the highest attainable level in entrepreneurial education is a terminal “Associate of Applied Sciences” degree. A brief analysis of how the United States and Ireland are similar, and how they are unique, may help provide some indication of the future of entrepreneurial programs in each country. Both countries are constrained by the evolving nomenclature which affects the development of both theory and pedagogy. In either case, solid pedagogical foundations with clearly articulated student outcomes must first 26 Pathways to Participation 497 be established before entrepreneurial programs will become an accepted part of the overall institutional mission. As the body of research continues to grow, defining student outcomes in the area of entrepreneurial education should become clearer. The work of researchers like Hagan and others indicate that scholars are moving closer toward articulating those characteristics unique to the entrepreneur and, ultimately, defining “what is entrepreneurship.” There remains, however, a long road to consensus. The diversity of programs in the United States as compared to Ireland may indicate a more coordinated approach to the future development of entrepreneurial programs in Ireland. As such, Ireland may be one of those countries the world looks to for inspiration in the realm of entrepreneurial education. As indicated earlier, however, cultural barriers continue to exist in Ireland not present in the United States which may suggest constraints on the development of entrepreneurial programs. In terms of recommendations for future research, our findings indicate that the theoretical foundations of entrepreneurial education require further validation. Empirically based research designed to distinguish those characteristics unique to the entrepreneur would go a long way in identifying the particular attributes educators should nurture. Such research would also enable researchers and educators alike to articulate the difference between entrepreneurship, small business and enterprise and the associated educational objectives, thus furthering initiatives aimed toward standardization of curricular methodologies. As our study suggests, the contribution of entrepreneurial education to the institutional mission will become much clearer as these theoretical and practical frameworks become established. Researchers might also be well served in examining how the linkages between the 2- and 4-year institution enhance entrepreneurial success and how entrepreneurial education is affected by these connections. More specifically, is entrepreneurial education beyond the 2-year degree necessary for nurturing those characteristics deemed most advantageous? If so, how can those linkages be strengthened to enable students to transfer beyond the 2-year institution toward a comprehensive entrepreneurial educational experience? The answers to these questions will not only inform the discussion but also affect how the next generation of educators and policymakers support and nurture the entrepreneur.

References

Acs, Z., O’Gorman, C., Szerb, C. and Terjesen, S. (2007). Could the Irish miracle be repeated in Hungary? Small Business Economics. v28(2), 123–142. American Association of Community Colleges (1998). Report for the Rural Community College Initiative. AACC, 1998. Barry, F. (2005). Future Irish growth: opportunities, catalysts, constraints. Quarterly Economic Commentary. Winter, 2005. Bell, J., Callaghan, I., Demick, D. and Scharf, F. (2004). Internationalising entrepreneurship education. Journal of International Entrepreneurship. 2(1–2), 109–124. Bennett, R. (2006). “Business lecturers’ perceptions of the nature of entrepreneurship”. International Journal of Entrepreneurial Behaviour and Research. v12(3), 165–188. 498 D.C. DoBell and S.A. Ingle

Birdthistle, N. (2006a). Irish Survey on Collegiate Entrepreneurship 2006. Ireland: Kemmy Business School, University of Limerick. Birdthistle, N. (2006b). Entrepreneur’s perception of tertiary level educators and public sector policy for new venture creation in the mid-west region of Ireland. Irish Business Journal. 2(1), 98–105. Birdthistle, N., Hynes, B. and Fleming, P. (2007). Enterprise education programmes in secondary schools in Ireland: a multi-stakeholder perspective. Education + Training Journal. 49(4), 265–276. Brint, S. and Karabel, J. (2006). Community colleges and the American social order. In B. Townsend and D. Bragg (eds.), ASHE Reader on Community Colleges. Third Edition. Boston, MA: Pearson Custom, pp. 63–74. Carducci, R., Calderone, S. McJunkin, K., Cohen, A. and Hayes, R. (2005). Non-Credit Entrepreneurship Education in Community Colleges: The National Perspective. Report for UCLA Community College Studies, September, 2005. Consortium for Entrepreneurial Education (CEE) (2007). Mission and Goals. Retrieved May 22, 2007, from http:www.entre-ed.org. Cox, R. and McCormick, A. (2005). Classification in practice: applying five proposed classification models to a sample of two-year colleges. In B. Townsend and D. Bragg (eds.), ASHE Reader on Community Colleges. Third Edition. Boston, MA: Pearson Custom, pp. 5–20. Dellow, D.A. (2007). The role of globalization in technical and occupational programs. New Directions for Community Colleges. v07(138), 39–45. Doyle, C. (2007). Creating entrepreneurs through education … is this the new trend? Irish Entrepreneur Business and Life. Accessed 12/30/2007 from http://www.irishentrepreneur. com/education/exploring_new_age.asp Dougherty, K.J. (2006). The community college: the impact, origin, and future of a contradictory institution. In B. Townsend and D. Bragg (eds.), ASHE Reader on Community Colleges. Third Edition. Boston, MA: Pearson Custom, pp. 75–82. Duffey, D. (2007). Integrating entrepreneurship campus-wide. Community College Entrepreneur. Spring 2007, p. 11–13. Dundalk Institute of Technology (DkIT) (2007). Course catalog, mission and program evaluations. Retrieved May 4, 2007, from http://ww2.dkit.ie/ Dundalk IT Centre for Entrepreneurial Research (2007). Center mission and goals. Retrieved May 27, 2007, from http://ww2.dkit.ie/r_and_d/centre_for_entrepreneurship_research_cer Elgin Community College (ECC) (2007). 2006 Catalog, Accountability/Program Review Report. Retrieved, May 17, 2007, from http://www.elgin.edu. Entrepreneurship Education in Europe Conference, Oslo, Norway, October 26–27, 2006. Accessed May 19, 2007, from http://ec.europa.eu/enterprise/entrepreneurship/support_meas- ures/training_education/oslo/oslo_pres.htm European Commision (EC) (2008). Web pages of the European Commission. Accessed January 2, 2008, from http://ec.europa.eu/index_en.htm. Fitzsimons, P., O’Gorman, C., Hart, M., O’Reilly, M. and McGloin, M. (2005). Entrepreneurship on the Island of Ireland in 2004. Dublin, Ireland: InterTradeIreland,Cahill Printers Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) (2006). 2006 Countries Summary. Babson Park, MA: Babson College, Gorman, G., Hanlon, D. and King, W. (1997). Some research perspectives on entrepreneurship education, enterprise education and education for small business management: a ten-year literature review. International Small Business Journal. 15(3), 56–77. Griffin, K. (2007). Transfer Track Versus Workforce Development: Implications for Policy Change in Florida Community Colleges. Retrieved September 9, 2007, from ProQuest Digital Dissertations database. (Publication No. AAT 3260060). Hagan, E. (2004). Entrepreneurship Education: A New Frontier for American Community Colleges. Dissertation Abstracts International, 66(02), 464. (UMI No. 3162992) Hernandez-Gantes, V. (1995). Fostering Entrepreneurship for School-to-Business Transition: A Challenging Role for Postsecondary Education. San Francisco, CA: Annual Meeting of the American Educational Research Association. 26 Pathways to Participation 499

Hills, G. (1988). Variations in university entrepreneurship education: an empirical study of an evolving field. Journal of Business Venturing. 3(2), 109–122. Illinois Board of Higher Education (2007). Programmatic offerings. Retrieved September, 2007, from http://www.ibhe.org. Institute of Minority Entrepreneurship (2007). Mission Statement. Accessed December 30, 2007, from http://www.ime.ie/index.htm. Katz, J.A. (2003). The chronology and intellectual trajectory of American entrepreneurship education: 1876–1999. Journal of Business Venturing. 18(1–2), 283–299. Kuratko, D. (2003). Entrepreneurship Education: Emerging Trends and Challenges for the 21st Century. Hilton Head, SC: 2003 Coleman Foundation White Paper Series. United States Association of Small Business and Entrepreneurship. Kuratko, D. (2005). The emergence of entrepreneurship education: development, trends, and challenges. Entrepreneurship Theory and Practice. September, 2005, v29(5), 577–597. Levine, J. (2000). The revised institution: the community college mission at the end of the twentieth century. Community College Review. v28(2). Maidment, F. (2007). Entrepreneurship/small business degree programs at community colleges. Community College Journal of Research and Practice. 31(1), 61–69. Matlay, H. (2006). Researching entrepreneurship and education: Part 2: what is entrepreneurship education and does it matter? Education and Training. v48(8/9), 704–718. Morest, V. (2007). Double vision: how the attempt to balance multiple missions is shaping the future of community colleges. In T. Bailey and V.S. Morest (eds.), Defending the Community College Equity Agenda. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, pp. 28–50. O’Gorman, C. and Cunningham, J. (2007). Enterprise in Action: An Introduction to Entrepreneurship in an Irish Context. Third Edition. Cork: Oak Tree Press. Robinson, P. and Hayes, M. (1991). Entrepreneurship education in America’s major universities. Entrepreneurship: Theory and Practice. v15(3), 41–52. Smith, A.J., Collins, L.A. and Hannon, P.D. (2006). Embedding new entrepreneurship programmes in UK higher education institutions: challenges and considerations, Education and Training. v48(8/9), 555–567. Solomon, G., Duffy, S. and Tarabishy, A. (2002). The state of entrepreneurship education in the United States: a nationwide survey and analysis. International Journal of Entrepreneurship Education. 1(1), 65–86. Tralee Institute of Technology 2004–2007 Strategic Plan. Downloaded January 4, 2008 from http://www.ittralee.ie/en/InformationAbout/InstituteandDepartments/StrategicPlan/ Winslow, E., Solomon, G. and Tarabishy, A. (1999). Empirical Investigation into Entrepreneurship Education in the United States: Some Results of the 1997 National Survey of Entrepreneurship Education. USASBE. Zeithaml, C.P. and Rice, G.H. (1987). Entrepreneurship/small business education in American universities. Journal of Small Business Management. v25(1)1, 44–50.

Useful Links

Consortium for Entrepreneurial Education: http://www.entre-ed.org Dundalk Institute of Technology Ireland: http://ww2.dkit.ie/ Elgin Community College: http://www.elgin.edu European Foundation for Entrepreneurship Research: http://www.efer.nl/abt/index.htm Global Entrepreneurship Monitor: http://www.gemconsortium.org/default.asp National Association for Community College Entrepreneurship: http://www.nacce.com Rural Entrepreneurship through Action Learning: http://www.realenterprises.org Small Business Forum Ireland 2006: http://www.smallbusinessforum.ie/ Chapter 27 Dissecting an International Partnership

Michael Hatton and Kent Schroeder

Introduction

The community college model combines liberal, vocational, and technical education in a manner that helps generate the human capital necessary for local, regional, and national economic development. The ability of community colleges to develop programming that directly responds to labour market needs provides college graduates with the combined theoretical knowledge and practical skills required for successfully gaining employment that contributes to economic development. This model holds significant promise for developing countries. Hewitt and Lee (2005/2006) argue that many tertiary education institutions in the developing world lack education models that directly link tertiary education with the workforce needs of the economy. This contributes to unemployment and stilted economic growth. The community college model offers a promising avenue to assist developing countries in building the link between tertiary education and workforce needs, thereby promoting greater employment and economic prosperity. Recognition of the potential benefits of the community college model has resulted in a significant amount of international partnering. American and Canadian community colleges are increasingly working with counterpart institutions in Asia, Africa, and Latin America in the development of curriculum, industry linkages, and joint programming. Given the flexible and responsive nature of most community colleges, these partnerships are being forged with a variety of higher education institutions in the developing world, including both technical colleges and universities that are interested in addressing workforce development needs. Overall, this is contributing to higher education reform by increasingly institutionalizing the characteristics of the community college model on an international scale. Yet, while these international partnership activities among higher education institutions are increasingly common, there has been little analysis of the factors that contribute to their success. Partnership is often simply assumed as a strategy, with little critical analysis of the variables that impact its effectiveness as a vehicle for higher education collaboration. This is a significant oversight, as international partnering must often navigate a potential minefield of different institutional, educational, political, economic, social, linguistic, and cultural contexts. Partnership

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 501 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 502 M. Hatton and K. Schroeder success can never be assumed. Analyzing the factors that contribute to effective international partnering within higher education is therefore critical in order to more fully understand how the community college model is most effectively adapted and institutionalized internationally. This chapter provides a case study of an international partnership within higher education that crosses cultural, political, and educational practice boundaries. The Humber–Ningbo Program partners a Canadian college and Chinese university in the creation and management of an international business diploma program. Since its inception, the program has graduated over 400 Chinese students who have gone on to success in business and further education, including MBA programs. Set within the focus of a brief literature review, the case study emphasizes practical experience and identifies key factors leading to partnership success, regardless of the differences between the partners. Identification of these factors will contribute to better design and management of international education initiatives that help institutionalize characteristics of the community college model in a manner that is appropriate in new cultural, political, and institutional contexts.

Literature Review

Partnership has been defined in many ways, most of which include notions of one or more of shared (a) objectives, (b) resources, (c) responsibilities, and (d) account- abilities. By definition, partnerships are expected to produce benefits for each of the partners, though not necessarily the same benefits in the same measure. In many cases, those benefits are quite tangible, while in other cases the benefits are more ethereal. Brinkerhoff (2002b, p. 14) distilled various descriptions into a single definition of partnership as an ideal type: Partnership is a dynamic relationship among diverse actors, based on mutually agreed objectives, pursued through a shared understanding of the most rational division of labour based on the respective comparative advantages of each partner. This relationship results in mutual influence, with a careful balance between synergy and respective autonomy, which incorporates mutual respect, equal participation in decision-making, mutual accountability, and transparency. While Brinkerhoff suggests that such an ideal type definition may not be universally appropriate, this conception of partnership has been widely embraced by institutions in both the industrialized and developing worlds. Building partnerships is now common practice among businesses (Tuten and Urban, 2001), between government and business (Boase, 2000), between government and nonprofit organizations (Brinkerhoff, 2002a), among nonprofit organizations (Hoksbergen, 2005), and between business and nonprofit organizations (Asian Development Bank, 2004). Community colleges and other institutions of higher education have also embraced partnership. These partnerships are diverse, and have involved partnering between institutions of higher education (Trim, 2001; Sternberger, 2005), with government (Sink and Jackson, 2002), with business 27 Dissecting an International Partnership 503

(Kisker and Carducci, 2003), and with community-based organizations (Sink and Jackson, 2002; Bringle and Hatcher, 2002). The popularity of partnering is rooted in its perceived benefits. The literature illustrates that working in partnership increases access to human, financial, and intellectual resources that would otherwise be out of reach (Googins and Rochlin, 2000; Lowndes and Skelcher, 1998). Pooling resources also enhances creativity and innovation while broadening potential opportunities and impact (Lowndes and Skelcher, 1998). For educational institutions in particular, working in partnership with one another or with other sectors offers access to more students, the opportunity to integrate outside perspectives and knowledge into more innovative programming, the ability to pool scarce resources, an avenue to increase connections with the community, and the potential to exert greater influence on government policy (Jansen et al., 1995; Kisker and Carducci, 2003; Sternberger, 2005; Veugelers and Zijlstra, 1995). While partnering is a strategy with significant benefits, it is also one that takes considerable effort if it is to be successful. For community colleges, it has been argued that successfully building and managing partnerships at the local, regional, or national levels requires ongoing development of relationships of cooperation and trust, buy-in at all levels of partner institutions, well-defined communication channels, a willingness to engage in entrepreneurial activities, shared missions and goals, and an ability to compromise (Sink and Jackson, 2002; Spangler, 2002; Trim, 2001). There is a notable gap in the literature, however, on whether these success strategies work or are sufficient for education partnerships that are international in scope. This is critical as managing international partnerships is complicated by the added demands of partnering across different cultures, values, socioeconomic contexts, political systems, and, potentially, languages. At the same time, international partnering among higher education institutions has been called the most important recent trend in higher education (Sternberger, 2005). This trend includes China, where international partnering and other internationalization activities have been embraced as a means for China to become more fully integrated into the world higher education community (Yang, 2002). A better understanding of the mechanics of managing international partnerships is necessary if the promise such partnerships hold is to result in sustainable international education programming.

Humber–Ningbo: The Partners and the Programming

China has undergone substantial economic change over the last 25 years. The centrally planned and closed economy originally created by the Communist Party has been restructured into a market economy characterized by a rapidly expanding private sector with significant ties to the global economy. Economic reform has resulted in enormous economic growth. Since 1979, gross domestic product (GDP) growth has averaged 9.4% a year and absolute poverty among the rural population has dropped from 250 to 26.1 million (UNDP, 2005). Yet China’s growth has 504 M. Hatton and K. Schroeder not generated equitable benefits. The restructuring of the economy to a market orientation has contributed to significant unemployment (UNDP, 2005). In this economic context, the development of business skills that enable individual Chinese to take part in the rapidly expanding private sector is a priority. The Humber–Ningbo program was developed to address this priority. Humber College is a Toronto-area, Canadian community college founded in 1967. The programming at Humber College is more diverse than is the case at many community colleges. Though 2- and 3-year vocational and technical programs represent the core of studies for the more than 15,000 full-time students, Humber also offers apprenticeship programs, a number of 1-year highly specialized certificate programs, several dozen 1-year postgraduate programs, and, more recently, a number of 4-year baccalaureate programs. Programming ranges from business to health sciences, and applied arts through technology. Humber has also demonstrated an applied interest in partnering with other educational institutions, both in North America and further abroad. Presently Humber has partnership experience in Asia and Africa that extends more than 25 years. Ningbo University was founded in 1986 and is located in the historical and cultural city of Ningbo in eastern China, bordering on the East China Sea just south of Shanghai. Ningbo is a relatively young Chinese university with diverse programming and a strong interest in differentiating itself through international linkages both in the southern and northern hemispheres. Ningbo’s enrolment is similar in size to Humber and includes 17 faculties and colleges offering 57 undergraduate and 27 graduate programs. Both Humber and Ningbo are known for large, strong, postsecondary business programs. Partnering a Canadian community college with a Chinese university made sense in the context of higher education in China. While China has a significant number of 2- and 3-year junior college institutions, some of which provide comprehensive programming, many have a tradition of offering specialized training in a particular field of study (see, for example, Kong and Gimmestad, 1999). At the same time, Ningbo University represents an increasingly entrepreneurial type of multidisciplinary Chinese university that seeks to broaden its focus beyond that of a traditional university by providing education that combines theoretical foundations with practical skills to enable graduates to effectively enter the workforce. This was a good match for Humber College, given its responsive nature and skills in developing programs to address workforce development. Partnering was also attractive for the measure of prestige it would potentially bring to both institutions. The partnership began in the mid-1990s when the status that comes with international partnering was even greater than today given the relatively few international partnerships in China at that time. While other partnering options existed and have been taken up by both Humber and Ningbo, both institutions saw value in each other as long-term partners given the mutual commitment to flexibility and willingness to take on risk in developing an innovative international program. The partnership was initiated in the mid-1990s. A preliminary meeting between Humber and Ningbo staff identified three or four potential programming areas where there appeared to be good possibilities for a strong articulation. From the 27 Dissecting an International Partnership 505 beginning, it was agreed that a sustainable partnership would have to be based on programming where both institutions had considerable strength, where there would be open, clear, and straightforward discussions with respect to what capacity existed in both institutions for programming decisions, and the need to commit to going forward quickly while ensuring full and open communication. The notion of what each institution would get from the partnership was also quite clear. Primarily, this was believed to be enhanced curriculum, a strong flow of students, the potential for faculty to benefit through exchanges and teaching, and the status that comes to higher education institutions through participation in international programming. Within an evaluation period covering 3 months, it was apparent that the potential for a partnership in business programming was the most fertile. The need for business skills in the region was significant, the number of students wanting to study business was considerable, and entrepreneurial Chinese parents, those who owned or operated for-profit businesses, were particularly keen on having their sons and daughters experience an international education. At the end of the evaluation period it was agreed that the partnership paradigm would be a 3-year business diploma program for Ningbo students, where the first year would be at Ningbo taught entirely in Mandarin by Ningbo business faculty, a second year at Ningbo taught in Mandarin and English on a shared basis by Ningbo and Humber faculty, and a third year in Toronto at Humber College taught entirely by Humber faculty in English. A notable characteristic of the model was a lack of involvement of Canadian students. While an exchange of students would offer an interesting student opportunity, the partnership’s goal of contributing to the workforce development needs of China dictated a simple, efficient, and focused model, especially given the potentially complex cross-cultural context of the partnership. Participation of Canadian students was therefore excluded. The model as constructed by Humber and Ningbo would produce Chinese graduates with an internationally recognized diploma grounded in applied theory and practical business skills, all within two cultural contexts. These graduates would be well prepared to contribute to the economic development of China. The model required an enormous amount of cooperation and trust between partners: joint development of curriculum that bridged business practices of both countries, recruitment of faculty from both institutions, and joint management across great geographic distances. At the same time, the model was developed to bring significant benefits to both institutions. Despite not involving the participation of Canadian students in China, Humber College would gain international experience for its faculty, reinvigorated curriculum as Canadian instructors returned from China and incorporated their own learning, an additional revenue source, and a culturally enriched campus. Ningbo University would gain a new programming stream, an increased number of students, an internationalized curriculum, an additional revenue source and an attractive international opportunity for its students. Ningbo University’s community would realize the ultimate benefit, as qualified and skilled graduates of the program contributed to economic development in the region. 506 M. Hatton and K. Schroeder

Partnership Issues and Opportunities

Overall, the model was simple, and this was a good thing, but the issues were numerous and some were daunting. These issues can be analyzed within three categories: overall program management, the Chinese phase of the program, and the Canadian phase of the program. Overall program management. At Humber, it was felt that the principals at Ningbo were very excited and very committed to ensuring that the partnership created the most stimulating and dynamic international business program for diploma-level students available anywhere in the world. It was also believed that Ningbo University had the autonomy and resources to achieve this outcome. This was exciting beyond description. Within Humber, there is an explicit policy of ensuring that domestic funding is not employed to support international activities. Fortunately, Humber’s experience in international work had created a number of revenue streams that allowed for an institutional commitment of up to 6 years for this project, and that element alone was in hindsight likely the most critical technical element in the successful management of the venture. A second element, perhaps almost as important, is the fact that the key persons on both the Ningbo and Humber sides of the partnership were in place for the first full 7 years of the partnership. This did a great deal to overcome the challenges associated with the host of other issues that arose on a monthly basis as it enabled relationships of trust to be built across both institutions. Further, these ongoing relationships promoted the development and institutionalization of standard operating practices. When the recruitment of a new program manager at Humber was needed in the eighth year of the program, it required recruiting someone who had the cross- cultural skills and experience to successfully fit within the established practices. New practices did not need to be developed to fit the involvement of new staff. Had there been greater turnover in program personnel, the development of trust and standardized practices would have been much more difficult to achieve. In the end, when combined with the available funds to support the program, the continuity of staff promoted effective and efficient management of the program. Chinese phase of the program. The programming model called for students’ first 2 years to be taken in China. This provided some significant challenges. From a curriculum perspective, involving both partners in codeveloping curriculum that balances business practices from two diverse countries is difficult. Having the Canadian partner deliver year 3 of a program when it does not have control over the Chinese phase of the program in year 1, or even much of year 2, can be unnerv- ing. Clearly, the program must be integrated, and when students arrive in Canada in year 3 they need to have a good, lucid, and applied grasp of the fundamentals learned in the first 2 years in China. This challenge was exacerbated by the fact that all business courses in the first year were delivered in Mandarin. Add to this the detail that certain business education disciplines, such as accounting, may have a fundamentally different model and approach when delivered in another culture, and you have a recipe for potential misconstruction on a massive scale. This is where flexibility, adaptability, and listening skills were critical. 27 Dissecting an International Partnership 507

Ningbo, as the preparatory institution, recognized that student success was dependent on strong grounding for the studies about to be undertaken. To this end, the institution struggled with adapting curriculum to balance both Chinese and Canadian business elements, as well as recruiting Chinese faculty who could and would adjust to this balance. At Humber, there was recognition that in Canada these two elements alone would be a tremendous challenge. In addition, the recruitment of Canadian faculty to teach in China during the second year of the program was most challenging in the 1990s. While Canadian faculty did not require Mandarin language skills, the need to have cross-cultural competency was critical. Recruiting faculty with this competency and who were willing to spend a year abroad was difficult given the unproven nature of the program. The incentive of living abroad became much more attractive to faculty, however, as the once unproven program became well established. It is no longer difficult to recruit faculty to spend a year in China, particularly in a community such as Ningbo. Living conditions are very good and the potential to add to a curriculum vitae through an overseas year of teaching and living is considerable. Most professors have also found that the opportunities to consult or teach in the evenings in other programs at Ningbo have kept them busy, involved, and learning at a rapid rate. The challenge as always is to recruit faculty who are able to adjust to the culture, and then thrive within it. As such, Humber has tried to maintain a pool of 15–20 qualified professors from whom to draw upon. Most of these professors spend 1 year in China as opposed to multiple years, which has contributed to the program becoming institutionalized within Humber as the teaching opportunities in China are not restricted to a few select faculty. Ningbo also faced the challenge of convincing local parents that this new, and as yet untested, “product” called the International Business Program was worth the investment of 3 years of their offspring’s time as well as significant financial resources. In most cases, as per Chinese policy, these parents had only one child so the investment was not a hedge; if chosen, it was the one and only direction. In order to convince parents of the value of the program, Ningbo used a number of strategies, including presentations by Ningbo senior administrators, provision of information on the Canadian partner and its experience with business education, and demonstration of the partnership’s ability to support the visa process. It was recognized at Humber that this process of convincing parents would be a massive challenge, but Humber staff could only sit on the sidelines and watch as this effort was carried out in the local language, with tools particular to the local culture, and all within Chinese national and local government regulations. Those government regulations were and continue to be a challenge for the Ningbo partner. The government in China differentiates access to higher education by level and placement on testing. There are planned and unplanned students, and the regulations applicable to different categories have changed and will likely continue to change over time. As is the case in North American jurisdictions, Chinese institutions must work to achieve their enrolment targets, including within international programs, within the paradigm of government regulation, financial constraint, and the increasingly complex and differentiated postsecondary marketplace. 508 M. Hatton and K. Schroeder

Interestingly, success factors and timelines were never emphatically specified by either partner. Generally, it was agreed that there needed to be at least 40 students progressing through the second year in China into the Canadian phase of the program in year 3 in order for the partnership to be financially viable. It was also clear that the effort needed to be fiscally solvent for the partners to continue. There was no explicit time limit set on achieving these numbers; rather it was felt that if each year built on the previous year with some momentum, then the project would eventually break into the positive net revenue side of the equation. Just how long each partner was willing to continue, should these numbers be slow to emerge, was not originally specified. As the Canadian phase began in year 3 of the program, this issue was complicated by visa challenges. Canadian phase of the program. In the autumn of 1999, as the third year of the program began, the first cohort of 11 students arrived for the third year of study in Canada. This was approximately 50% of those who had applied for a visa. As a result, the partners employed considerable resources in order to prepare the second cohort of students then in year 2 of the program to submit successful visa applications and to educate their parents on what needed to be done in order to maximize the potential for visa approvals. Ningbo worked closely with the parents to ensure clear understanding of the process. The following year, 25 students in the second cohort received visa approval for study in Canada. To further maximize Canadian visa approval, the partnership instituted a new technique that required students to return to China after their year in Canada. On their return, each student must make a presentation to senior faculty at Ningbo, following which they receive their Humber diploma. This has met with considerable success. Within 5 years of programming operation, the partnership reached and exceeded the target of 40 students progressing to the Canadian phase, which was required for financial sustainability. This number has been sustained and surpassed ever since, ranging from 70–100 students entering the third year in Canada. Visa approval rates reached 100% by 2007. With the visa challenge addressed, it became apparent to Ningbo when recruiting students that there was a strong need for a year 4 to the program. Most potential students were looking for not only the international experience and practical skills, but also the opportunity to finish a baccalaureate. In many North American jurisdictions, the transition from a 2-year academic program at a college to year 3 of a baccalaureate program is well defined. In Canada, the transition from year 3 of a college or technical institute to year 4 of a baccalaureate is often not so well defined. In Ontario, where Humber is located, transitioning from year 3 in a college to an Ontario university-delivered baccalaureate involves significant challenges as there is usually only modest advanced standing offered by the university regardless of curriculum, grade point average, or student ability. It is common for Ontario universities to give a student 1 year of advanced standing for 2 years of previous postsecondary study, and a maximum of 2 years for 3 years of previous study. The partners addressed this issue by focusing on out-of-province universities and US universities in particular, where the key issue for admission was student ability and documented curriculum completed to date. Once several students in the 27 Dissecting an International Partnership 509 program had demonstrated their ability to succeed at a particular university, these avenues opened wider. Interestingly, this opportunity to apply for a year 4 and baccalaureate completion is not proving to be a complete panacea for the problem. While it is attractive to have the potential for study in three countries for a 4-year program, the fact that entry into year 4 of a baccalaureate is not guaranteed at the beginning of the Humber–Ningbo program remains a barrier. In North America, transfer from one postsecondary institution to another remains merit-based and is rarely taken or offered as given. By contrast, in many cultures the notion of a firm commitment for certain agreements remains a de facto expectation. Chinese parents of prospective students therefore may expect a more seamless pathway to entrance into a degree program than is actually the case in North America. This issue has, to some degree, been addressed by the partnership’s focus on building transfer relationships with US universities. There is a key difference for international students who apply for degree completion programs in Canada and in the United States. In Canada, it is typical for a university-led degree completion program to state minimum acceptance criteria, while in the United States, it is more common for a similar program to simply state acceptance criteria. In the latter case, a student is virtually assured that entry will be offered if the criteria are met. This is rarely the case in Canada, as students must wait to see if they are accepted since the criteria are simply a green light to apply. As a result, Chinese students and their parents often see the US model as more transparent and user-friendly. The partnership therefore developed transfer agreements for degree completion with Davenport University in Michigan and Centenary College in New Jersey. This willingness to be nimble and flexible in providing an optional pathway to a US degree increased the attraction of the Humber–Ningbo program to potential students. Students now have a range of potential postsecondary pathways from which to choose – Canadian diploma, Canadian degree, US degree – all from within a single program. Throughout this partnership there was an expectation that the rewards for Humber would include the potential to engage new faculty with an international outlook, to provide opportunities for current faculty to reinvigorate curriculum with an international flavour, to further influence the campus with more international students, and to enhance Humber’s international reputation and capacity. For Ningbo, the rewards would include new programming, an increased number of students, internationalized curriculum, and program graduates who contribute to local economic development in China. These have all been achieved in a notable manner. The Humber–Ningbo model has been a learning experience that has enthused both institutions with the will to search out other partnerships, both domestic and international, in order to apply the experience gained. The partnership is now in its tenth year and has achieved long-term sustainability. SARs, 9/11, greatly increased competition from other colleges and universities, changing government policies, and a host of other challenges have and will continue to influence the programming. However, the partnership has matured to a stage where the reputation, ingrained practices, and relationship fundamentals will ensure longer-term success. 510 M. Hatton and K. Schroeder

Conclusion: Partnership Theory and Practice

The experience of the Humber–Ningbo program largely confirms the emphasis found in the general partnership literature on creating relationships of cooperation and trust, buy-in at all levels of partner institutions, well-defined communication channels, shared missions and goals, and an ability to compromise. A dissection of the Humber–Ningbo case further suggests, however, that there are additional factors that are critical for partnering that is international in scope. These factors include long-term funding availability, staff continuity, purposeful partner selection, international adaptability, and willingness to accept risk. Long-term funding. International partnering is considerably more expensive than partnering with local or national institutions. International travel and communications alone require considerable budgets. The short-term costs of developing an international program before it becomes financially sustainable represent a significant financial burden. In the Humber–Ningbo case, it took 5 years of financial losses before reaching a sustainable financial position. A clear lesson detailed in this partnership is the need for a medium- to long-term financial commitment, accompanied by an expectation that, given the cultural differences, there would be a plethora of different expectations, values, and outcomes that may further impact financial resource needs. Securing a financial base that enables attention to be fully paid to developing culturally appropriate programming is critical if such international initiatives are to ultimately become sustainable. Staff continuity. Consistency of personnel was undeniably a key reason for the success of the Humber–Ningbo partnership. The unique and often unpredictable international challenges that accompanied the partnership – from creating English language transcripts in a form acceptable to North American schools, to understanding complex visa issues, to moving funds from China to Canada – were readily addressed by continuity in staff, which ensured the institutionalization of learning related to international program management. The same people, both at Humber and Ningbo, were responsible for the partnership during the first 7 years. Since then, two of the six key people have moved on to other roles. Without this consistency, the project would have faced significantly greater challenges in addressing the unpredictable demands that arose from the very different contexts of the two institutions. The continuity enabled the generation of ongoing relations of trust and efficient operating procedures that are critical for responding to unexpected challenges. If an institution cannot make the commitment to consistency of personnel, the option is greater reliance on contract language. In the case of international partnerships, that substitution is not likely to be adequate. Partner selection. Given the need for international partnership activities to be culturally appropriate, many of the activities that occurred in the creation of the Humber–Ningbo program involved one partner taking on a reduced role while the other took the lead. Humber played a smaller role than Ningbo in the preparation of curriculum taught in Mandarin, the recruitment of local teachers and program marketing. Likewise, Ningbo played a reduced role while Humber took the lead in developing English curriculum and recruiting Canadian teachers. This 27 Dissecting an International Partnership 511 required an enormous amount of trust between partners. The Humber–Ningbo case illustrates that using a deliberate and purposeful approach to initial partner selection is a key ingredient in generating such trust. The initial 3-month evaluation period undertaken by the partners produced an effective analysis and discussion of the appropriateness of the two institutions as potential partners. This resulted in both institutions being confident in their chosen partner. When the Vice President at Ningbo said: “[Y]ou are our preferred partner and we will not jeopardize our relationship with you,” that was taken literally by senior administrative staff at Humber and employed as the basis of the relationship. Yet devoting considerable time and effort to ensuring partner appropriateness at the outset often does not occur in international partnering initiatives (Hatton and Schroeder, 2007). The Humber–Ningbo case illustrates that this should be a central part of the process. International adaptability. The general literature on partnership emphasizes the importance of compromise between partners. The Humber–Ningbo case shows that international partnering requires much more. Both individuals and institutions require significant adaptability to successfully engage in international partnering. The Humber–Ningbo program had to recruit individual faculty members who could adapt not only to an evolving international curriculum, but also to a cultural context that required cross-cultural competency for effective teaching. These skills can be difficult to find. Institutionally, both Humber and Ningbo had to respond to new desires and concerns that arose. Most specifically, the need to respond to students’ desire for an avenue to complete a baccalaureate, combined with a Canadian higher education context that made this difficult, required a significant ability to develop unexpected avenues to link with American institutions. Such adaptability required not only nimbleness within the partner institutions, but an ability to determine what was critical to both students and the other partner. Learning what students and each partner needed could do differently or get by without, and what could not be changed, was decisive. There was always a clear understanding that if the partnership was not of value to each partner, it would end quickly. The value of ensuring the partner always felt like a winner, and adapting to ensure this occurred, was paramount. Risk. There is little mention of risk in the literature on higher education partnerships. The Humber–Ningbo case illustrates that the potential for risk within international partnering is significant. Though not necessarily the most important, the financial risk was significant and obvious. Sinking 5–6 years of direct and indirect support into a partnership of this type is not a standard operating procedure for many institutions of higher education, and community colleges in particular. Often, project-based financial investments of any significance are either limited to 1 year or require such a detailed results expectation, year by year, as to make a multiyear joint venture of the type described above unworkable. There was also significant risk in codesigning and delivering a single program in two different countries, in two different languages, through two institutions within two different educational contexts. Yet without risk the rewards are limited. Accepting this risk and using it to build momentum was a critical part of the Humber–Ningbo program. The governing principle was not so much a case of determining specifically 512 M. Hatton and K. Schroeder where the partnership was at each year, but rather whether it was going in the right direction and had momentum. The decision to move forward and the decision to stay the course came down to trust. Those who have daring, do. Those who do not, should not expect the reward. International partnering will continue to play an important role in assisting education institutions in the developing world to connect more effectively with the economic development needs of their communities and regions. The Humber– Ningbo case illustrates that such partnerships need to embrace a commitment to long-term funding, staff continuity, purposeful partner selection, international adaptability, and a willingness to accept risk in order to successfully navigate the diverse cultural, social, political, and institutional contexts that characterize partnering on an international level.

References

Asian Development Bank. (2004). NGO-Private Sector Partnerships Against Poverty: Lessons Learned from Asia. Workshop Proceedings and Case Studies. Retrieved April 20, 2007, from www.adb.org/NGOs/private-sector/privatre-sector.pdf Boase, J. (2000). Beyond Government? The Appeal of Public-Private Partnerships. Canadian Public Administration, 43(1), 75–92. Bringle, R. and Hatcher, J. (2002). Campus-Community Partnerships: The Terms of Engagement. Journal of Social Sciences, 58(3), 503–516. Brinkerhoff, J. (2002a) Government – Non-profit Partnerships: A Defining Framework. Public Administration and Development, 22(1), 19–20. Brinkerhoff, J. (2002b). Partnership for International Development: Rhetoric of Results? Boulder, CO: Lynne Reinner. Googins, S. and Rochlin, S. (2000). Creating the Partnership Society: Understanding the Rhetoric and Reality of Cross-Sectoral Partnerships. Business – Society Review, 105(1), 127–144. Hatton, M. and Schroeder, K. (2007). Partnership Theory and Practice: Time for a New Paradigm. Canadian Journal of Development Studies, 28(1), 165–170. Hewitt, M. and Lee, K. (2005/2006). Community Colleges for International Development. Community College Journal, 76(3), 46–49. Hoksbergen, R. (2005). Building Civil Society Through Partnerships: Lessons from a Case Study of the Christian Reformed World Relief Committee. Development in Practice, 15(1), 16–27. Jansen, B., Reehorst, E. and Delhass, R. (1995). Action Research Networking and Environmental Education in The Netherlands: A Challenging and Successful Action Research Strategy for Education Reform. Educational Action Research, 3, 195–209. Kisker, C. and Caducci, R. (2003). UCLA Community College Review: Community College Partnerships with the Private Sector – Organizational Contexts and Models for Successful Collaboration. Community College Review, 31(3), 55–74. Kong, X. and Gimmestad, M. (1999). U.S. Community Colleges and China’s Counterpart Institutions. Community College Review, 27(3), 77–91. Lowndes, N. and Skelcher, C. (1998). The Dynamics of Multi-organizational Partnerships: An Analysis of Changing Modes of Governance. Public Administration, 76(2), 313–333. Sink, D. and Jackson, K. (2002). Successful Community College Campus-Based Partnerships. Community College Journal of Research and Practice, 26, 35–46. Spangler, M. (Ed.). (2002). Developing Successful Partnerships with Business and the Community. New Directions for Community Colleges, no.119. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Sternberger, L. (2005). Partnering for Success. International Educator, July/August, 12–21. 27 Dissecting an International Partnership 513

Trim, P. (2001). A Review of Educational Partnership Arrangements for Further and Higher Education: Pointers for Managers in Further Education. Research in Post-Compulsory Education, 16(2), 187–204. Tuten, T. and Urban, D. (2001). An Expanded Model of Business-to-Business Partnership Formation and Success. Industrial Marketing Management, 30(2), 149–164. UNDP. (2005). China Human Development Report 2005. Beijing: UNDP. Veugelers, W. and Zijlstra, H. (1995). Learning Together: In-Service Education in Networks of Schools. British Journal of In-Service Education, 21(1), 37–48. Yang, R. (2002). The Third Delight: The Internationalization of Higher Education in China. New York: Routledge. Part VI Introduction: Envisioning New Community College Models Internationally

The final part provides examples of new and envisioned community college models. These chapters discuss why community college models are ideal for specific populations, how they will best serve local communities, ways in which these institutions can effectively develop, and implications of adding these institutions to the various communities under study. Minghua Li and Henry Levin detail a project conducted by a team at East China Normal University joined by a team from Peking University to develop an innovate variation of the community college model to serve China’s manufacturing areas for migrant workers. Since the writing of this chapter, funding has been secured to pilot the project in the Shanghai area. Zulfiya Tursunova and Nodira Azizova illustrate the case of Uzbekistan where community college models will help to build a knowledge-based society through a national program that emphasizes personnel training. Shahrzad Kamyab profiles junior colleges in Iran where she suggests that the realigning of the existing junior colleges, to a comprehensive model, will help meet the increasing needs of the postsecondary population. In Tajikistan, Max Harmon defines the curricular development project coordinated by the Aga Khan Humanities Project that utilizes community engagement, liberal arts interdisciplinary curriculum, and student- centered pedagogy that mirror community colleges and which he suggests is tied to successful reform in Central Asia. Miloni Gandhi describes how, in Bhutan, the higher educational system is being reevaluated with the increase of the vocational institutions which can be compared to community college models. This part concludes with a chapter by Robert Frost who establishes a protocol for leadership training that will help facilitate future collaborations. By doing so, he provides a context, language, and scenario to encourage visionary leadership in a global age. Leadership remains a common theme among all the chapters in this part for it becomes an essential element to both envisioning and enacting educational and thereby socioeconomic reforms. Chapter 28 Community Colleges as Learning Centers for Migrant Workers in Manufacturing Areas in China*

Minghua Li and Henry Levin

Introduction

Community colleges have been emerging in China and have the potential to be the main candidate to address the nation’s needs for the next rush of higher education expansion. As the concept of community colleges has been borrowed from the United States and applied to address local needs, there have been some innovative variations in developing the models of community colleges to adapt to China’s environments. Given that the history of establishing community colleges is barely a decade old in China, there is no one dominant model yet. This is the experimental phase of letting “One-Hundred Blossoms” bloom before selecting the hardiest and most attractive. Today there are about 40 million migrant workers in China’s manufacturing areas, which has created the needs for establishing a continuing education system so that migrant workers can use the system for their career and human development. Community colleges are promising candidates for being the building blocks of this system. What kind of community colleges may serve best the local needs? What kind of institutional framework is needed for establishing and sustaining community colleges in China? Who should be the active participants? What kind of education programs do the migrant workers need? What kind of sustainable financial scheme is needed to maintain such a community college system? To address these issues, we have organized a team* for undertaking investigations and experiments to find solutions to the access challenges of migrant workers for continuing education. In this chapter, we will focus on three major issues: (1) demographics of the migrant workers and their needs for continuing education; (2) possible models of community colleges serving the migrant workers in manufacturing areas; (3) comparison of the advantages and disadvantages of the possible models. Unlike in the United States where a community college can serve an area with a diameter of more than 20 miles, a community college campus in China must be close

* Acknowledgement: This chapter is based on a project conducted by a team at East China Normal University joined by a team from Peking University and consulted by Professor Henry Levin and Professor Mun Tsang of Teachers College, Columbia University and sponsored by the Ford Foundation, the Ministry of Education of China and Shanghai Municipal government.

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 517 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 518 M. Li and H. Levin to the students’ residential or working places due to the lack of private transportation means and other conditions that limit geographical access. We believe a learning center must be established in close proximity to the location of concentrations of migrant workers so that education can be delivered in close proximity and overcome the physical accessibility problem. Some number of such learning centers linked by shuttle buses can serve as the connected campuses for a community college. There are quite a few different models that can be used to plan, build, and run such a learning center-based community college. The first one is the current township adult schools that may extend their reach to the migrant workers. The second one is a community institution that is established for mobilizing local financial resources and boosting local social development. The third one is a social-investment coalition with an existing university that may build and run the learning center-based community colleges as university branches. The university strategy has advantages in bringing strong educational programs and technology for the migrant workers. The fourth one is a for-profit model that is responsive to the migrant workers demand through their “financial ballots” in determining what education to provide and in what way to deliver it. In the process of community college development, all four models may be pertinent where each is tailored to the communities fitting those conditions that are required for it to perform best.

Migrant Worker’s Needs for Continuing Education

China’s Big Migration

Since China’s liberation of its peasants from their bonds tying them to the land where they were born, the country has experienced an unprecedented mass migration from rural areas to urban ones. The early generation of migrants moved to obtain work or working opportunities for more money, but enjoyed their lives in their home towns where they kept any assets and maintained their social relations. Although many older migrant workers had returned to their homes, the official statistics show that by 2006 there were about 120 million migrant workers in the country, and the number would be 200 million if it included those who were working in the hometown businesses of all types1 (Project Team of the State Council of China on the Migrant Workers, 2006, p. 4). It is estimated that the size of the migrant population2 will increase by five million annually and reach 160 million in the year 2010. The same source showed that the size of the migration population was 30 million in 1982, 40 million in 1985, 70 million in 1988, 80 million in 1994, and 100 million in 1997 (Chinese News Press, 2000). Zheng and Wong reported their comprehensive joint research with scholars from Hong Kong and the Mainland of China in 2006 that estimated that there were 130 million migrant workers, and each year there were six to eight million new migrant workers. In the next 10 years it is expected that there will be as many as 150 million more migration population including the migrant workers and their family members. 28 Community Colleges as Learning Centers 519

Why do they migrate? Most of the migrant workers are from the Western and Central provinces of China. In 2004, 31.6 million of them were from Western provinces that accounted for 26.7% of the total, and 47.3 million were from the Central provinces that accounted for 40% of the total. (Project Team of the State Council of China on the Migrant Workers, 2006, p. 4). In 2004, 82% of the cross-provincial migrant workers were in seven East coast provinces and cities – Beijing, Tianjing, Shanghai, Zhejiang, Jiangshu, Guangdong and Fujian – and more than 60% went to big- and middle-sized cities. (Project Team of the State Council of China on the Migrant Workers, 2006, pp. 5, 6) The pattern of the migration reveals that the strongest motivation for migration is the search for better paid employment opportunities. According to Zheng and Wong, before 1996, the motivation for migration was mainly to earn money to support the family, and after that year it shifted heavily to personal development; and the more educated the person is at the time of migration to an urban area the stronger the motivation for personal development (Zheng Gongcheng and Linda Yeuk-lin Lai Wong, 2006). Now is the epoch of second generation migration. In the past decade, China has improved its basic education in rural areas. Almost all new young workers from rural areas have at least 9 years of schooling, and a very high percentage of them have obtained some high school education or its equivalent of what is called “Junior Vocational Education”. They want good employment, human development opportunities, social acceptance, and civic participation. They expect to become full residents of where they choose to work and live, which is completely different from the earlier generation of the migrant workers. Does the urban society function well as a social melting pot? Migrants are readily visible by their language, clothing, and mannerisms. On average their educational level is much lower than the existing population at their destination, and they lack the sophistication in social behavior of their native urban counterparts. Their income is low, yet working conditions are bad and working hours are very long; they are not covered by most basic social security nor do they enjoy the same government and public services available to the local residents. For example, they encounter difficulties in obtaining education for their children and their living conditions are inferior; they lack legal protection and assistance; they encounter difficulties in exercising their democratic rights such as collective labor negotiation and involvement in community activities and local voting; some businesses even limit the workers’ freedom, and illegally retain the workers’ ID cards, and even beat them. (Project Team of the State Council of China on the Migrant Workers, 2006, pp. 11–15; Chen, Shida, 2007, pp. 9–24).

Demographics of the Migrant Workers

Age and gender. According to China’s 2000 census, of the cross-provincial migrant workers from the Western areas to the East, 21% were aged 15–19, 26.5% were 20–24, 20% were 25–29, and 12% were 30–34 (Cheng Xiaohua and Zhang Hongyu, 2005). It was estimated that in 2004, 61% of the migrant workers in China 520 M. Li and H. Levin were aged 16–30, 23% 31–40, 16% above 41, and the average was 28.6 years old. Among them two thirds were male (Project Team of the State Council of China on the Migrant Workers, 2006, p. 4). The age of becoming the first-time migrant worker was 21.2 before 1996, 21.9 between 1996–1999, 22.2 between 2000–2003, 23.2 between 2003 to the time of their survey (April–November, 2005) (Zheng Gongcheng and Linda Yeuk-lin Lai Wong, 2006). Education. There are different estimates of the levels of migrant workers’ education. The research team from the State Council in 2004 reported that 2% of the migrant workers were illiterate, 16% completed primary school, 65% 9-year schooling, 12% high school, and 5% junior vocational education or above (Project Team of the State Council of China on the Migrant Workers, 2006, p. 71). Zheng and Wong presented a much brighter picture of the educational accomplishments of the migrant workers. Zheng Gongcheng of People’s University of China and Linda Yeuk-lin Lai Wong of Hong Kong City University did a survey in Shenzhen, Suzhou, Chengdu, and Beijing during April to November in 2005 with 2,800 complete responses. They reported that of their sample 11.6% had less than 9 years of schooling, 48.6% 9 years of schooling, 35.9% high school; 3.9% associate degree or above; among those who migrated before 1996, 17.9% had less than 9-year schooling, 57.7% 9-year schooling, 22.7% high school; and 1.7% associate degree or above (Zheng Gongcheng and Linda Yeuk-lin Lai Wong, 2006). Zheng and Wong’s investigation shows that the initial educational achievements of the migrant workers are increasing. According to our research, Zhen and Wong’s estimates are closer to our observations in Shanghai. Although the situation is rapidly improving, migrant workers are by and large effectively blocked from access to continuing education resources in the urban areas. As a result, the educational gap between the original urban residents and the new ones is not narrowing, and is likely to keep enlarging without appropriate social interventions. Income. The migrant workers’ income is low. According to the research team of the State Council, in 2004 the migrant workers’ monthly income was distributed as 7.6% below US$403, 17.8% US$40–67, 37% US$67–107, 16.40% US$107–133, 21.2% above US$133, and the average was US$104 (Project Team of the State Council of China on the Migrant Workers, 2006, p. 105). Zheng and Wong’s estimates are higher: 11.6% below US$67, 31% US$67–107, 31.9% US$107–160, 13.6% US$160–200, and 11.9% above US$200 (Zheng Gongcheng and Linda Yeuk- lin Lai Wong, 2006). Zheng and Wong’s estimates are closer to our observations in Shanghai. According to China’s Central Bank’s survey at the end of 2005 (China’s Central Bank Monetary Policy Analysis Team, 2006) the average monthly income for the migrant workers was US$131 in Bohaisea Regions, US$131 in Yangtz Delta Regions, US$128 in the Pearl River Delta Regions, and US$125 within provinces; US$132 in mining, US$132 in manufactures, US$132 in construction. The actual income is somewhat higher than the above estimates because many migrant workers live in employer-provided housing or receive some free meals. For comparison, the average annual wages of staff and workers in 2005 was US$2,449 which was US$204 per month nationally, US$4,579 which was US$382 per 28 Community Colleges as Learning Centers 521 month in Shanghai, US$3,194 which was US$266 per month in Guangdong Province, and US$4,559 which was US$380 per month in Beijing (China Statistical Bureau, 2006). Although the migrant workers earned less than the national average wages and those in the areas in which they worked such as Shanghai, Beijing, and Guangdong, these incomes were far superior to peasant incomes. The per capita income of the rural residents was US$434 annually which was only US$36 per month; if we use the average number of persons that one farm worker supports that was 1.44 in 2006 to make adjustment to figure out the income for a farm worker, i.e. a peasant’s earnings, the monthly earnings of a farm worker was US$52 (China Statistical Bureau, 2006). Many migrant workers do send money to their families and relatives in rural areas, which has contributed tremendously to the development of the vast rural areas.

Migrant Workers in Manufacturing Areas

The largest segment of migrant workers. In the case of Shanghai the migrant workers are mainly distributed among three areas: inner city districts, industrial parks, and small towns. According to a survey in 2003, there were more than three million migrant workers in Shanghai, a stable one million in the inner city, and two million that is still increasing in suburbs of which a large percentage was in the industry parks. There is a sharp contrast between supply and demand of education facilities for the migrant workers between inner city and suburbs. In the inner city of Shanghai, there are many different types of continuing education opportunities. Yet most of the migrant workers in Shanghai are in suburbs where there are very few educational facilities. Such an accessibility problem is especially a problem in the fast-growing industry parks. The migrant workers in manufacturing areas are the largest segment of the migrant workers in China. According to the Research Team of the State Council in 2004, 30.3% of the migrant workers were employed in manufacturing (Project Team of the State Council of China on the Migrant Workers, 2006, p. 5), which stands for about 40 million out of a total of 120 million migrant workers. Lack of social development in manufacturing areas. China’s factory parks are almost exclusively built on former farming fields of land in suburbs of cities such as Shanghai, Suzhou, and Shenzhen. The parks have been developed only in the last 2 decades or so, and many of them are categorized as special economic zones. Many were set up for attracting foreign investment in manufacturing with the business model of OEM4 and with little social infrastructure to accommodate families. It is these places where much of the expansion of Chinese manufacturing has occurred. Social development in the factory parks is not presently a high priority. The socially dominant local stakeholders such as the local government employees and top management and engineers do not normally live in the parks. In many factory parks, almost all the residents are the migrant workers. As such, the social development of the parks is not a driving force, and often depends simply on what the migrant workers’ are able to pay for. One good example is the attempt to overcome the “Digital Gap”. 522 M. Li and H. Levin

The “Money Votes” example. The migrant workers lack access to the Internet, if they lack the ability to pay for it. Most of them cannot afford to buy computers for their own use. Only by paying for Internet cafes can they use the Internet and tools that are available on computers. According to our surveys, about 60% of the migrant workers in factory parks use Internet cafes and spend about 20–30 h there per month on average. Continuing education for boosting local social development. Besides the social needs that we discussed earlier regarding the continuing education of the migrant workers in general, there are some other important reasons why such education is important in manufacturing areas and, especially, in industry parks. First of all, although the industrial area has a few commercial services, it is not well equipped with educational services. The workers spend almost all their time working and living in the industrial area. So, one significant educational facility locally can serve as a prime mechanism for educational and cultural development. Second, there is no defined community in such an industry park yet; thus, a community college-type facility may serve as a local incubator for community development. This facility can initiate the beginning of a community center where workers can establish a new hometown beyond the workplace where they can plan their human development and participate in constructing a better community for their families. Third, the establishment of a community college will comprehensively upgrade the industrial labor force and its quality, so that these workers can advance and work more productively. The continuing education made possible in an industry park will boost the local social development.

The Migrant Workers’ Educational Needs: Surveys and Experiments

Most people assume that the migrant workers only seek short-term training programs to get a job. The reality is quite at odds with this assumption. From all our investigations and experiments, we know they want both general and specific education programs, short- and long-term technical certificate programs, casual and more formal programs, certificate and degree ones. To obtain a picture of educational needs of migrants, we undertook interviews at Shanghai train station to obtain a migrant sample there in January 2006 before China’s Spring Festival. We considered that the migrant workers in the station (visiting their villages for the holiday) was a natural sample that might be reasonably representative. We got 671 completed questionnaires. In this survey, we asked this question: “Below are some educational programs you may attend during your spare time. Please rank them according to your preference from the lowest score, 1, to the highest score, 10.” Following is a list (Table 28.1) of the percentages of respondents who gave scores of score 8 and above for each category. Obviously, the migrant workers may be interested in all sorts of programs. They need programs that link short- and long-term learning processes together and allow them eventually to get a degree for their participation in a series of learning experiences. 28 Community Colleges as Learning Centers 523

Table 28.1 Migrant workers’ preferences for educational programs Category of education programs Percent Series of technical training plus degree after all the training is done 55 How to get information such as of jobs and legal assistance 43 3–6 months of short-term technical training 41 English courses 37 Degree programs such as associate and bachelors 37 Courses for self-learning degree program exams (associate and bachelors) 32 1–2 years of high-level technical training 25 Casual and entertainment 24 Junior vocational programs (equivalent to high school level) 20

Table 28.2 Migrant worker student’s preference for their educational development Which of the following statement matches most closely to your next 10 years’ education development plan Frequency Percent A 3–6 months of short-term technical training and will live on this 5 5 technology in the future. Frequent technical training to obtain continuous technical 23 25 advancement, yet degree and diploma are not important. Technology + Adult Junior vocational degree (high school level) 6 7 Wanted technology + associate degree 43 47.0 Bachelor’s degree 13 14 Others 1 1 Total 91 100

They want technical training experiences, yet they want a program combining the technical training with a degree. In May of 2006, we started a marketing campaign for students for a free course at our experimental site in a migrant community, YS Apartments. As part of the marketing, we requested the prospective students to apply online. We got 91 completed online applications. The percentage distribution of those applicants answers to “Which of the following statement matches most closely your next ten years’ education development plan” is as per the following table (Table 28.2). Again, the responses of applicants are consistent with the interviewees in other surveys that a technical training program that links with an associate degree is most desirable. In the following question, we asked the applicants’ preference of the path to their long-term educational goals (Table 28.3). A surprising finding is that more than 70% of the migrant respondents state that they want higher education of some sort. These and most migrants have jobs, but they want to have personal and career development while working on their current jobs. As such, they want educational programs that can significantly change their status rather than just adding a bit to what they have today. So they need serious programs that must be a combination of some vocation or technical training plus a degree. As such, a community college solution appears to meet their needs for a variety of educational programs with both certificate and degree outcomes. 524 M. Li and H. Levin

Table 28.3 Migrant worker student’s preference for the paths to their long-term educational goals Which of the following educational path matches your long-term educational goals the most? Frequency Percent Vocational and technical certificate training 16 18 Adult Junior vocational degree (high school level) 6 7 Evening student at a university for degree programs 22 24 Associate degree programs at a TV university 10 11 Associate degree via self-learning exams 33 36 Others 4 4 Total 91 100

Migrant Workers Are Willing to Partially Pay for Continuing Education

As we noted, substantial portions of the migrants interviewed at the Shanghai railway station indicated not only their interest in learning, but also their willingness to pay a portion of the costs. Interested in learning. Sixty percent of the females and 55% of the males in the sample expressed that they were either “eager to learn” or “fairly interested in learning”, and 64% of the females and 55% of the males were looking for further education information such as schools and programs. If we look at the age groups, the younger groups and those with more education were more interested in learning. Willingness to pay. The migrant workers expressed that they were willing to spend substantial amounts to obtain continuing education. According to our estima- tion based on the sample and other related data (Li Minghua, 2007), three million migrant workers aged 15–39 in Shanghai would be willing to spend US$280 million per year for their own education with an average of US$93 per person. Using this number to project a national figure, 100 million of the migrant workers in those age groups would spend up to US$9.3 billion per year, and US$47 billion in 5 years. In the next 5 years, the central government will spend US$1.7 billion on vocational education, which is a very small number compared with the spending potential of the migrant workers. If the government can spend some public money to induce migrant workers to invest in the appropriate types of continuing education for their careers and personal development, a huge education market can be sustained. Segments of the market. The huge size of the market does not mean it is a good one. Think about a huge mine yet a poor one. If the cost of mining is higher than the revenue the mining can generate, it may not be worth mining. This is similar to certain segments of the migrant workers’ continuing education market. The US$280 million education market per year can be ranked into four classes of affordability expressed by the migrant workers. The first class is US$333 per year, 23.1% of the market; the second is US$240 per year, 22.2% of the market; the third, US$147 per year, 41.3% of the market; the fourth, only US$24 per year, 13.4% of the market (Li Minghua, 2007). The first class is the richest market, US$333 per year that is 28 Community Colleges as Learning Centers 525 about the same as 1-year tuition of a TV university. Almost half of the market is associated with a relatively low level of willing investment, only US$147 per year. Without education innovation that can provide good-quality education yet still charge a low tuition, this market will not be cultivated. This means that most current education providers would not be interested in this market. Although the migrant workers are willing to pay something, even if the total amount of revenue is very large, the unit cost of providing the education programs is higher than what the migrant workers are willing to pay. As such, education innovation is needed. Alternatively, a cost- sharing system is required in order to make this potential market a reality. Best of all, both education innovation and a cost-sharing system can be implemented.

Conclusions on the Needs Analysis

The migrant workers need a very broad range of education and training for their personal and career development including but not restricted to: 1. Remedial adult education. 2. Both general, and technical/vocational education. 3. Both casual lectures or activities, and formal certificate and degree programs. 4. Higher education covering all disciplines with a focus on a combination of technical and degree programs at the associate degree level and an open university scheme. The cornerstone should be something like evening associate degree programs that lead to accessibility of a ladder of unlimited education achievements. 5. Blended learning with more innovative teaching and learning pedagogies that will work with academically less well-prepared nontraditional students with full-time jobs. 6. Finally, a community college type of institution that is adaptable to serve the migrant workers’ needs for lifelong learning.

Community Colleges Based on Learning Centers Accessible to Concentrations of Migrant Workers

Accessibility Problems

While most of the migrant workers show their interests in learning, we have not observed an active learning participation of the migrant workers due to seven factors. We have identified seven factors that effectively block the migrant workers from participating in continuing education. In the United States, a community college normally can serve a population in an area with a diameter of more than 20 miles. Conditions in a factory park in China are quite different from the United States 526 M. Li and H. Levin that determine the unique physical layout and the logistics when optimized: (1) transportation means; (2) very long working days and weeks and irregular shifts; (3) living conditions; (4) computer and Internet access; (5) inaccessibility of information; (6) social environment; and (7) lack of educational infrastructures. Transportation means. Migrant workers do not have their own cars and cannot easily reach a college that is distant from them. There is no convenient public transportation in the factory parks, though there are some bus lines connecting certain parts of the factory parks to some centralized facilities in suburbs and central cities. A college at a long distance may still attract a few of the most dedicated persons to study during their spare time, many prospective students would not go unless a learning facility is available within 10–20 min by walking or biking. Very long working days and weeks and irregular shifts. The migrant workers tend to have long working days and weeks, many times even as long as 12 h per day and 6 days per week. According to China’s Central Bank’s survey in the end of 2005, more than half worked 41–60 h per week, one third worked more than 61 h per week (China’s Central Bank Monetary Policy Analysis Team, 2006). A similar report from Zheng and Wong’s study states that 30.2% of the migrant workers in their sample worked 9–10 h per day, 14% 11–12 h, and 10% more than 12 h; 52.7% could be off from work for less than 4 days per month, among which 22.6% did not have even 1 day off per month (Zheng Gongcheng and Linda Yeuk-lin Lai Wong, 2006). Living conditions. Living conditions are not conducive to study and learning. More and more, the migrant workers live in big apartment complexes built specifically for them by their employers or real estate companies or even government agents with 6–8 workers living in one room. Such living conditions are not suitable for studying without intrusion or other disruption. The prevailing living places for most migrants are still the old villages, where the migrant workers rent the local residents’ old private houses. Normally 2–3 workers share one very small room, if single, also not a conducive atmosphere for studying. Computers and Internet access. Most migrant workers are not able to buy their own computers and get access to the Internet on their own computers at this time. This is not the case in the United States where most of the community college students have computers at their home. It is difficult to predict how long this situation will last as there are many factors that are changing rapidly. Personal Computers (PCs) are getting cheaper, and we have already seen US$100–200 PCs in the market. The migrant workers’ income is in a fast growth phase5 and computer affordability is increasing and is not a big issue for a large proportion of them. Probably the main reasons preventing them from purchasing one are: (1) crowded living conditions prevent their using computers productively at their dorms; (2) long working hours limit the time to use computers; (3) lack of job security limiting ability to make the investment for a longer-term commitment. There are Internet cafes, but they cost US$0.27–0.406 per hour to use, which amounts to a substantial expense for the substantial time required to learn to use the computers. Also, the environment at an Internet cafe is not suitable, if not impossible, for concentration and learning. 28 Community Colleges as Learning Centers 527

Inability in obtaining information. The migrant workers are especially unaccustomed to obtaining and analyzing information to solve their problems, and consequently lack the information of the education resources that might be accessible to them. We experimented by establishing and operating a small learning center, and in just 1 month it reached its full capacity of accommodating the migrant workers for learning to use available Information Communication Technology (ICT). Social environment. Most of the migrant workers have not prepared for lifelong learning academically, psychologically, and socially. They have not developed a learning habit, effective study skills, and time management skills. A supportive social circle for learning has yet to be established. And so the migrant workers’ education market has to be nurtured rather than being extant, and an education facility that can be easily accessed from walking or biking distance can serve as a learning incubator that will attract migrant workers and induce them to learn. Lack of education infrastructures. Due to the lack of local teaching facilities such as computer rooms, class rooms, and libraries, very few current educational organizations would be attracted to locate activities near the migrant’s compounds to provide courses and educational programs. They do not want to make the investment, although many might participate in creating educational offering when such teaching facilities like classrooms are available. Without being exposed to a variety of classes and educational programs and social gatherings within easy reach by walking or biking, the migrant workers are not drawn into available educational opportunities.

Building Learning Centers to Solve the Accessibility Problems

Learning centers. The solution is to establish a learning center in each community with around 10,000–15,000 migrant workers so that most of them can reach the center in about 10–20 minutes by walking or biking from their workplaces or living buildings. It should be noted that many migrant compounds are characterized by these highly concentrated populations. They live in villages and compounds of dorms that are not evenly spread out. One village or one compound is often like a dot surrounded by factories, warehouses, and pieces of farming land. As such, all the facilities within one compound or a village are mostly within walking distance; yet it takes biking to go from one such concentration to a neighborhood one. This learning center combines teaching facilities such as classrooms and individual and team learning facilities such as computer rooms, a small library, team activity rooms, a small multimedia learning theater, and other needed accommodations. Such learning centers in the neighborhood can be linked by a small shuttle bus so that this circle of learning centers can become the physical base for building a community college with networked or linked campuses – the learning centers at the 528 M. Li and H. Levin footsteps of the migrant workers. This is quite different from the physical layout of the community colleges in the United States because of the differences in the situations. In the United States, the students drive to a center that is the community college; but in China’s factory parks we propose to deliver teaching to the doors of the migrant workers.7 In what ways do the migrant workers prefer to learn? Our investigations and observations from our experiments suggest that the migrant workers prefer mixed methods or blended approaches to learning rather than a single method such as a traditional classroom or only online learning. One surprising finding from our research has been our discovery that the migrant workers may not watch television, may not go to the movies, may not read newspapers, but they are sure to go to the Internet cafe. As we follow the migrations of the migrant workers, we find that wherever they go, the Internet cafes emerge too. So this habit of using the Internet cafe has greatly influenced their way of learning by acclimating them to the use of computers and the Internet: they like a course with some computerized courseware, and definitely educational programs with assistance of computers and Internet resources with interactive capacities. In the May 2006 course marketing campaign at our experimental site where we received 91 completed online applications, we asked online questions to the applicants. The percentage distribution of responses to the question “According to your work and life style, which of the following teaching and learning models is the most suitable for you?” is as follows: traditional face-to-face instruction, 13%; 50% face-to-face 50% online learning, 40%; 20% face-to-face 80% online learning, 22%; 100% online learning, 18%. In all the other convenience samples of migrants, we got consistent results that the majority of the prospective students prefer a blended teaching and learning scheme rather than purely the traditional or online one. A learning center will create a local social environment for fostering learning. The migrant workers need structure in the management of their learning processes for out-of-class learning activities. We have observed that the migrant workers have not developed the study skills for self-learning, and they need the teachers to help structure management of their time allocation in favor of learning. They need peer support and teamwork to support their learning and avoid the isolation and loneliness of self-learning. They even need peers to work together to keep learning interesting and to motivate each other. A learning center will not just provide the learning facilities but will also serve to create a locally small social environment that will support learning. We monitored their learning habits for a 3-month period in the small experimental learning center and found that their learning interests were greatly enhanced by using courseware on PCs such as typing software, Windows, Office, English courseware like New Concept English and New English 900. Some of them even used courseware to learn computer-aided design tools and Photoshop. With computers and the Internet, they had the motivation to spend more time in learning and learned more effectively. Besides, many students who had not joined our classes yet still visited with their colleagues to use various tools in the learning center. 28 Community Colleges as Learning Centers 529

Building a Network of Community Colleges Based on Learning Centers Using ICT

We propose to build a learning center in each residential area covering 10,000– 15,000 people in manufacturing areas to serve 40 million migrant workers, which could create a market of around 2000 learning centers.8 A learning center may include one or more computer rooms depending on the size of the population served, one multimedia mini-theater room that is needed to deliver attractive educational programs with entertainment features, one or more classrooms for teaching when there are classes and for self and group learning at other times, a mini-library that does not have to be a physical one, and can be just a “floating library” that people can use as a central online facility to rotate9 the books they have. The library can be online and shared with other learning centers since there are economies of scale in digitizing articles and books that can be accessed by Internet. Such an infrastructure is a base on which any serious educational programs can be run. A shuttle bus will link the neighborhood learning centers to a cluster of learning centers. A cluster of learning centers will be the physical base for the community college, which is why the physical format of the community college is comprised of networked mini-campuses. In one factory park in the suburb of Shanghai, we have been undertaking experiments and planning. In that location, we have identified ten migrant workers communities suitable for setting up learning centers. The following table (Table 28.4) shows the sizes of the populations. In this factory park, our proposed learning centers will cover a service area of 109,000 people today and about 200,000 people in about 3 years as the factory park is growing very rapidly now. A shuttle bus can connect all the learning centers in about 1 h (Fig. 28.1). So this cluster of learning centers can become the physical base for setting up a community college with networked campuses.

Table 28.4 Proposed learning centers in Songjiang District, Shanghai, China, with the estimated population Estimated residents Location Estimated current residents in full capacity Shanghai Hongbang 4,000–5,000 20,000 Quanta and neighborhood 30,000 50,000 Foxconn and neighborhood 5,000 + 10,000 20,000 BYD and neighborhood 20,000 30,000 Chedun Town 20,000 30,000 Dragon Dorm 1,000 1,000 Xingqiao Jiaoliu Center 3,000 20,000 Chengxing Apartments 7,000 10,000 Qiangdang Apartments 7,000–8,000 25,000 Total 109,000 206,000 530 M. Li and H. Levin

LC stands for Learning Center, is a local learning infrastructure with LC 30–100 Internet connected LC computers, 1–3 classrooms and a small library, each LC of which serves a migrant population A community college covering a population of LC 100,000 drawing about 20,000 non-traditional students with jobs Shuttle Bus, 30 minutes a circle to LC LC make a set of LCs a networked campus

LC LC

A Chain of community colleges makes a network of community colleges LC

Fig. 28.1 A diagram of a network of community colleges in manufacturing areas

Main campus. We may select the largest community at which to construct a main campus that may house the administration and teachers, and many other facilities that may be only available on the main campus. The majority of the population has had junior or senior high school education, and is between the age of 18–25, and at their primary stage of life for learning. If just 20% of the 200,000 people of the target population participate, this community college can serve the educational needs of about 40,000 people regularly, which makes it a big community college by any standard. 28 Community Colleges as Learning Centers 531

Who can take the initiatives to build such a college? We have identified four models that are capable of establishing and running such a college: (1) the extension of the current township adult school model; (2) the community participation model; (3) the university dominated model; and (4) the for-profit model. We will discuss these four models.

Local Monopoly Concerns and an “Education Supermarket” Solution

One of the biggest concerns in establishing new educational facilities in proximity to these migrant communities is the danger of creating a local monopoly. Because of its convenience and high accessibility of a local learning center in a highly concentrated residential area with 10,000–50,000 workers, the center may pose a natural monopoly in the local educational market. This is similar to large stores with monopoly power due to the fact that they are the only suppliers in their locations. Many locations that are densely populated with migrant workers may have only one such education facility. One community college in the United States may serve a large population with a diameter of 20 or even more miles, and the students may drive from all directions in the served area. Although a typical community college does not open its campus to other institutions of higher learning or training organizations to easily deliver their courses and programs there, most of the students do have choices within their convenient reach by cars. They can go to other learning facilities if they do not like the courses and programs offered by their nearest community college. Of course the availability of alternatives differs among locations and will vary with student finances. In such cases, the US community colleges and other institutions could open their campuses for other institutions to deliver some courses and programs to allow the students to have more choices of educational offerings. If a learning center in a Chinese migrant location runs exclusive courses and programs, there will be an undesirable monopoly which could in the long run jeopardize the efficiency of this education system. As a solution to this problem, we propose to run an open system. The college may run its own courses and programs, yet open its networked campuses (the learning centers) and all the other facilities to other education organizations. Such organizations could provide courses and programs at the community college under their own names if they can attract students. Mini education market. There should be some regulations for operating such an open system. Ideally, as long as an education organization or even an individual or a group of individuals can solicit enough students via the open information system of the community college and agrees to pay all the standard costs and fair rent for using the education facilities, they should be allowed to offer and run their courses and programs on the networked community college campuses. In this way, no one can monopolize the campus, and the campus serves as a mini-education market or “education supermarket”. 532 M. Li and H. Levin

The community college facility that we are proposing to set up may not be granted the rights to run degree programs for a period of time after its inception. With such an “education supermarket” arrangement, those schools that have such rights may deliver their programs to the “supermarket”, and therefore make the degree programs available at the doors of the migrant workers. Since the network of community colleges will be nestled in manufacturing areas, it is close to the hub of employment. This working-while-learning scheme can apply to all sorts of education and training programs, including basic technical certificates or junior vocational education or associate degrees. From then on anyone who has the aspiration for a degree program, yet lacks financial resources, can go to a community college located in a manufacturing area and fulfill this dream there. Employer and government may pay partially the cost, and workers may pay a portion of costs from wages.

The Role of China’s Current Community College System in Educating Migrant Workers

After China adopted Deng Xiaoping’s “Open Door” policy in 1979, China has undertaken research on, and even tried to develop its own, community college systems. Some of them are called community colleges, and many others use different names. China’s 3-year vocational college system. Since the 1980s, China has developed a vocational college system. Most of such colleges offer 3-year degree programs oriented to training skilled workers for the labor market. Such a 3-year degree in higher education allows the graduates to go to the labor market with some technical and professional preparation and also enables further studies at universities or access to independent-learning examinations either on a full-time or part-time basis for bachelors degrees. As such, the 3-year degree is quite similar to the associate degree by the American community colleges, a junior layer of higher education that is between high school education and the bachelor’s degree. As early as in October 1980, Jinling Vocational University was established in Nanjing. In the same year, the Ministry of Education of China approved 13 such universities, and 33 in 1984, and 22 in 1985. The Department of Vocational Education, Ministry of Education of China, oversaw the operation of these colleges. Some well-established comprehensive universities started to set up vocational schools and offer 3-year vocational degrees. In October 1989, the Ministry of Education of China approved the founding of the College of Vocation and Technology, Tianjin University, and the College of Vocation and Technology, Zhejiang University. In 2005, there was a total of 1,091 vocational institutions, about 61% of the total institutions of higher learning in China. They admitted 2.86 million new students that year that comprised 53% of all the admitted new students of institutions of higher learning in China in 2005, and the total number of students enrolled was 7.13 million, about 46% of all the full-time enrollments. It can be seen that the 28 Community Colleges as Learning Centers 533 vocational institutions have already reached the capacity to serve half of the full- time students for higher learning. The vocational institutions of higher learning have so far been located in cities with large populations and served local needs for higher education drawing mostly on local educational resources. There are many Minban (private) vocational institutions and some of them are well-known such as Jianqiao College in Shanghai that has been granted the rights to offer bachelor’s degrees since 2006 by the government. Although these institutions have covered many areas for serving the local needs for higher education, they do not cover much of the vast rural areas, large numbers of small towns, even small cities, where community college-type education is badly needed and yet to be developed. Many Chinese TV universities are switching their names to community colleges. Established Chinese universities have begun to change their names as China has gradually endorsed community college-type education for serving the local needs for higher education. Chen Zhili, the then Minister of Education of China, said in 2001 that China should try to use community colleges for extending higher education to cities at the district level because the cost and tuition is lower and the students can go to school locally.10 Gradually institutions are following suit by changing their names to community colleges. But, none of these institutions were designed as community colleges. In 1994, a then vocational school changed its name into Jinshan Community College located in Jinshan District, Shanghai. By 2000, there were six colleges with the name of community college in China, they were Beijing Chaoyang Community College, Nanjing Qinghuai River Community College, and four community colleges in Shanghai that no longer have the community college name today. The development of community colleges got its momentum through the success of the open university experiments of China’s TV university. China’s TV university system has had quite a long history, and it has undergone a significant reform since 1999 when it started to do open university experiments. It now offers a degree at the same level as the 3-year vocational degree from the vocational institutions of higher learning. This degree is quite similar to the associate degree of the American community college, and so for convenience we may just call it an associate degree. The most appealing part of the open university experiment, which has been institutionalized, is that it allows anyone with a high school education to apply for higher education at the associate degree level. Through the open university type of education, one can earn the associate degree and go for further education if one wants. This means that the open associate degree programs allow anyone with high school education to get on the ladder of higher education step-by-step all the way to the doctoral degree if so desired. This is so far the best arrangement in China’s higher education system and has the potential to open the door for community college to emerge and develop in the vast areas in China that need universal access to higher education. China’s TV university covers almost all parts of China in terms of its administrative hierarchy, mirroring China’s government administration hierarchy and its government bureaucracies at each level: central, provincial, district, county, 534 M. Li and H. Levin

township, and the village level where the administration is locally elected rather than appointed from the top. Although the TV system is hierarchical from the top all the way to village, and in theory covering a service to all of China with its 1.3 billion people, each level of the TV university is actually financially independent, and has a dual governance. The government at each level has the jurisdiction over its TV university at the same level of government and nominates the head of the TV university and provides some public finance. Since the TV system spreads to the community and is mostly locally run, it is potentially a strong system to adopt the community college system. During the past few years, many local TV universities have changed their names to community colleges, or have many different names with community college as one of their names. Examples include Hangzhou Community College, Taizhou Community College, and many TV universities at the district level in Shanghai. Unfortunately this system has missed the new target and failed to cover the newly developed manufacturing areas or factory parks where almost all the new residents are migrant workers.

A Community Participation Model – Cost Sharing

From our action research for 2 years we believe a cost-sharing system is financially feasible. The migrant workers are willing to pay a large proportion of the cost, and the employers and local governments have an interest in contributing to raising skills and educational levels. Some evidence of this is that the central government has increased its spending on the education and training of the migrant workers year-by-year. Experiment of the community participation model. We wanted to run an experiment with all the design features that we have proposed, yet it was obvious that we did not have the resources to do a full-fledged experiment. We finally decided to run a small learning center to test many of the concepts to this community college- type model on the premise that a learning center is the organic cell that will be used to comprise this proposed community college (for more on this experiment, see Li Minghua et al., 2007). Partnership with the local government. Our experiment site was called YS Apartments that is a residential area for migrant workers. At the time we started the experiment, there were about 6,000 migrant workers living at YS Apartments. The Property Management Company does not just maintain the apartments but also serves as a government agent to assume some government responsibilities. As we were told, the Property Company is actually the representative of the township government at that site. So we started a partnership with the Property Company for running the educational experiment starting May, 2006. The Property Company provided the experiment with many resources. Partnership with FL, a local multinational. FL is a Fortune 500 global company headquartered in the United States. FL is the biggest local company at our experimental 28 Community Colleges as Learning Centers 535 site, and it hired more than 80% of those who lived at YS Apartments. We devoted considerable effort trying to motivate this company to participate in the experiment actively. Our engagement with the company taught us it is crucial to motivate the local employers to participate, and such involvement requires patience and care, especially when dealing with large enterprises. Our reception was mixed. In May, 2006, we sent one e-mail titled “help is needed for social responsibility efforts” to FL’s worldwide office for social responsibility asking their help to get us connected to the related office at FL’s local site. In just 1 day we got a response from Mr. RW, the company’s Asia Vice President for Human Resources (HR). Mr. RW visited us in May and he introduced us to the company’s four pledges, two of which are: (1) responsibility for employees’ growth; and (2) participating in community services. In early June 2006, FL’s local training center helped us start the English Corner at our experimental site, and 5–7 employees of FL from an English-speaking country and quite a few well-educated FL Chinese employees joined our efforts. In June, 2006, our team visited FL Local. In October, 2006, Mr. RW visited us the second time and declared that FL would actively work with us for delivering educational programs to the migrant workers. After this visit, FL Local worked with us much more actively, and participated in many educational programs and in running the small learning center thereafter. In March, 2007, Mr. RW along with other three FL Local staff visited us. This was the third time that Mr. RW visited us. In April, the partnership for the experiment was terminated due to the failure of the second round table meeting of the stakeholders to reach a consensus. Local stakeholders round table meetings. In order to obtain overall participation with the pertinent stakeholders, we engaged a few local stakeholders individually and we had two round table meetings together. The first round table meeting. In November, 2006, we had the first round table meeting at a TV university. The participants were FL Local, YS Property Management (the local government representative), the local TV university, the local adult school and our project team from East China Normal University. All the parties exchanged goals and values in participating in an educational program at YS Apartments and how the parties could work together. We reached consensus in: (1) each committed some resources to establish a good learning center at YS Apartments such as computers; (2) the Property Management Company would be responsible for preparing a suitable room for the learning center, and all the other parties would bring in computers, other resources, and experiences. This was indeed a successful meeting. It showed that it is possible to generate resources by all the local stakeholders for providing the migrant workers with more education so long as they are willing to work together. The second round table meeting. In April, 2007, we had a second round meeting at YS Apartments. As all the partners agreed earlier that once the Property 536 M. Li and H. Levin

Company had furnished the learning center with all the necessary furnishing, the partners should meet to discuss the governance and rules of running the to- be-born learning center, and arrange to share its costs of setting up the learning center. The furnishings were in place. The meeting participants included representatives from the Property Company, FL, the TV university, a local private school, the local Branch of a University in Shanghai, and the Education Office of the township. This meeting was disappointing and did not end successfully. The representative of the Education Office of the Town expressed clearly that they did not want to have a Board of Trustees to run the learning center. While they welcomed all the parties to donate resources to the learning center, they wanted their adult school to operate the learning center alone. Thus, the partnership was thwarted. The end of the experiment and the lessons learned. We decided to terminate our experiment at that point because to limit authority to the adult school would undermine the operation of the model – community participation and governance. Despite this disappointing turn of events, we deemed the experiment as showing promise because we learned that: (1) a local stakeholders participation model could provide resources for a community college-type solution for the migrant workers’ needs for more education, and the local government can be a leading partner in such a partnership that can execute the government leadership and control; (2) alternatively, if the township (the local government agent) insists on not sharing governance among the local stakeholders, they would fail to have interest in partnering and the township would have to bear a much higher financial burden for delivering the education; (3) a community participation model for providing education to the migrant workers could confer local resources that are otherwise not available for the migrant workers education, yet it is very time-consuming and complicated in convening all parties to reach a successful and consensual agreement; (4) if successful, this model may enhance local participation for social development and local democracy.

A Model of Community College Founded by Social Investment

An alternative model of stakeholder participation in building and running a community college for the migrant workers could be to establish a not-for-profit organization, applying the legal format for a for-profit business to carry out the social investment business of the community college. The legal system and practices of doing business are maturing along worldwide standards in China and are much better developed than for nonprofit social organizations. There are many quasi-public goods for which the cost of supply is higher than the price charged at the socially optimal level of consumption. When such a situation occurs, a nonprofit organization would emerge to be the supplier of the goods. Yet many not-for-profits are not well managed, and an enormous 28 Community Colleges as Learning Centers 537 amount of social resources can be wasted with such organizations. Yet, if we only rely on private business, the consumption and supply of such goods will not reach socially optimum levels because business requires normal profit in the long run to survive and cannot cover unit costs that are greater than unit revenues or prices. Thus, our innovation is to combine the for-profit business format and practice with the not-for-profit goals for providing the quasi-public goods of migrants’ continuing education, which is what we call the capitalization of social investment. Capitalization of the social investment and the maintenance of property rights. We recommend establishing a company regulated under the current business laws as a holding company for the community/open universities. The holding company is formed by social investment from all entities in the society including individuals, companies, governments, and foundations. Social investment is not the normal economic investment we know of and is not motivated by prospects of profit. It is devoted to social causes and for boosting social welfare. Yet the social investment is different from charity funds. The charity funds once relinquished can be spent by the recipient and those who provide the funds do not maintain their rights to the properties the funds generate. In contrast, the social investors maintain their rights to the property their social investment generates, and they have the decision power over the management of the holding company proportional to their social investment. In other words, the holding company is a company that has stockholders who are the social investors, and the stockholders have the voting power proportional to their share of the social investment in the same way as a normal corporation. The only difference is that the holding company does not need to make money and, in the event that it does make money, it will not distribute the surplus, but will keep it for the company to do more of the social business. The transferability of the value of the social investment. Today many companies make social investments yet do not keep the property rights and cannot transfer the value of their social investment to someone else. As such, the value of their social investment will be lost sooner or later. If we can innovate a system that allows the transfer of the rights of the social investment, more individuals and companies would make social investments. What does the transfer of the rights of social investment mean? The rights of social investment represent the following interests: (1) the power to vote on the running of the social investment company so that the investors can maintain their focus on the values of their social causes; (2) the possible retention of value of their social investment when the company is dissolved; (3) the economic reward if the company is sold someday. So the transfer of the rights is just the transfer of these interests. As these interests have value there should be a price for their transfer, and they can be sold to others with similar social goals. With such a transfer system, a social investor can opt to exit the social business he/she was previously interested in. The similarities to socially responsible business. As we mentioned earlier with the capitalization and maintaining of the property rights of the investors in relation to their social investment, their investment is certainly quite different from traditional charity and donations. For certain social causes charity and donation 538 M. Li and H. Levin are better. Yet for others social investment is better, especially in providing those goods that are in the public interest. This is true even if such investments are not profitable or only profitable in the future. If there is no social investment, high- risk business that is beneficial to the public, but not obviously profitable, may not be provided by for-profit business. As there is some social welfare appeal, such goods could be provided with social investment. Once it reaches the stage of profitability, there is no reason to keep it as a nonprofit business, and consideration should be given to privatization as a for-profit business. After this transfer, the social investors will get their share of the capitalized social investment, and the social investors may get some economic rewards if the value of their shares is higher than their original investment. As a provider of the migrant workers’ continuing education, the holding company does not have to lose money all the time. Even if the cost of providing such education is always higher than what the migrant workers are willing to pay, the government may come to subsidize the gap, which is almost certain in the long run, and we have already seen the trend that the government is spending more and more each year on this social cause. As such, the holding company may manage and provide migrant workers education with a public subsidy, yet still have a surplus. If this happens, the holding company can turn into a for-profit company, and all the social investors should be rewarded for their good intention of making contributions to the social welfare. The social investment holding company here is quite similar to what might be viewed as a Socially Responsible Business. The governance of a community/open university with the social investment. Due to the application of the business legal system to the social investment company, the owners of the holding company for the community/open university are still the investors, i.e. the social capital stockholders who make votes according to their shares of the social capital stocks. As such, whoever makes more investment will have more power over the governing of the company and therefore in running the university. So the ownership and decision power are consistent. As this is a social cause and the education of the migrant workers has quite a few important stakeholders who need to share some governing power even if they do not make any social investment. These stakeholders will include the local government, the community representatives, the employers and the employees, and the schools in or near the location of the university. So these stakeholders must send some representatives to the governing board, such as board of directors or trustees. Alternatively, these non-stockholding stakeholders may not have representatives in the board of directors, but have representatives in an advisory board such as Committee of Advisors that may influence the decision making of the university through this counseling committee. Under certain circumstances the differentiation of members of Board of Directors and members of the Committee of Advisors is important so that more stakeholders would be interested in making the social investment to earn a seat in the decision-making body. According to China’s political system, the Communist Party will assume the political leadership and oversee the operations of the university. As such, the Party 28 Community Colleges as Learning Centers 539

Committee of the university will be an important force of the governing body of the university.

Proprietorship Community College

How can a community college be a for-profit one? Is the source of public funding a necessary condition for a certain college to be categorized as a community college? What are the necessary conditions for a college to be categorized as community college? We believe the following are the necessary conditions for a college to be considered as one community college. The mission. Its mission is to provide affordable higher education and other types of education and training programs for all. If publicly funded, the college will charge a very low tuition as the American community colleges’ in-state tuition charge; if privately funded, the college enlists low-cost strategies. No entrance barriers. The college does not exclude any adult who wants to learn based on his/her previous educational preparations. Local needs. It serves local education and training needs. Local community participation. It is run with the participation of local academics, employers, and students. With our definition of community college, a for-profit college can function as a community college as long as the tuition charge is low enough or there is a public financial aid system for students who need it. A community college system is aligned with social development in a society. Therefore, community colleges differ from country to country depending on their unique social and economic environments. It is difficult to find a good definition that may apply to all the community colleges in the United States and other countries. If a community college is different from other institutions of higher education, there must be some unique characteristics that allow it to be classified as a community college. What are they? Broadly defined they are educational institutions that: (1) provide post-compulsory education of various types including, but not necessarily limited to, associate degree programs that represent a middle layer between high school education and the bachelor’s degree level; (2) mainly serve the community’s educational needs; (3) govern with an active community participation. Perhaps the future boundaries around the definition of a community college can be easily broken. The online communities, for instance, may develop their own community colleges in the future and therefore the boundary of a community may lose its physically local characteristics. So there is no doubt we will have a rich set of community college practices and models in China due to its local diversifications and the complexities of local, social, and economic dynamics that differ from place to place. Private initiatives with public sponsorship. Because of the relatively lower availability of public funding for community colleges in industry parks, private funding may play a more important role, and the migrant workers may share a very large 540 M. Li and H. Levin percentage or even need to pay all of the cost for their continuing education. Yet the reality is that continuing the education of migrant workers is a public good because the migrant workers are unlikely to pay adequately to cover the costs of an education that fully meets criteria that have public value. There are many ways that the public can intervene in encouraging private initiatives in the supply of such educational programs. One way is for the central and provincial governments to establish public foundations that provide funds for innovative private agents to establish schools. Given the involvement of private investment, investors need to face expectations that are based on stable system and regulation arrangements. So the allocation of public funds and public sponsorship of private initiatives should not be just a temporary scheme, but must be institutionalized. Public community college with private management. At this time, there are almost no public community colleges serving the migrant workers in manufacturing areas, so the priority is how to encourage both private and public sources to work with the local communities to set up colleges. Once many such colleges have been established there will be management challenges. One solution can be the use of Education Management Organizations (EMOs) to manage some of the public community colleges. With this scheme, the private sector may get engaged in initializing publicly funded community colleges with the expectation of contracting with public agencies to manage the established community college. In this way, the institutionalization of EMOs in community colleges can actually encourage private initiatives in helping to mobilize the public funds for establishing community colleges.

A Comparison of the Four Models of Ownership, Finance, and Governance of the Community Colleges

Each of the four models has its own advantages and disadvantages and it is difficult to say which one is absolutely superior. The reality is that the number of migrant workers is large and their characteristics are different from one industrial park to another; with so many different communities, some may easily work together while others may not. With so many local government agents and their officials, there can be a complex of different perspectives and attitudes on goals and operations. Thus, one model may work best in some areas and the others may work better somewhere else. As such, it is important to identify the advantages and disadvantages of each of the four models and make a comparison of their features. The following table (Table 28.5) presents a summary of such a comparison. While the extension of the township adult school model is inferior in most of the characteristics to the other three models, it is the best in terms of the speed of covering the service areas due to the fact that this system matches the current government administrative hierarchy. Once the central government and/or the municipal or provincial governments say “Go Ahead” and provide adequate financial support, this system can deploy the organizations and leadership in place quickly and cover the largest service areas rapidly. The shortcoming is that it does not perform as well as 28 Community Colleges as Learning Centers 541 the scale of its operations business model is tested to business growth be successful, fast same as the Internet cafes Low to high depending on Low Slow; but once a sound but Slow; The private investors The private Private investors Private For-profit (4) For-profit outside advanced technologyoutside advanced and knowledge promoted by the central government social investors and nonlocal, government and nonlocal, government government and non university dominance (3) university Highest because it brings in Medium to high Lowest Slow; but could be fast if could be fast but Slow; The university and other key and other key The university Social investors including local Social investors Social investment with existing Social investment Type of institutions Type on the local dynamics by the central government workers, participating schools workers, participants: the state, business, participants: the state, business, other schools Slow; but could be fast if promoted could be fast but Slow; Local governments, business, migrant business, Local governments, Community participation (2) administrative system administrative is already in place township adult schoolstownship (1) High High Fastest as the Fastest Low Mediate Highest Best in the niche markets Strong Weak Weak Weak Weak Stronger than (1) Between (2) and (4) Strongest The state by all the local owned Collectively Extension of current Comparison of the advantages and disadvantages of the four models community colleges and disadvantages Comparison of the advantages

to the local social and economic development of the factory parks of the factory education local education markets workers’ money votes money workers’ ownership Public financial burdenPublic financial Highest Potential to contribute to medium depending low Very Education innovation most Speed to cover Weak Weak Strong Strong Capacity to deliver quality Capacity to deliver Monopoly power over the over Monopoly power Community participation to the migrant Sensitive Weak Strong Between (1) and (2) Weak Direct control Local governments Funding sources and Table 28.5 Table Characteristics 542 M. Li and H. Levin the community participation one and the university-dominating one in the long run. The township model is easy to be used to create initial showcases, yet is far from being able to provide adequate continuing education for the migrant workers. This model is the least efficient and the least innovative in expanding education to the new market. Besides, it would place a far bigger burden on the local- and higher- level governments for financing. So if speed is not the most important consideration, this model does not merit being the first choice. The university-dominating model is the best in terms of bringing in the existence of strong educational programs and technology to provide adequate education to the migrant workers and contribute to the local social and economic development. It is better than the community participation one in terms of educational innovation and effectiveness of management. It is second to the community participation one in terms of public financial burden and community participation. It is difficult to say which one is preferable. We suggest that the two models be encouraged. It is possible that one model works better in certain areas and the other better in others. However, when the social development of a migrant community reaches some level where the local people and agencies are good at working together, the community partnership might be better because it has the least public financial burden. The for-profit one may not be the most effective one until a successful business model is developed and tested by the market. At an early stage, private investment will not be attractive because of the uncertainty of the market. After a period of first movers’ endeavors, successful business models might be developed, encouraging private business to move quickly into the marketplace and cover all factory parks where the conditions seem profitable. The for-profit model is likely to be most responsive to the migrant workers’ demand as reflected in their “money votes”, and can be most innovative. After a period of growth of such educational business, the for-profit schools may be provided with public responsibilities and funding. The governments may provide subsidies or simply buy services from these schools. To meet a socially adequate consumption level, the cost of supply could be higher than the price, and, therefore, such goods would become public or quasi-public goods with government funding. In such a case, the public should provide resources to make sure the socially adequate consumption level is reached. There are many ways for the public to do so. One is to directly become the supplier, such as the government-sponsored schools, or through nongovernment organizations (NGOs). The government may choose to just spend the money to subsidize the gap between cost of production and price charged to users and allow the for-profit companies to be the suppliers and run the operations. In this case, the consumption of such public goods can still reach the socially adequate level, yet the for-profit business is the supplier of the goods with the government subsidy. In many developing countries where public administration is not well developed, the direct government involvement in the supply of public goods can be very inefficient, and a private business with public spending and government oversight could be the best solution. 28 Community Colleges as Learning Centers 543

It is possible that educational services purchased with public funds would be produced most efficiently if provided by subsidized and government-regulated for-profit schools. But this is not likely to happen in the near future because there are very few for-profit schools in the factory parks now due to the lack of successful for-profit business models. As a result, pilot testing of such a model will not just be important for private business, but also crucial to the public. Finally it is possible that a mixture of models may work better than just one. One initiative that we are pushing forward is a mixed one with both social and private involvement. The idea is that we break down the operations of a school system into different parts and whenever possible we encourage the business to run the parts of the school system that could be profitable.

Notes

1. In villages and small towns, there are many factories, stores, and other types of businesses. If a person has grown up there and has local Huji, and works in any of these businesses rather than doing farming, this person is considered as working in a hometown business. 2. The number of migrant workers and the number of migrant population are not the same. Due to the lack of systematic statistics of the number of the migrant workers and their distribution, we believe the trend of the increasing size of the migrant population will mirror the trend and size of the migrant workers. 3. The original data are in China Yuan and we have used the rate $1=7.5 Chinese Yuan through out this paper. 4. Original equipment manufacturer (OEM) is a company that manufactures equipment or products marketed by another vendor, usually under the name of the reseller. Flextronics has factories in China, for example, that manufacture Nokia’s cell phones and then Nokia owns and markets the phones. 5. According to the State Statistics Bureau, migrant workers’ income increased 8% annually during 2001–2004 (Project Team of the State Council of China on the Migrant Workers, 2006, p. 76). 6. This is 2–3 Chinese Yuan which is considered a lot for using the Internet per hour. 7. This new model has some similarity with the small community colleges in the rural areas of the United States and many of the learning center-based community colleges in Canada. 8. Assuming one learning center for 20,000 migrant workers, the estimated total number is 2,000 (40,000,000/20,000). 9. Individuals may have a few books of their own, and when they join the online rotating library they may contribute their books to the rotating library that earns them the “credits” to borrow from others. All the book information and their locations and contact information are online. When a person wishes to borrow one book that person may call the person who keeps that book and get it, and then they do some online process so that people know this book has switched location. Because there is a need to store books at individuals’ places and for individuals to borrow books from one of the places, such a library will have to be limited to one small place. As there are thousands of migrant workers, even in a village, such a small rotating library would help many people to have access to large numbers of books cheaply. 10. Typically the hierarchy of China’s government administration is: the central government – the provincial government – the district government – county government – township government. 544 M. Li and H. Levin

References

Bailey, Thomas R and Vanessa Smith Morest. (2006). Defending the Community College Equity Agenda. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press Chen, Shida. (2007). On the Problems Related to the Migrant Workers. Beijing: China Workers Social Security Press. (陈诗达主编：农民工问题研究，北京：中国劳动社会保障出版社 2007 年) Cheng Xiaohua and Zhang Hongyu. (2005). China’s Labor Force Migration from Rural Areas and Its Employment. Beijing: China Agriculture Publication. (陈晓华、张红宇.：中国农村劳动力的转移与就业[M]北京：中国农业出版社，2005年版) China’s Central Bank Monetary Policy Analysis Team. (2006). Report on the Execution of China’s Monetary Policy for the First Quarter of 2006. (中国人民银行货币政策分析小组. (2006). 中国货币政策执行报告, 二○○六年第一季度, 2006年5月31日) Retrieved December 15, 2007 from www.chinamoney.com.cn/content/online2002/URLContent/news/2006Q1.pdf China Statistical Bureau. (2006). China Statistical Yearbook 2006. China Statistics Press, 2006. Chinese News Press. (2000). China’s Migration Population Will Increase Five Million Annually, October, 9, 2000. Retrieved December 15, 2007 from http://www.bjpopss.gov.cn/bjpssweb/ n15056c51.aspx Dougherty, Kevin. (1994). The Contradictory College: the Conflicting Origins, Impacts, and Futures of the Community College. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press Li, Minghua, Yun Bai, Haibo Liu, and Jixuan Hu. (2007). On the Cost Sharing Model for the Migrant Workers Continuing Education. Exploring Education Development, 2007, 3A, pp. 18–22. (李明华白芸，刘海波，胡继旋外来务工人员继续教育成本 “协商” 分担模式研究教育发展研究,2007年3A) Li, Minghua. (2007). Research Report on Nurturing the Open Education Markets of the Migrant Workers. Open Education Research, Vol. 13 No. 14, pp. 9–18. (李明华，关于开发外来务工人员开放教育市场的调研报告，开放大学研究，2007年，第13卷4期) Project Team of the State Council of China on the Migrant Workers (2006). China Migrant Worker Report. China Yanshi Publishers. (国务院研究室课题组：《中国农民工调研报告》，中国言实出版社，2006年4月第1版) Schultz, Theodore, W. (1967). The Rate of Return in Allocating Investment Resources to Education. The Journal of Human Resources, 3: 293–309. Tao Yinquan. (2006). China’s Central Bank’s Report on Migrant Workers Employment and Income. Workers Daily, February 24, 2006. (陶映荃,“中国人民银行：农民工就业分布和收入的调查” 工人日报, 2006年2月24日). Retrieved December 15, 2007 from http://www. china.com.cn/chinese/diaocha/1134190.htm Zheng Gongcheng, and Linda Yeuk-lin Lai Wong. (2006). On China’s Migrant Workers: Theory and Policy Approaches. Journal of Renmin University of China, No.6, 2006. (郑功成、黄黎若莲：“ 中国农民工问题理论判断与政策思路”,《中国人民大学学报》2006年第6期). Chapter 29 Building a Knowledge-Based Society: The Role of Colleges in Uzbekistan

Zulfiya Tursunova and Nodira Azizova

Introduction

After obtaining independence in 1991, Uzbekistan, like other countries of the former Soviet Union, had to redesign and reorient the educational system which had been designed for a centralized country. The educational system of centrally-governed USSR was linked to the Ministry of Education and economic power was exercised by the State Planning Committee (GOSPLAN), the production apparatus, which determined and dictated the imbalanced economic plan with a high concentration of manufacturing industries in the north. After collectivization in the 1930s, cotton became the main crop and production has grown exponentially in the past 50 years (Spoor, 1993). The emphasis on cotton production resulted in decreasing the existing system of crop rotation with wheat, alfalfa, and the key production of fruits and vegetables. Moreover, the increased cotton production led to soil salinity, erosion of land, water pollution, and the drying up of the Aral Sea. Despite the fact that the economic and political systems had been set up to satisfy the needs of the centrally run market economy, there were some advantages the system provided. For example, Uzbekistan achieved very high literacy rates (98% by 1990), free education at all levels for all citizens, privileged access to enter higher educational institutions for the applicants from rural areas (as a result of allocated quotas), and guaranteed employment for graduates of colleges, techniquims†, and universities. Vocational education was developed to satisfy the demands of the economic plan by producing the required number of specialists for particular economic sectors. The content was set by the policies and needs of the Soviet Union as a whole, with only minor regional differences. The collapse of the Soviet Union, rupture of economic relations between the countries, and out-dated technology and knowledge urged Uzbekistan to address the issues emerging from the socio-economic, political, and cultural transformations. The vocational system needed significant improvements to meet the needs of a global society.

† “Techniqums” means technical centers providing education in vocational subjects. Upon the completion of this level students can enter vocational professions or go to the tertiary level.

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 545 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 546 Z. Tursunova and N. Azizova

The process of improving the connections between the economic and educational systems remains the key characteristic of the educational reforms enacted since Uzbekistan obtained sovereignty. The gradual transition to the market economy required flexibility in the education system to adapt to the new labour market requirements. The shift from the Soviet to the new educational system involved the revision and development of new curricula, skills, qualifications, and knowledge. To pursue the aim of bringing education, science and industry in line with the current needs of the country, the change also entailed structural and institutional reforms such as extending the term of compulsory education to 12 years (currently 11 years) and restructuring educational programmes at the secondary and tertiary levels. Soviet higher education consisted of 5-year programmes at universities and institutes. This was modified in Uzbekistan into the Bachelor’s (4 years) and Master’s (2 years) programmes and a new 3-year program focusing on academic lyceums attached to the universities. These academic lyceums were developed as substitutes for completing the 2-year secondary school programme. Along with these changes, the network of professional colleges was improved. These colleges were expected to respond to local needs of employment. The vocational and technical colleges were supposed to accommodate about 90% of those who graduated from secondary schools (ninth class) (Government of Uzbekistan, 1998).To implement the changes, Oliy Majlis (Parliament) of the Republic of Uzbekistan enacted a law “On Education” during its session in July 1992 and the National Programme for Personnel Training (NPPT) on August 29, 1997. These laws initiated by the President of Uzbekistan, Islam Karimov, laid a conceptual framework for the strategy on national education development at all levels, from kindergarten to tertiary education. In moving from teacher-centred to more student-centred learning, the NPPT implemented curricula and textbook reforms, teacher training, interactive teaching methods, and assessment procedures. Yet, while there has been considerable progress from an information-based to a knowledge-based society, professional and technical education have been criticized for the inability to fully meet stakeholders’ needs (CER, 2005; Ziayev et al., 2000). This chapter explores academic lyceums and vocational colleges as apart of the post secondary educational reform structure. These two types of institutions are sometimes referred to as ‘secondary special, vocational education’ system that allows one to work in the chosen profession or enter Bachelor’s programs in universities to advance one’s education.1 The chapter also considers academic lyceums and vocational colleges as a part of the community college model in Uzbekistan. The authors argue that the advancement of post-secondary education and its reform were urged by the economic reforms in the country. The chapter stresses that the Soviet legacy of the past and the current socio-economic transformations strongly impact the quality of the current education sector, including post-secondary education. The chapter explores the process of the development of post-secondary education in Independent Uzbekistan, including problems, policies and achievements. Furthermore, the chapter describes the main challenges in vocational education in the effort to build a knowledge-based society in a globalized world. The efficiency and efficacy of the vocational training system in meeting the needs of a knowledge- based society and consequently market-oriented economy, as determined by the 29 Building a Knowledge-Based Society: The Role of Colleges in Uzbekistan 547

NPPT objectives, are investigated. Finally, a number of recommendations are suggested. Here, the main standpoint is that genuine educational reforms require intellectual, human and financial resources, and time to meet the demands of a knowledge- based society. It is argued here, as Drucker (2002) points out, that in addition to schools, businesses and the socio-economic environment should be first competitive enough locally in their activities and markets.

Main Issues in Educational and Vocational Education

The Need for Educational Reforms

We can argue that the Uzbek vocational education system is a community college model as it was modified from meeting the needs of the production apparatus (GOSPLAN in Soviet times) to satisfy the economic needs of the country. The educational system faced incredible challenges related to the legacy of the past when the country became independent and is currently in the midst of these transformations. According to the report “Five Years Later: Reforming technical and vocational education and training in Central Asia and Mongolia” (1997) prepared by the International Institute for Educational Planning (IIEP) under UNESCO and German Technical Cooperation (GTZ), the business and industry demand for vocational and technical education in Uzbekistan decreased as a result of a shortage of budget allocations, and the rupture of economic ties between enterprises in the different republics of the former Soviet Union. A gradual decline or stoppage of production led to partial or full downsizing of labour, and drastically reduced the demand for a labour force. In Uzbekistan, the drop in production was 9.6% in terms of GDP in 1991–1992, while it was 30% in Kazakhstan in 1990–1994 and Kyrgyzstan in 1992–1995. The fact that Uzbekistan experienced less economic shock than other Central Asian Republics was due to the government’s strategy for building a “socially- oriented market economy.” The policy aimed to (1) reduce imports by its substitution and ensure food security and self-reliance, (2) diversify the economy from cotton monoculture to an industrialized economy, (3) increase export and pursue a policy for a stable currency and (4) increase employment and improve living standards (Karimov, 1993, 1995). The economic situation led to a low demand for old working labour and urged the need for a new economic strategy, infrastructure, and modern skills and knowledge. As a result, the existing vocational and technical institutions modified their curriculum by emphasizing business, international law, international relations, finance and management. By upgrading the programmes and increasing classroom hours, many of the former institutes turned into universities. Vocational and technical education faced other challenges, as the absence of funding from the central budget from Moscow forced the Uzbek government to redistribute the national budget. Economic constrains resulted in tuition fees for students who were not able to obtain a passing score for entering the academic 548 Z. Tursunova and N. Azizova lyceums and vocational institutes. Government grants were given only to students who obtained a passing score. The tuition cost, plus costs of board and lodging, in addition to costs of textbooks, created obstacles to access at both the academic lyceums and vocational colleges. The outdated textbooks and curriculum required significant improvements along with an update in the teachers’ knowledge and skills. It became evident that the Soviet vocational and technical system of education, which provided young students with 1,400 professions, had become useless under the new economic conditions. The government and Ministry of Education reduced the variety of subjects being taught and reoriented the areas of specialization of the programs to respond to market needs. The number of courses was lowered to 270 professions, which included craft training, new agricultural specializations, the service sector, and such fields as law, tourism, banking, nursing, and many other fields to prepare for employment opportunities. A number of business schools were also established to train the youth to set up businesses and train secretaries, accountants, and assistants. (Prokhoroff and Tummerman, 1997). Additional challenges resulted from the lack of educational materials and equipment, shortage of qualified teachers, scientific and educational materials and textbooks, and the absence of close interaction and integration between the educational system, science, and industry. Other issues are linked to the structure and content of education, the learning process, and the stages of education. As a result, there was a lack of continuity in education. The shortcomings of the education system, including outdated teaching methods, hindered the development of independent thinking in students, problem solving and making necessary decisions. Only 10% of the secondary school graduates entered higher educational institutions. For those who did, the 11 years of general secondary education, with a 9-year compulsory education cycle, did not provide professional orientation and the necessary skills for university studies. Approximately 100,000 graduates of general basic education were not employed in industry and were not engaged in further professional education (Government of Uzbekistan, 1998). The discontinuity between jobs and education discouraged postsecondary education. For those who were willing to enter post-secondary institutions, competition increased in such specializations as business, finance, and law. In general, the educational system was unable to satisfy the needs of the labour market. In addition, certain measures were required to develop attestation and accreditation of educational institutions, and ways of objective evaluation of students’ knowledge (Government of Uzbekistan, 1988). There was a shortage of highly qualified specialists in vocational and technical colleges, and all other levels of education. In addition, the prestige of teaching decreased and there were inadequate mechanisms to motivate teachers to upgrade their qualifications. Moreover, there was a process of “aging” of scientific and scientific-pedagogical personnel. In higher educational institutions the number of Doctorate holders under the age of 40 was 0.9% of the total number, whereas at the age of 50 it was over 79%. The average age of Doctorate holders was 50 years, and that of Candidate of Science was 36 years (Government of Uzbekistan, 1988). Disparity also mirrored gender and centre–periphery distinctions as in 2005 the number of female Doctoral students was 38.8% and that of male students was 61.2%; the number of female students with Candidate of Science was 45.2% and 29 Building a Knowledge-Based Society: The Role of Colleges in Uzbekistan 549 that of male students was 54.8% (State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan, 2007). In 2005, the number of Doctoral degree candidates in Andijan region was 16.7% women and 83.3% men, in Bukhara region it was 60% and 40% respectively, in Tashkent region it was 16.7% females and 83.3% men, and in the city of Tashkent 43.6% and 56.4% respectively; in the Republic of Karakapalkistan, Namangan region, and Khorezm region there are no female Doctoral students. In 2005 the number of male Candidates of Science was higher in the following regions: in Andijan, 37.5% women and 62.5% men; in Bukhara, 34.5% women and 65.5% men; in Djizak, 20% women and 80% men, in Namangan, 40% women and 60% men; in Samarkand, 41.6% women and 58.4% men; in Tashkent, 33.3% women and 66.7% men; in Fergana, 45.2% women and 54.8% men; in Tashkent city, 46.4% women and 53.6% men. In Khorezm region, the number of female researchers was higher: 56.5% women and 43.5% men, and in Kashkadarya region, 56.5% women and 43.5% men (State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan, 2007). It is clear that the gender and regional diversities will directly affect the creation of future faculty at Uzbekistan community colleges. The location of the vocational and technical colleges remains relatively close to the local communities, which allows students to pursue post-secondary education. Vocational education is selected on the basis of opportunities due to the wide range of subjects, relatively less investment in comparison with higher education (2–3 years), and opportunities to work in such fields which previously required higher education. In the past, only those students with poor grades attended vocational education. Now, better qualified students are choosing to attend these institutions. So the Uzbek community college model is based on the idea of providing up-to-date knowledge required by the market and the development of the skills necessary for future employment, which will lead to the socio-economic wellbeing of the population. However, the selection of vocational education is also linked to specific constraints. According to the CER report (2003), while almost all children enter primary schools, some disparities exist between men and women at the level of vocational and higher education. The data of the Ministry of Public Education found disparities between the rural and urban populations, boys and girls, and the poor and better-off in accessing higher education. Currently, approximately half of the schoolchildren finishing grade 9 continue their education in academic lyceums and professional colleges. The rest continue their education in the former 2-year professional colleges or go directly to work (ADB, 2005). The research on “Gender Dimensions of Rural Livelihoods in Uzbekistan: The importance of emergent entrepreneurship and migration”, conducted in Khorezm region in 2006, showed that many girls do not continue their education due to limited employment opportunities, preference of parents to select boys rather than girls in the family to pursue education, and the fear of the family members, especially from rural areas, to send girls to distant places to study. Access is also complicated because families are unable to allocate funds to pay tuition for their children who do poorly in exams. The limited funding, when available, is given to boys. The low salaries in the government sector do not attract young people to pursue education, but prompt them to develop various combinations of livelihood strategies such as agricultural work, trade, and migration (Tursunova, 2006). 550 Z. Tursunova and N. Azizova

The process of strengthening connections between the economy and education is the key characteristic of the modern developments in Uzbekistan. When Uzbekistan obtained independence and began a gradual transition to a market-oriented economy, the education system also required some changes and the establishment of an adequate system of education and training. The educational system was oriented toward responding to labour market conditions and to support local improvements in the structure of the education cycle and pedagogical content. The transition to a market economy created a demand for new curricula, new knowledge, employable skills, professional qualifications, and new teaching methods (Ziayev et al., 2000).

NPPT

To meet these challenges, the government of Uzbekistan adopted NPPT, a three-phased strategy, from 1997 to 2009, aimed at orienting post-secondary education to the needs of the market economy. NPPT stresses the role of postsecondary education to provide knowledge and skills for future work. The first stage (1997–2001) created legal, personnel, scientific and financial conditions for the reform and development of positive potential of the personnel training system. The second stage (2001–2005) implemented the National Programme, and introduced work experience, labour-market development and favourable socio-economic conditions. The third stage (2005 onwards) aimed at improving the personnel training system through the analyses and overview of the accumulated experience, in accordance with the perspectives of the socio-economic development of the country. Higher education was divided into two levels: Bachelor’s and Master’s levels with computer science courses, social sciences, business, and foreign languages. To improve the quality of education, the programme intended to develop curricula and textbooks, and facilitate student-centred teaching practices. The programme was aimed at strengthening pre-service and in-service teacher training programmes, and bringing education, science and industry in line with the existing needs of the country (Government of Uzbekistan, 1998). NPPT implemented, with the support of the ADB (Asian Development Bank) programmes highly important in a country with a comparatively high demographic growth, with a population of 26,021.3 million people, 35.7% of whom are less than 15 years old (State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan on Statistics, 2005‡). As NPPT emphasizes, education should not only prepare young adults for future careers as a work force, but also provide skills and attitudes to be active agents in building a democratic country that will enable them to participate fully in their culture.

‡ The age and gender structure of the population in Uzbekistan was influenced by the changes occurring in fertility rate and migration process. Decrease in births resulted in the reduction of the percent of the population under productive age (0-15) in total population from 43.1% in January 1, 1991 to 35.7% in January 1, 2005; the aging ratio also decreased from 6.45% in 1990 to 6.02% in 2005). (State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan, 2005) 29 Building a Knowledge-Based Society: The Role of Colleges in Uzbekistan 551

One of the key tasks of the National Programme is the establishment of a permanent system to monitor reforms in the education sector. The Republican Commission on NPPT is assigned to monitor the implementation of the programme in compliance with the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan’s Order dated October 6, 1997. The Republican Commission ratified the organizational structure of the monitoring system consisting of a Head Working Group on Monitoring (HWG) and Territorial Working Groups on Monitoring (TWGM). The Monitoring Group under the Cabinet of Ministers was established by the Cabinet of Minister’s Order No. 504, dated September 06, 2001. The main responsibilities of the Monitoring Group were defined as follows: organising an effective system to monitor educational reform, implementing the decrees and orders of the Cabinet of Ministers and resolutions of the Republican Commission on NPPT Implementation, and coordinating the activities of the TWGM, ministries and agencies/departments (ADB, 2001).

Access to Education

Enrolment in Post-secondary Education

During the initial years of the transition, education in Uzbekistan suffered less than in the neighbouring countries (Kitaev, 1996). Despite that, from 1989 to 1995, the number of students at vocational and technical schools decreased, because their education did not provide them with the skills to find remunerative jobs. The number of students dropped by 8 to 12% a year, with a sharp fall of the number of students studying for industrial occupations, economics and transport (about 28% in each area) and an increase in health care workers (+26%). In 1996, there were 442 vocational and technical colleges delivering vocational education for 221,000 students, and 258 secondary schools or colleges with 197,000 students. Approximately 60% of students in secondary schools completed grade 9, and 40% completed grade 11. The students with a high examination score could study on a grant provided by the government, but some students paid their tuition fees (UNESCO, 1998). At the beginning of the 2004/2005 academic year, the educational system consisted of 65 academic lyceums and 827 professional colleges (World Bank, 2003). The secondary special, vocational educational institutions were attended by 165,300 women (47.2%) and 184,700 men (52.8%) (State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan on Statistics, 2007). The low female enrolment at secondary special, vocational education contributes to the considerable low enrolment at higher education levels. The opportunity to continue education depends on the income of the households. The better-off families enable children to continue their education (World Bank, 2003). The preference to continue education is given to boys rather than girls, especially if this relates to the mobility of students to cities other than their own. The other factor relates to the desire of girls to stop their education and employ themselves in the informal sector, to carry out such activities as sewing, cleaning, cooking, and selling fruits and vegetables in the market. In the transition period, , education does not guarantee, employment; therefore the youth prefer to be employed in the informal sector. 552 Z. Tursunova and N. Azizova

Distribution of Student Enrollment by Gender and Specialization

Gender roles have been historically defined and reinforced since the consideration of ‘women’s issue’ was taken up by Lenin and Krupskaya in 1916–1917; both of them devoted their efforts to liberate the women of the East under the guidance of the Communist Party. Tzetkin said that the October Revolution of 1917 kindled the fire for freedom and equality in the hearts of the exploited women of the slowly- awakening, humiliated East. As Lenin said, “to achieve full liberation of women and equality of women and men, it is necessary to engage women into productive labour. Then women will hold the same position as men” (Masharipova, 1990). The Communist party opened schools, in particular, agricultural schools, to provide basic knowledge to enhance the local economy. Women’s technical colleges were established to accommodate women and girls who ran away from their husbands and relatives who humiliated their dignity. Thus, professional colleges became one of the instruments for the liberation of women (Masharipova, 1990) and at the same time for joining the workforce. Women worked in agriculture, education and other fields in low-paying jobs, aiming their activities to meet the targets of production of the 5-year plan set up by GOSPLAN. The involvement of women in industry and consequently the eradication of illiteracy became the main tasks of the party and public organizations. Yet, during the Soviet regime, the gender dimension remained obvious. The predominance of males was seen in the fields of economics, law, and science. The Soviet idea of the emancipation of women resulted in the double burden of women: being involved in the workforce with unequal pay and performing household duties. In the view of Kamp (2006) the Soviet political ideology placed significant limitations on the actions of women and men; and at the same time, Uzbek society also constrained women’s choices. The number of students studying at vocational colleges and academic lyceums as of the beginning of 2005/2005 academic year comprised of 12.3% out of the total number 34371.100 females being trained at all levels of education and 12.6% out of 3695.800 males trained at all levels of education (Please see Table 29.1; State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan on Statistics, 2007, p. 76). In 2005/2006 the distribution of students in secondary special, vocational educational institutions by specialization has a gender dimension. The choice was as follows: education- 81.3% women, 18.7% men; health care and sports – 79.8% women and 20.2% men. Male students selected transportation and communication – 76.5% (23.5% women); agriculture: – 69.8% men (30.2% women); industry and construction: 64.3% men (35.7% women), economy and law: 56.7% men (43.3% women) (Please see Table 29.2; State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan on Statistics, 2007, p. 87). The choice of the area of specialization is mostly influenced by gender stereotypes, i.e. the division of labour into “male” and “female” jobs, family traditions and economic factors. The trend of the selection of the area of specialization by gender has been quite stable in the period of 2000–2005 (State committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan on statistics, 2005). 29 Building a Knowledge-Based Society: The Role of Colleges in Uzbekistan 553

Table 29.1 Number of students studying at different types of educational institutions as of the beginning of 2005/2006 academic year (State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan, 2007, p. 76) Overall number of As percent of total Distribution by sex (%) students being trained at: Women Men Women Men General education 84.3 82.9 48.6 51.4 schools Vocational colleges 11.9 12.0 48.1 51.9 Academic lyceums 0.4 0.6 37.6 62.4 Higher educational 3.3 4.5 40.9 59.1 institutions Post graduate coursesa 0.0 0.0 45.2 54.8 Doctoral coursesa 0.0 0.0 38.8 61.2 Total In % 100 100 48.2 51.8 In thousand 3,437.1 3,695.8 – – aAt the end of 2005 year.

Table 29.2 Distribution of students in secondary special and vocational institutions by sex as of the beginning of the 2005/2006 academic year (State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan, 2007, p. 87) Secondary special and vocational institutions (%) Women Men Education 81.3 18.7 Health care and sports 79.8 20.2 Industry and construction 35.7 64.3 Agriculture 30.2 69.8 Transportation and communication 23.5 76.5 Economy and law 43.3 56.7 Art and cinematography 43.5 56.5 Services 44.2 55.8 Total In % 48.1 51.9 In thousand 410.4 443.0

Management of Education

According to NPPT, the Ministry of Public Education manages preschool, primary, and secondary education. The Ministry of Higher Education and Ministry of Public Education are responsible for specialized secondary education and higher education, including community college models. The Ministries have departments that project budget expenses, student enrolment, and number of faculty. During the period 1997–2000 the distribution of female teachers/instructors in secondary special educational institutions increased (in 1997 it was 42.9% women and 57.1% men, in 1998 it was 43.8% women and 56.2% men, in 1999 it was 46.5% women and 53.5% men, 554 Z. Tursunova and N. Azizova in 2000 it was 48.6% women and 51.4% men) while in the period 2001–2005, it has been going up and down (in 2001 it was 47.4% women and 52.6% men, in 2002 it was 47.1% women and 52.9% men, in 2003 it was 47.5% women and 52.5% men, in 2004 it was 47.3% women and 52.7% men, in 2005 it was 45% women and 55% men) (Table 29.3; State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan on Statistics, 2005, 2007). To ensure the implementation of NPPT, the government of Uzbekistan set up a Centre of Professional Education through a legislative act on the organization of academic lyceums and professional colleges, adopted by the government (February 24, 1998). The Center of Professional Education is attached to the Ministry of Public Education, which evaluates the Center’s work. The main goals of the Center are coordinating and managing professional and technical education, providing technical, material, and educational support, and ensuring quality of education by developing and administering state educational standards. The Centre also integrates international experience and trains teachers. To fulfill these goals, regional centers of professional education were opened by the government of Karakalpakistan, hokimiyats (Mayor’s office) of regions and in Tashkent. In addition, the State Testing Center was opened to administer tests and identify applicants’ qualifications for continuing their education at higher levels (Ziayev et al., 2000). The existing professional educational institutions and the newly opened institutions that are under the management of the Ministry of Culture, The Academy of Arts and the Ministry of Health, remain attached to the same authorities as before. All of them are required to provide funding, training and practical skills to the students. They should also be flexible to respond to the needs of the labour market in manpower and to ensure the employability of their graduates (Ziayev et al., 2000). The decentralized system of governance of education has its benefits as it provides a link between education and the social and economic sectors, and consequently, the possibility of future employment. Yet, the decentralized system of governance may not be cost effective, taking into account the budget constraints.

Table 29.3 Distribution of teachers by sex and type of education (The State Statistic Department of the Ministry of Macroeconomics and Statistics of the Republic of Uzbekistan, 2002, p. 78; State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan, 2007, p. 76. Secondary special and vocational institutions (%) Women Men 1997 42.9 57.1 1998 43.8 56.2 1999 46.5 53.5 2000 48.6 51.4 2001 47.4 52.6 2002 47.1 52.9 2003 47.5 52.5 2004 47.3 52.7 2005 45.0 55.0 29 Building a Knowledge-Based Society: The Role of Colleges in Uzbekistan 555

Funding

In the past, funding for education was determined by centrally mandated norms from Moscow, which provided little incentive for the administrators to improve efficiency in the use of public resources or mobilize extra funding (Berryman, 2000). Most educational institutions were well maintained, yet rural educational institutions had less funds. According to the World Bank (2003), in the1980s, the economic collapse affected education and other sectors, and since Independence, as Uzbekistan had to maintain the system when the subsidies from Moscow were no longer allocated, the level of output decreased and public revenues shrank. Today, educational institutions are funded from central and local budgets, and also from extra-budgetary sources, which include private companies, nongovernmental organizations, individuals and additional sources stipulated by the Law on Education. The Law on Education primarily drew attention to the changes in legal foundations and funding of education. The state should ensure priority to expenditure on education. The institutions are also allowed to earn additional income by providing services to the government and companies and by carrying out income-generating activities that are within the law. Besides, any earned, unspent, or remaining amounts of the allocated resources can be retained by educational institutions, regardless of their source of funding, and are regarded as tax free. These legal norms constitute the foundation of the financial management of educational institutions, their resources, and expenditure.(Ziayev et al., 2000). At present, most educational institutions (89%) are funded from local, regional, district, and city finance department budgets, with the aim of increasing the responsibility of the hokimiayts in the financial management of educational institutions (Ziayev et al., 2000). Thus, to maintain standards of education during the economic transition, the government pursues a policy of diversifying sources of funding. In spite of the relative protection of the social sectors, in contrast to other countries of similar economic status, public funding for education dropped from 10.3% of GDP in 1992 to 6.7% of GDP by the end of the decade. (World Bank, 2003). In secondary special, vocational education, funding decreased from 0.6% of GDP in 1992 to 0.4% of GDP in 1997 at the rate of budget expenses at 1.3% level. The expenses for improving the material and technical foundation of secondary special, vocational educational institutions are decreasing because of the increase in the salaries and stipends to students due to the increase in prices. This implies that allocated resources are stretched to cover only current expenses. As educational institutions were allowed to engage in income generating activities, the share of the state budget to be allocated to secondary special, vocational educational institutions decreased during 1994 to 1997 from 99.5% to 87.8% (CER, 1998). The number of individuals studying at secondary special, vocational educational institutions on a contract basis in 1997 was 26,100, as against 8,500 students in 1994. Consequently, the share of profits of these educational institutions increased, due to the payment of tuition fees, from 0.27% in 1994 to 7.95% in 1997. Despite the diversification of funding sources in education, the financial means are not 556 Z. Tursunova and N. Azizova enough to provide good quality education (CER, 1998). The government’spolicy of free education at all levels provided an opportunity for those in low income families to pursue their education. Currently, children from low income families are constrained by the lack of financial means. Yet their involvement in the informal economic sector and establishment of small and medium size enterprises allows them to generate incomes higher than the salaries of teachers. There is a need to develop business courses that will provide practical knowledge. In addition, migration to China, Turkey, Russia, Iran, Kazakhstan and other neighboring Central Asian countries, to purchase merchandise or work in construction sites or engage in other services, brings in income. There is a need to gather information about the economic situation in these countries, and compare the market prices for commodities there and in different regions and cities of Uzbekistan. While Central Asia has a long history of merchants and trade, today’s globalized economy requires a new level of economic knowledge. Uzbekistan has made a concerted effort to find new markets for its products and has developed new trading partners in such countries as South Korea, Great Britain, Switzerland, Germany, Turkey, and the USA. To develop these new trading partnerships, there is a need for people who can follow market trends in these new markets and respond to the changes in taste. Thus, there is a need to be able to change course–content quickly. Also, the students need to have contacts with people who are directly involved in developing these new markets.

Household Capability for Education

The class and urban/rural disparity in Uzbekistan is on the basis of access to and performance in education. As such, primary and secondary education alone do not provide safety from poverty. The findings of the budget survey 2001 point out that the average number of illiterate persons and of persons who did not go to school exceeded 1.6%, and even in poor families it did not exceed 2.3%. Yet the number of members in these families who received secondary special, vocational education, and did not complete/ completed higher education was 22.6% while in the average families this figure was 41.8%, and in the families with income above average it was 56.2%. We can say that children from poor families have less opportunities to finish secondary education and then continue their education at higher levels, contrary to children from better-off families. The low income of the family, and lack of funds and necessary conditions to support education in the family, urge young people to find employment and thus raise the family income level. Therefore, it is important that the national programme breaks up a circle of violence and provides free equitable access to complete secondary and professional education to children. This will allow students to have adequate education and adapt to labor requirements (CER, 2005). The transition process to a market economy requires that children from low income families have access to education as the establishment of small business enterprises requires knowledge and skills that professional and vocational colleges provide. 29 Building a Knowledge-Based Society: The Role of Colleges in Uzbekistan 557

In terms of educational attainment, Uzbekistan has achieved significant results. Illiteracy has been almost eliminated and the official statistics report about 100% literacy among women and men. Moreover, the educational gap between genders has been closing gradually: about 30% of men and 19% of women who are presently 75 years old have upper secondary or higher levels of schooling and about 92% of men and 93% of women of 25–44 years have had some upper secondary or higher levels of schooling. Yet, some gender gaps remain at the secondary special, vocational education and higher education levels. Even though the gaps between the poor and non-poor have been reducing, the poor started out with lower levels of education and differences are present at secondary special, vocational education and higher education levels. However, the declining investment into education may limit the potential of women to get engaged into the labor force engagement. Participation in the market requires absorption of the labor force. Taking into account that 60% of the population reside in rural areas, among the low paid workers, 62% work in agriculture and 38% in construction. The population is also involved in the informal sector and/or temporary work, which provide some income for household expenses. There is also migration for labor work, especially during the transition period, of young people, including persons with higher education (CER, 2005).

Conclusion and Recommendations

The transition process created special challenges to the Uzbekistan educational system. The early years of the transition period did not show radical worsening of the educational system as in other countries facing a similar situation. Yet, the system could not maintain itself for long and sharp declines were observed in secondary special, vocational education and higher levels of education in terms of attendance, gender disparities, regional disparities and income groups. More efforts should be made to support educational attainment in low income families, in particular among girls. The incentives should not be based only on grades but also on socio-economic status and income. The NPPT stresses the quality of education and highlights the mechanisms for ensuring modern education. Quality assurance should go along with ownership by stakeholders in the process of developing curricula, introducing innovative teaching methods, and developing textbooks and manuals. More back-up should be provided for sharing best practices in education and support for the development of educational materials. Quality of education cannot be guaranteed without financial incentives to teachers and social benefits such as housing, health care and so forth. As secondary special, vocational education, like other levels of education, is strongly linked to the socio-economic and cultural sectors, more engagement of business structures in terms of updating the curricula, sharing the best practices in the business sector, and having business people teaching in educational institutions may improve the quality of education. Education plays a key role in insuring that the workforce will possess the knowledge, skills and attitudes necessary to fill 558 Z. Tursunova and N. Azizova current positions, and more important, to create new businesses and manage new opportunities. Besides, functioning as an interconnected system with education, business, research, market and society and developing the knowledge and skills necessary to the local context is crucial. Cooperation with professional colleges abroad and sharing expertise may improve the quality of education as well as the socio-economic and cultural spheres. With the advancement of knowledge-based societies, lifelong learning has become an important element of the education of adults. The underestimation of the education of adults and extreme attention to the education of children and youth is not enough to develop the economy of the country. Therefore, it is necessary to create Centres of Adult Education under the Ministry of Higher and secondary specialized education that would develop research and educational programmers for adults, provide expertise to the institutions, monitor the work of the educational institutions that deliver training for adults, and for example, provide training to administrative personnel to enhance their knowledge and management skills, and train people with special needs (Imamov and Imamov, 2002). The countries in transition, such as Uzbekistan, require comprehensive attempts to transform education from the Soviet system, building on its advantages and changing its weaknesses to meet the needs of the market economy and develop human potential and the well-being of the people.

Acknowledgements The authors wish to thank Rene Wadlow, formerly, professor and Director of Research, Graduate Institute of Development Studies, University of Geneva, for his comments.

Note

1. Academic lyceum is a secondary special educational establishment that provides 3 years of professional training in particular field to develop intellectual skills. Upon finishing academic lyceum usually attached to particular university, students pursue higher education mostly in the affiliated university. Vocational college is secondary vocational educational establishment that provides 3 years of professional training in one or few specialized fields of a chosen profession. Upon finishing vocational college, students pursue professional career.

References

ADB (2005). Gendernaya otzenka po strane: Uzbekistan. Departament Vostojnoi i Tzentralnoi Azii, Departament Regionalnogo I Ystoichivogo Razvitiya. ADB/UNESCO (November 2001). The Republic of Uzbekistan: The National Program for Personnel Training in Action, Tashkent, p. 40. Berryman, S.E. (2000). Hidden challenges to education systems in transition countries. The World Bank: Europe and Central Asia region, Human Development Sector. CER (1998). Concept of education development and analysis of financing of education in Uzbekistan. Report 98/23.Tashkent. CER (2005). Linking macroeconomic policy to poverty reduction in Uzbekistan. Tashkent, Uzbekistan. 29 Building a Knowledge-Based Society: The Role of Colleges in Uzbekistan 559

Drucker, P. (2002). Managing the next society. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Government of Uzbekistan (1988). Harmoniously developed generation – Fundamental of progress in Uzbekistan. Tashkent, Uzbekistan: Shark. Imamov, E.Z. and Imamov, A.Z. (2002). O zadache obujeniya vzroslih. Journal Talim Muammolari 3, 5–6. Kamp, M. (2006). The new woman in Uzbekistan. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press. Karimov, I. (1993). Building the Future: Uzbekistan its Own Model for Transition to a Market Economy. Tashkent: Uzbekistan publisher. Karimov, I. (1995). Uzbekistan: Along the Road of Deepening Economic Reform. Tashkent: Uzbekistan publisher Kitaev, I. (Ed.) (1996). Educational finance in Central Asia and Mongolia. Educational Forum Series No.7. Paris: UNESCO, International Institute for Educational Planning (379.12 UNE). Masharipova, Sh.M. (1990). Raskreposhenie jenshin Khorezma I vovlejenie ih v sotzialistijeskoe ctroitelstvo. Tashkent, Uzbekistan: FAN. Prokhoroff, G., & Timmerman, D. (1997). Five years later: Reforming technical and vocational education and training in Central Asia and Mongolia. Paris: UNESCO/International Institute for Educational Planning (IIEP). Spoor, M. (1993). Transition to market economies in former Soviet Central Asia: Dependency, cotton, and water. The European Journal of Development Research 5(2), 142–158. State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan on Statistics (2005a). Gender equality in Uzbekistan: Facts and figures 2000–2004. [Statistical Bulletin]. Tashkent, Uzbekistan. State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan on Statistics (2005b). Gender equality in Uzbekistan: Facts and figures 2000–2005. [Statistical Bulletin]. Tashkent, Uzbekistan. State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan on Statistics (2007). Gender equality in Uzbekistan: Facts and figures 2000–2005. [Statistical Bulletin]. Tashkent, Uzbekistan. Tursunova, Z. (2006). Report on “Gender Dimensions of Rural Livelihoods in Uzbekistan: the importance of emergent entrepreneurship and migration”. The research has been implemented in the framework of the ZEF (Center for Development Reserach) project “Economic and Ecological Restructuring of Land- and Water Use in the Region Khorezm.” I wish to Dr. P.Mollinga and Dr. B. Bock. For their support and suggestions. UNESCO (1990). World Declaration for All, Jomtien. Retrieved on November 8, 2007, from http://www.unesco.org/education/efa/ed_for_all/background/jomtien_declaration.shtml UNESCO (1998). Education Management Profile: Uzbekistan. Bangkok: UNESCO Principal Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific. UNESCO (2000). The Dakar Framework for Action, Education for All: Meeting Our Collective Committee. World Bank (2003). Uzbekistan: Living standards assessment. Report No. 25923-UZ. Accessed on June 18th, 2008, http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/ WDSP/IB/2003/06/17/000160016_20030617131238/Rendered/PDF/259230UZ.pdf Ziayev, M.K., Rakhmonov, A., and Sultanov, M.S. (August 2000). Educational financing and budgeting in Uzbekistan. Paris: International Institute for Educational Planning/UNESCO. Chapter 30 Junior Colleges in the Islamic Republic of Iran

Shahrzad Kamyab

Introduction

The intent of this chapter is to describe the characteristics of the junior colleges in Iran and to make a comparison with the community college model in the United States. One thing that needs to be clear here is that the junior colleges in Iran are quite distinct from the community colleges in the United States as their philosophy and the function is varied and different from the US model. In contrast to the American community college model which is a comprehensive one, the junior colleges in Iran have historically been short-cycle educational institutions producing mid-manpower workforce in technical and vocational fields. In recent years, due to the population expansion and the number of young population in Iran (70% of the population is under 25 years of age) and the subsequent rise in demand for higher education, the number of short-cycle educational institutions has increased. The newly established junior colleges offer nontraditional courses, and they are mostly private institutions established by the private industries, such as films, to respond to the interests of young people.

Iranian Education System

In order to understand the junior college concept in Iran, first, one should understand the structure and the philosophy behind the Iranian educational system. The educational system in Iran, from first grade through higher education, is a highly centralized education system which was modeled on that of Napoleonic France. The Iranian Ministry of Education is the center of power, specifying a national course of study for all subjects at 1–12 levels. The syllabus for each subject is set out in great detail, stipulating the content to be covered and the number of hours to be taught. In addition, textbooks must be geared to cover the content of a particular course of study and must meet the standards set by the Ministry’s textbook authorization system. Supervision of instruction and the textbooks at the

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 561 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 562 S. Kamyab higher education level is the responsibility of Ministry of Science, Research and Technology, or MSRT (Kamyab, 2004). The education system (K–12), which consisted of 5 years of elementary, 3 years of middle school, and 4 years of upper secondary, underwent a major reform in 1990, and subsequently, the structure of secondary education changed in two major ways. One was that the length of upper secondary education was shortened from 4 years to 3 years and a system of preuniversity (pish_daneshga_hi) was established in place of the 12th grade to prepare students of academic branch to enter universities. Similar to the old system, the new structure of the education system also branches out at the ninth grade into academic, technical, and vocational streams (Kamyab, 2005). The other major change in the structure of upper secondary education was the introduction of a credit unit system to replace the grade system or the yearly system. Prior to the reform of 1990, students who failed the year-end comprehensive examination had to repeat the entire year. But after the reform was introduced, the students were able to retake only the courses for which they did not receive a passing grade. In addition, this major reform enabled students to enter both the world of work and the vocational–technical junior colleges earlier. Now, the students of vocational–technical branches receive the high school diploma at 11th grade rather than 12th grade (Ministry of education, 1995). Testing is a major driving force for teaching and learning in Iran as it is the major criteria for promotion to the next level of education ladder. To enter universities in Iran, the applicants must pass a university entrance exam known as Konkur. Since the test is stringent and the admission is too competitive, many students start preparing for it 1 or 2 years ahead, taking multiple-choice tests to improve their test-taking skills. The entrance exam to enter junior colleges is more relaxed than the Konkur. The junior college exam is simply referred to as the “junior college entrance exam” (Kamyab, 2004). Higher education in Iran currently consists of university, distance education, and junior colleges. Universities are 4-year institutions catering to students who are graduates of the academic branch of the secondary education and who pass the Konkur. Payam-e Nour, the only distance education university program in Iran, was established in 1987 to provide teachers and civil servants the opportunity to continue their education and to best serve their working schedule. It offers a 4-year university program which also requires an entrance exam. All the courses are given through television and correspondence, and students write exams at local university offices. Payam-e Nour charges fees, and is now offering a variety of programs to working adults and to those who could not pass the Konkur, but are seeking a university degree. It also caters to the students in the remote areas of the country. While it does cater to adults, similar to community college models, this is defined as a 4-year university construct. Junior colleges in Iran are short-cycle 2-year programs producing middle-level workforce in technical–vocational fields. Junior colleges cater to students who are graduates of technical or vocational branches of the upper secondary schools who pass an entrance exam separate from the university entrance examination. 30 Junior Colleges in the Islamic Republic of Iran 563

The vocational–technical junior colleges operate under the jurisdiction of the bureau of technical and vocational education of Ministry of Education. Graduates of junior colleges are granted the associate degree known as “Kardani” or “work-skill” degree upon graduation. To obtain the junior college associate degree, students must complete 68–78 units to obtain the qualification of Kardani. The associate degree of “Kardani” is also offered by medical science universities (after the completion of first 2 years) in the fields of operating room, anesthesiology, family health, laboratory sciences, environmental and vocational health. Currently there are about 200 technical and vocational colleges offering about 40 fields of study in industry, agriculture, and services (Institute for Educational Research, Ministry of Education, 2003).

Characteristics of Junior Colleges in Iran

Junior college concept in Iran is different from the community college concept in the United States, as the function and the philosophy behind the two systems are varied and very distinct from each other. A fully organized or a comprehensive community college in the United States aims to meet the needs of a community in which it is located, including the preparation for institutions of higher learning, liberal arts education for those who are not going beyond graduation from the junior college, vocational training, and short courses for adults with special interests. In contrast, junior colleges in Iran meet the needs of the industry, technology, and agriculture as their goal is to produce mid-level personnel or paraprofessionals and to prepare students to enter the world of work. As it was discussed earlier, the two systems of short-cycle education (2-year program), in the United States and Iran are more different than similar. The only distinct similarity between the two systems is the mission to train mid-level workforce to respond to the needs of the society and the industry. For the purpose of comparison, the major areas of admissions, administration and funding, curriculum, student population, and student services will be discussed.

Admission Policy

The junior colleges in Iran do not have an open-door policy and students have to take an entrance exam to get in. To enter junior colleges in Iran, the applicant should pass the specific entrance examination which is different from Konkur and is administered by the receiving college. The exam is not as stringent as the university entrance exam but is still considered difficult and competitive. The difficulty level is high since there are too many applicants and the seats are limited. In fact, every year only about 10% of the applicants are granted admissions. Those who are unable to gain admission are allowed to retake the test in the following years until 564 S. Kamyab they pass. In 2008, junior colleges can be found in any part of the country but the concentration of major ones are still in urban areas and major cities. The main reason to have an entrance exam to enter higher education in Iran is twofold; one is that the institutions of higher learning, even the technical– vocational schools admit only those students with high aptitude and potential for further learning as there is no such service or function as remedial education within colleges and universities. The other reason to have an entrance exam is the lack of seats to accommodate all applicants. Historically, there have been a great demand for higher education and this has increased even more in recent years. It is also worthy to mention that since the Iranian education was modeled after French education system where exams are the main determinants of entry into higher education, testing for entry into higher education system in Iran has always been used to select the best applicants for further learning (Kamyab, 2008).

Administration and Funding, Decentralization Versus Centralization

Administration of higher education in Iran is highly centralized which is in contrast to US decentralized system of higher education. This is different from the control of the public 2-year college in the United States which rests firmly in the hands of the state. In the United States a significant portion of this control, however, is delegated to the local board, and the administrative head of the junior college reports to the superintendent of the community college in the district. Funding for the operation of the community colleges in the United States comes from several sources such as legislative appropriations, loans, gifts, grants, investments, tuition fees, and taxes. In contrast to US decentralized system of funding and control, the administration of the junior colleges in Iran, rests with the bureau of Higher Technical and Vocational education of the Ministry of Education. The head of the junior college administration reports directly to the Minister of Education and the entire funding for the operation of the public junior colleges in Iran comes from the Ministry of Education and that is the only source of funding for the junior colleges in Iran. Public junior colleges charge no fees (Institute for Educational Research, 2003).

Curriculum

The curriculum in the US community colleges is characterized by a diversified curriculum, including remedial education, occupational education, general education, transfer program, and continuing education. On the other hand, the curriculum in the public junior colleges in Iran is almost exclusively technical or occupational in nature and it is uniform throughout the country. In contrast to the United States where textbooks are published by publishers, 30 Junior Colleges in the Islamic Republic of Iran 565 the curricula for the junior colleges in Iran are published by the Ministries of Education. As it was discussed earlier, to obtain the higher technical diploma, or the associate degree of “Kardani,” students are required to complete 68–78 units in the specialized fields of studies such as construction, electronics, computers, food industries, ceramics, industrial design, etc. (Institute of Educational Research, 2003). Private junior colleges design their own curriculum and the supplemental materials but they are required to seek the approval of the curriculum planning of the Ministry of Education. The curriculum for the private junior colleges tends to be nontraditional in nature as the programs offered are in the new fields of studies such as film and design.

Student Population

In contrast to the large population of adults and continuing education students, and students of different ethnic backgrounds who attend community colleges in the United States, Iran’s junior college student population is fairly homogeneous, consisting of recent secondary school graduates. In regard to the gender composition of the junior colleges in Iran, male students are in majority in the vocational–technical programs which is in contrast to the universities in Iran where 60% of the student population is female. Historically, public junior colleges in Iran mostly cater students from lower socioeconomic background and those who are not academically inclined to pursue higher education through universities. Despite the large number of study-abroad students in Iran, almost all student population in the junior colleges is Iranian but the difference rests in the different languages and dialects spoken among them. Regardless of different languages and dialects spoken in Iran, the language of instruction in schools is Persian or Farsi and it is the only means of instruction in the public–private education system of Iran. Private junior colleges with their high fees and more relaxed entry exam criteria, on the contrary, accommodate students who come from a higher socioeconomic status who can afford the high fees imposed by these colleges. Also, the private junior colleges are more attractive to women as they mostly offer nontraditional fields of study such as film, arts, and design.

Student Services

Overall, the junior colleges in Iran do not enjoy the same student services that are provided to students at the community colleges in the United States, such as counseling, placement, and transfer function is almost nonexistence with the junior college concept in Iran. Lack of such services indicates that the philosophy and the missions of the two systems are different as is their operations. A junior college in Iran does not prepare its students to transfer to universities as the degree offered 566 S. Kamyab is a terminal degree which leads to work. To transfer to a 4-year university from a junior college is only feasible through participation in and passing the university entrance exam, or Konkur (Kamyab, 2008).

Private Junior Colleges in Iran

In recent years many private junior colleges have been established in Iran to respond to the needs for expanded higher education opportunities and to accommodate the “new” interests of the higher education seekers. Private junior colleges should seek the approval of the Ministries of Education before they are established. These new nontraditional certificate programs are offered in the areas of film, such as acting, directing, and editing and other nontraditional fields of study such as home and architectural design. These private colleges impose relatively high fees but have a more relaxed entry exam criteria than public junior colleges and universities. These private junior colleges are highly popular among the youth seeking higher education in the new fields of study and among those who could not pass the stringent university entrance exam. Private junior colleges are also appealing to those of talented adults who are interested to pursue higher education in nontraditional fields of study.

Discussion and Recommendations

To close this chapter, I would like to make recommendations to be considered by education authorities in Iran to adopt the community college concept to build a bridge between the high school education and higher education, such as the universities. It must be kept in mind, however, that the 2-year college as it has developed in the United States should not and cannot be injected into the education system of other countries in general and into Iranian education system in particular as attention should be paid to the culture and the political structure of the education system of the receiving countries. Nevertheless, the concepts which are characteristics of the junior college may well be introduced into existing frameworks of education in many countries.

How Iran Would Benefit Adopting a Comprehensive Community College Model?

Iran would benefit by adopting the following characteristics of the comprehensive community college concept in several ways: First and foremost: This model will best help to alleviate the university exam (Konkur) crisis. Every year, high school 30 Junior Colleges in the Islamic Republic of Iran 567 graduates sit to take a stringent, centralized nationwide university exam in the hope to gain a place in one of Iran’s public universities or the semiprivate one (Azad University). Since the competition is fierce, the content rigorous, and the seats at universities limited, only 10% of the applicants gain admission. Konkur is also one of the reasons that a large number of high school graduates and graduate students opt to leave Iran every year to attend foreign colleges and universities in the United States, Europe, Australia, or anywhere they can gain admission to pursue higher education. According to the studies, majority of these students do not return home which is a major contribution to the ever-existing “brain drain” in Iran (Kamyab, 2007, 2008). A community college concept with its open admission policy, and the curriculum for transfer to universities could help to alleviate the “brain drain” and the Konkur crises in Iran. In other words, a community college concept could accommodate the higher education seekers who were deterred from entering the universities and to facilitate their transfer to universities. Secondly, there is a need for flexibility in selecting a course of study in higher education. In Iran, students who gain admissions to universities are not allowed to change directions or change majors. If a student changes his or her mind, he or she must retake Konkur which would require a great deal of preparations. A community college concept would provide flexibility in education – flexibility combined with guidance and counseling permits Iranian students to modify their educational plans and goals. If Iran develops a community college model which offers general education and a transfer program, the higher education authorities would be able to help the higher education seekers to make a smooth transition to universities after completing the first 2 years of general education. This would help with the lack of space and seats in the universities which is the major cause for the limited university admissions. Finally, the concept of lifelong learning, community-based education, and education for work should be considered by education authorities in Iran. The community college concept can serve as a vehicle to offer such services to the communities in Iran at a low and affordable cost and through its open-door admission policy.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the junior colleges in Iran are 2-year postsecondary institutions producing mid-level manpower in technical, vocational, and medical services catering to graduates of high schools in general and the graduates of technical–vocational branch of high schools in particular. The entrance to the junior colleges requires passage of a fairly competitive entrance exam, and the programs culminate in an associate degree known as “Kardani.” The junior colleges in Iran do not enjoy a status as high as that of universities. Furthermore, junior colleges serve the needs of the students whose academic performance is lower than those students in the academic branches of high schools in 568 S. Kamyab

Iran. The mere existence of junior colleges in Iran is to train skilled workers in the fields of industry, services, and agriculture. In contrast to the community college concept in the United States where there is a link between the community college and the university through the transfer function, there is no relationship or link between junior colleges and universities in Iran – Junior colleges in Iran do not prepare their students to enter universities. Furthermore, there is no tie to the community which characterizes the American Community College concept. Despite the major differences between the two systems of short-cycle education in the United States and Iran, namely the community colleges and the junior technical–vocational colleges, the two systems share a common goal and that is to meet the mid-level manpower needs and to provide expanded educational opportunities to further democratize higher education.

References

Institute for Educational Research. Ministry of Education, A General Overview of Education in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Tehran, Iran. 2003. Kamyab, Shahrzad. Education in Iran: An Overview. College and University Journal. volume 79, No 4, Spring 2004. Kamyab, Shahrzad. “Education in the Islamic Republic of Iran”, EDGE (Electronic Data base of Global Education), AACRAO. 2005. http://edge.austindataworks.com/ Kamyab, Shahrzad. Flying Brains: A Challenge Facing Iran Today. International Higher Education, The Boston College Center for International Higher Education. Number 47, Spring 2007. Kamyab, Shahrzad. Concours; The University Entrance Exam Crisis in Iran. International Higher Education, The Boston College Center for International Higher Education. Number 51, Spring 2008. Ministry of Education. Education in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Tehran, Iran. 1995. Ministry of Science, Research, and Technology Web site. Available at: www.iso-msrt.gov.ir; www.iso-msrt.gov.ir/en/default.php; www.msrt.gov.ir/english/index.html World Education Services, Canada. www.wes.org Chapter 31 A Liberal Arts Interdisciplinary Curriculum in Tajikistan

M. Max Hamon

Introduction

Tajikistan lies wedged in a corner of post-Soviet Central Asia between China and Afghanistan. Since the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991 and a tragic civil war, this mountainous country has experienced fundamental shocks. As one of the poorest of the ex-Soviet states the educational system faces compound problems which are economic as well as institutional. This chapter examines community education within Tajikistan, since the community “college” model is almost nonexistent. This chapter argues that the success of one particular curriculum development project, by the Aga Khan Humanities Project (AKHP), was the result of engaging with the community and embodying, consciously or not, many aspects of the community college.1 More specifically this project embodied a liberal arts curriculum that emphasized interdisiplinarity and pedagogy that encouraged students to understand how their skills can be applied outside of academia – educating students for the universal community. This chapter is the product of 2 years of teaching in Tajikistan. It addresses the culture of education in Tajikistan which includes the heritage of the Soviet Union and its philosophy of education, plus a new emphasis on critical thinking and interdisciplinary emphasis. While there is evidence that reform is happening, it is also true that some of the work needs to be reconsidered or perhaps challenged with regard to its ability to meet the challenges of a postcommunist planned economy. Finally, as a reflective mirror of educational reform, this chapter examines how the challenges and successes in Central Asia in general highlight elements of North American community colleges which are important but may have been ignored in recent years. Specifically it will show how the community and the culture of the college are important to the education process. It is significant that the success of reform in Central Asia is tied to the interdisciplinary nature of the curriculum and a philosophy of student-centered learning.

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 569 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 570 M.M. Hamon

Context

Central Asia today has been sundered by the collapse of the Soviet Union. Tajikistan, having suffered through a prolonged civil war, is one of the most extreme cases: trust in the administration is minimal, cooperation and dialogue is rare, and individual initiative is uncommon – people simply do not want to rock the boat, instead there is a sense of relief that at least there is no more fighting. The problems present in Central Asia are the result of a combination of disillusionment with the communist rational program of modernization and nostalgia for a centralized system which dictated all aspects of an individual’s life for so many years (the break was so sudden and abrupt that most people never knew it was happening).2 Educational institutions (primary through postsecondary) are no exception, in fact as a barometer for the climate of transition they are remarkably good indicators. Their organization reflects political, cultural, and institutional contexts. The higher education system of the former Soviet Union is currently undergoing drastic and fast-paced reform. The old system of memorization and rote learning has fallen into disrepute, and the new fashion, one might even say ideology (though only in undertones), is “critical thinking,” “student-centered learning,” and interdisciplinary studies. However, the reality is slightly different from the theory.3 The heritage of the Soviet culture is of considerable influence in Tajikistan, and, as the poorest of the republics, the challenges it faces are compounded. The necessity for reform in postsecondary institutions is obvious: schools are under- funded, professors are underpaid, literacy (both Russian and Tajik) is declining, the curriculum is outdated, buildings and classrooms are in disrepair, and students regularly complain that they will not have a job when they graduate. Many of these issues are related to a failing economy, and it is difficult to argue for the retraining of the workforce if the basic necessities of life are not being adequately provided for. Thousands of educated Tajiks go abroad every year to earn money to support their families back home.4 The emigrant workers are, however, generally not hired based on their educational background but rather for physical labor. For them there is little incentive to seek retraining at a postsecondary level, they would never get an official job abroad and the positions in Tajikistan are underpaid. The heritage from the Soviet Union also includes a culture based upon a system of handing down the truth from a central authority. In this context the authority was the academic expert – the professor.5 Students were not encouraged to discover for themselves, nor to critique and ask questions of the authorities. By contrast, an academic trained in a western liberal arts system would believe that one of the most important parts of education was learning to “create” your own knowledge, to dream-up theories, to experiment with concepts, and develop a feel for the creative process of education. This process of creativity was stifled in the Central Asian context, because it was believed that the answer to the questions only needed to be learned and memorized. This blocked an important personal connection between the scholar and his or her subject, and it forced students to first learn a rigid set of theoretical concepts which usually slant their understanding of their subject from 31 A Liberal Arts Interdisciplinary Curriculum in Tajikistan 571 the get-go. Revision of old theories was limited and criticism of past “proofs” was not recommended. In pedagogy there are numerous examples of this emphasis upon rote learning. Perhaps the most indicative is that oral exams are the almost exclusive method of assessment. Students are rewarded on how well they can repeat what the professor has spoken about in class. Essay writing is unheard of. On the other hand this kind of education means that students have very strong foreign language skills (it is not uncommon for first-year university students to speak four or five languages fluently). Also the students’ ability to memorize literature and poetry is also impressive. A fact not to be disregarded when some students coming out of high school in North America are ignorant of the standard literature and the most basic historical dates. The high regard for the authority and knowledge of the expert professor and the scientists of the Academy means that they were the exclusive source for knowledge. All the official learning was done in the formal classroom. The community, collegiality, and self-discovery were not seen as important, and because of this there was little encouragement of a student community life. In other universities6 which I visited there was little public space for congregation or discussion – an essential part of a western college atmosphere. The gathering in social “cafes” to discuss and debate has, since the Enlightenment, been an important part of liberal education. Without the creation of a “space” for dialogue among equals, the “public sphere” of Habermas (1989) was never established, thereby also limiting the evolution of a civil society.7 Little has changed in this regard, the dormitories are in terrible condition and rarely function; student representatives (or guards) are placed at the gates of the school to prevent students from coming to class early or staying too late thus preventing them from “mobbing,”, socializing, or fomenting. Students are not encouraged to learn from each other or by themselves, because they are expected to repeat what the instructor told them. There is no reason for them to discover the truth, because there is an authority at the front of the room that can give the “right” answer to them. It should not be necessary to explain that for such pedagogy all argumentation is seen as a rhetorical exercise and completely unnecessary for real learning. Due to the importance of expert knowledge in specific fields and the emphasis upon learning the truth – rather than reinterpreting and challenging old theories, as is rampant in North American institutes (to the extent that almost all fields of study become a battlefield of contradicting discourses) – scholars in the Soviet Union rarely performed interdisciplinary research and seldom drew general conclusions which might be applied to other disciplines. In general, the emphasis was on specialized training in very specific fields.8 There were almost no interdisciplinary studies, nor was it understood why an individual might need to be trained in different fields. In fact, the emphasis in education was on generating experts, trained – theoretically and practically – to fulfill one task. General training in the humanities or liberal arts was rare. The situation was seen as one of “why should we investigate further when we already know the answer?”9 The emphasis was upon the answer rather than the question. The study 572 M.M. Hamon of the humanities has been sadly deficient in the post-Soviet region. It was seen as a field of little use, sometimes even a threat, to the ideology of politically oriented academies. Arts, literature, history, and especially philosophy tended to be stifled, especially when they proved resistant to the official Marxist doctrine.10 However, the study of the humanities encourages the kind of liberal thinking which open democratic societies require and is therefore terribly pertinent, if not essential, to building this kind of society. Tajikistan is a country that has just come out of a devastating civil war, and is still crippled by poverty. However, there is remarkable belief in the future of Tajikistan. Many of the young idealists that I taught believed that they could help reform and improve the situation in their own country. They are terribly aware of the problems and of the international perspective on the situation in their country. Thus any project for educational reform is faced with quite a paradox: a country with few goals and even fewer promises of a prosperous future, but an awareness of the situation and an almost fanatic desire by the student to initiate reform.

Education Reform in Tajikistan

There is a great deal of interest in educational reform, and the students actively seek out new programs and schools to improve their career opportunities. There is a strong belief, supported by a culture which fosters learning, that a good education is essential for improving one’s career and is part of every citizen’s responsibility. On a practical level, it is a very positive environment to work in; teachers and students are interested in trying new approaches and eager to read new books and discuss them with their colleagues. It is important to remember that the post-Soviet region recognizes the value of a good education as part of the heritage from the USSR. There is a very high general level of education and literacy, equal or higher than many North American or European countries (World Bank, 2005). Reforms often come from outside the local administration. In Tajikistan, the United States, Japanese, German, and British governments sponsor numerous scholarships for study in their own countries. The American International Research and Exchanges Board (IREX) and Future Leaders Exchange (FLEX) programs; the German Deutscher Akademischer Austausch Dienst (DAAD – German Academic Exchanges Services) program; and the Asian Development Bank (ADB) are some of the more prominent examples. The Open Society Institute has funded a number of education related reforms, including the Higher Education Support Program, the SPELT program, scholarships, and summer schools. The Civic Education Project supported a number of visiting and local fellows to teach courses promoting critical thinking and democratic governance in Central Asia. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe has run a number of summer camps in Central Asia and has recently opened up a graduate academy in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan. The American University of Bishkek has made quite an impact on the area in terms of reforming the education 31 A Liberal Arts Interdisciplinary Curriculum in Tajikistan 573

standards of Kyrgyzstan and providing a forum for students to study in an open and critical environment. For Tajiks, the proximity of two new postsecondary institutions in Kyrgyzstan makes liberal education much more accessible. All these programs have in common the desire to reform education, to promote the values of “western” academia, encouraging critical thinking, student-oriented classrooms, interdisciplinary studies, and an English curriculum. A large part of the reason for students to seek a better education is that they believe that this will offer them an opportunity to study abroad; and for many students, going abroad still is the “golden ticket.” They are eager to learn English, to participate in exchange programs, and to develop the academic skills which they perceive to be important in the West. For many students this is seen not only as an opportunity to get an international education, but also potentially a paying job on an international market. Thus the, sometimes subversive, attempts to reform the education and generate critical thinkers, independent open-minded citizens by “external” institutions obviously risks a “brain drain.” But, at the same time, educational reform is part of that investment in stabilizing the Central Asian republics.11 The degree of success of this investment is somewhat speculative – indeed one is forced to ask what future does this country hold for an academic; a country which BBC recently quoted as “having no future” (Antelava, 2008). But study-abroad graduates have returned to lead reform in the universities, NGOs, and even government. Indeed, some would credit the recent electoral revolutions in the post-Soviet world to such investment (Bunce and Wolchik, 2006). While the efficacy of such reforms may be questioned, one might question the efficacy of such projects all over the world. On the other hand, it is quite another matter to question its desirability. Educational reform in Tajikistan is advocated by the central authorities, but they do little to promote it, unless money is promised as well. Students are eager to participate in reform and actively seek new institutions. Foreign donor and NGO missions have the greatest influence on the actual reform. The next few pages will outline one reform project and describe why it was unique.

The Culture of Learning

Before drawing any general conclusions about the process of educational reform it might be useful to briefly elaborate on the situation in Central Asia. Under the specter of the Soviet Union, employment was never a worry. One hundred percent employment was de rigueur; everyone was trained for their job and given one. With the collapse of such a total – in all of its semantic and political senses – system, many, very specialized professionals are left grasping at straws; flexibility was never something that was encouraged. A liberal education encourages flexibility and independence. The challenge today is from the ruins of such a centralized system can a liberal economy be established? If it is to be done, then much of the culture, tradition, and institution of education will need to be reformed. 574 M.M. Hamon

The emphasis upon specialization obviously has many advantages, but it also has considerable disadvantages. While editing the new curriculum for the AKHP, I realized one of the most poignant problems of the emphasis upon specialists. The curriculum was developed by teachers and academics from various institutions and academies in Central Asia with consultation from Western scholars. As an international project it was interesting, but what made it unique in this context was that those academics who were teaching the course were also selecting the texts and writing questions. In the Soviet Union, the system directed the “philosophers” to create a curriculum, including lectures and questions. Instructors were then expected to deliver the curriculum to their students and were trained in the pedagogical methods and practices, but were not expected to be able to actually create and plan curriculum. While this means that everyone gets the same education, it does not necessarily entail the diversity so valued in a liberal arts system and practiced in North American universities. Another more banal but just as apt story involved the sister of one of my colleagues. Trained as a power engineer for the turbines in hydroelectrical stations, this middle-aged woman worked in a corner shop because the hydro stations had shut down. The interconnections between the Soviet republics exposed the tenuous relationship between skills and available jobs in a vast interdependent system. Moscow supplied the plans, and Tajikistan supplied the electricity which was then used to produce products shipped to Uzbekistan or another Soviet state. At each stage of production individuals were trained for a specific task. With the collapse of that system many were overeducated with no work.12 Still today many of those generating stations sit idle. If the liberal arts system is to succeed, the rest of society will need to recognize the value of such an education in addressing the specific problems of their economic context. For instance the characteristics of flexibility and independence of thought are obviously regarded with considerable favor in a liberal economy, but the heritage of a planned economy will first need to be faced. Students might be skeptical of the value of a liberal arts education. The students in postsecondary classes across the board are quite young; they have little experience of the working world and very little understanding of how their education might apply to their career. Most students believe in getting the best-possible education, as they implicitly understand that this will help them get a better job. While this situation is not so different from a North American classroom, there is a considerable difference in the response by the institutions to fill this need. In Central Asia there is very little opportunity for students to apply what they are learning outside of their classes. The traditional classes tend to focus on learning theories and models (as if they were facts) rather than actual creative building, planning, practicing of techniques/trades, or analyzing case studies. Within the field of liberal arts, training students for practical jobs is almost nonexistent. At most a student might find an internship or an assistant position at an international NGO or government institution. The business sector is almost nonexistent and is completely uninvolved in the education process, which tends to exacerbate the problem of being trained for jobs which no longer exist. 31 A Liberal Arts Interdisciplinary Curriculum in Tajikistan 575

All these factors have led to a situation where students feel disconnected and separated from the outcome of their learning process. Education has a theoretical value, but does not apply to the immediate needs or environment. The fact that their father with a Ph.D. in Economics owns a vegetable stand in the Zelyony Bazar (Green Market) and earns more money there than teaching at the state-run university does not help assuage this detachment. For too long the emphasis had been upon the paper document stating a degree or certification that trust in the bureaucracy remains entrenched in the psychology but severely challenged by the reality of the situation. It is only when students feel motivated and understand the value of a liberal education that they can benefit from it. Students will be better motivated if they are taught to be independent and critical thinkers, to be responsible individuals who can “own” and “access” their own knowledge. Students also need to have an environment which encourages them to learn, and a peer group with which they can compare and learn from. Without a community which reflects, evaluates, and reacts to that education it becomes meaningless, a true Ivory Tower. Class activities need to be energetic and demand student participation, to develop skills that can be applied in that community. This approach motivates students because they can see what they are accomplishing. They are part of the learning process and it is creative. By encouraging students to learn for their own reasons, and at the same time to stimulate a sense of responsibility, students have a personal connection to their subject. In giving students a sense of learning about the world and preparing them to engage with society in practical and theoretical terms we teach students to be a part of a community and to feel as though they have the power to effect change. An interdisciplinary curriculum that teaches students to be critical and creative is imperative for this reform.

The Aga Khan Humanities Project

In 1997, a curriculum development project was started in Central Asia. Its goal was to unite academics from different universities, disciplines, and countries for the goal of producing a new innovative humanities curriculum. The final curriculum was the product of academics from nine Central Asian universities, reviewed by a panel of international scholars from across the globe. The AKHP is unique in that it is a close collaboration of international and local scholars and educators, editing new curriculum and discussing new pedagogy practices. It contains many of the elements of a community college model, teaching and training students in liberal, technical, and vocational fields: for example, encouraging a curriculum that is liberal and practical, and emphasizing a learning environment where education is open, accessible, and available. In addition, throughout the project numerous other programs were initiated that brought the project into contact with the community: workshops, public resource centers, primary school teaching, creation of film groups, Internet access points and networks, visual art exhibitions, 576 M.M. Hamon

musical performances, a design center (operating commercially), not to mention the lectures and classes taught at the various universities. The process of interacting with the community (teaching and learning) on theoretical and practical levels was crucial to the success of the project, and considerably helped define the subsequent activities and curriculum that was produced. It is also arguable that the high level of involvement in the community and in producing “practical” results was favorable in the eyes of the donors and partners, and therefore influential on their program. This combination was drafted perhaps to fill the gap, to my knowledge such an institution did not exist in Tajikistan – even today it remains unique. The curriculum was originally written in Russian (the lingua franca in Central Asia), later translated to English and, in 2003, the first series of courses in English were taught at the Pedagogical University in Dushanbe, Tajikistan. The curriculum is interdisciplinary, topically oriented (Introduction to Humanities, Tradition and Change, Human Nature, Civil Society, etc.), and centered on case studies. AKHP was founded with the purpose of challenging the narrow-minded approach to education which taught one clear answer. Based upon the idea of a tolerance and appreciation for cultural diversity the organization hoped to promote better dialogue between different countries in Central Asia and different communities within the various countries. Central Asia embraces a number of different ethnic groups, different religious, and regional identities. The identities between the different communities can be quite contrasting – at times dangerously so. The civil war in the early 1990s saw considerable ethnic violence. Along with the promotion of cultural diversity, intellectual diversity was also encouraged. Thus the role of the university education was doubly important, as it is here that students are taught to challenge ideas and to think for themselves. For AKHP critical thinking and creative thinking were cornerstones of the curriculum. The assignments and questions invite diverse answers and different interpretations. Interpretation of facts, opinions, and truths was emphasized. Questions asking for “opinions” and “arguments” were more frequent than questions looking for comprehension. The emphasis was less on the fact, and more on the argument. Encouraging students to speak their mind and their thoughts, the belief was that if ideas were presented in a democratic environment and context they could be as effective for learning as for a tolerant dialogue between students. Tolerance and critical thinking were emphasized simultaneously. This combination was a very positive and powerful one in the classroom. To fulfill these goals the scholars involved in this project developed a curriculum that would encourage debate and discussion. An interdisplinary approach presented different approaches to the same question, at the same time a variety of thinkers presented different perspectives. Educators were encouraged and trained to use pedagogy that was “student-centered” (O’Neill et al., 2005)13 and to develop practical skills such as writing, presenting, filming, painting, and computer skills. Yet AKHP was not satisfied with this becoming simply part of a textbook, an intellectual code of practice. To prevent the separation of the intellectual and the social (something done far too often in many cultures), where what is learned and considered regular practice in the academy is ignored outside in the “real world,” 31 A Liberal Arts Interdisciplinary Curriculum in Tajikistan 577 a number of programs were initiated to connect with the rest of the community. Some of these programs are described below. In 2003, I piloted the first humanities course at the Pedagogical University; the following year the curriculum underwent considerable revision based upon the recommendations of an international review board. In 2004, the curriculum was finalized and taught in ten different partner universities throughout Central Asia. Prior to this, professors had been offering the AKHP classes in Russian based on earlier drafts of the curriculum. Student response had been quite positive, every year the selection of students became more and more difficult as classes were quickly filled.14 In 2003, in Dushanbe, 165 students applied for 65 places in the English course at the Pedagogical University. The following year there were over 200 applications. As I taught at the AKHP, I gradually adapted and developed a teaching technique which I found to be enjoyable as an educator and achieved best results for our students. It is my contention that a considerable part of the success of this program was how the students were able to apply what we were doing in class (although often abstract and theoretical) to their lives outside of the school. By raising questions, the very rationale of the entire liberal arts education was questioned, and as students came up with their own answers to the questions, they discovered their rationale for attending classes. The curriculum project and the pedagogy of my classes introduced students to abstract concepts, applied to “real” case studies, trained them to be problem solvers, and critical thinkers within their own community. What follows is a summary of teaching practices, observations of the students, and a philosophy of education which values an interdisciplinary approach to pedagogy and critical thinking.

AKHP: Social Life

From 2003/04 to 2004/05, I taught introductory humanities classes to select groups of students in the Humanities in English (HiE) program at AKHP. As I got to know the students and to formulate my teaching strategies, I became acquainted with some of the weaknesses of the education system and was challenged to introduce a liberal arts education in a student-centered environment. We made every effort to develop a collegial atmosphere. Students were encouraged to “hang-out,” given a free lunch, and have a special minibus service to take them home (funded by a scholarship program from the US Embassy). Some of this worked as they were commonly found fraternizing in the library, computer lab, and even in our offices (to the irritation of some colleagues). I regularly saw them working together in the library and even explaining texts to their peers who were having difficulties. Indeed, we consciously promoted a campus life: film screenings, public lectures, an academic writing center, a computer lab, and a reading room with chairs and a couch gave students a sense of belonging to an institution. Participation in the campus life was enjoyable and stimulating, and therefore motivating. And so we tried to create that atmosphere on a small scale at AKHP. 578 M.M. Hamon

By giving them the opportunity to congregate, socialize, and discuss, our students developed that “emancipation of opinion,” discussed by Habermas and began to learn that they have the right and ability to form their own opinions – and to own them.15 Like the cafés of the Enlightenment, we promoted the idea of sharing ideas and public discussion. The goals of this learning environment, building a critical, social community that embraces theory and practice mimics in many respects the goals of the community college. The exchange of ideas is as important as the lecture from the professor; it empowers students and motivates them.

AKHP: Student-Centered

I had been forewarned by my frustrated predecessor: the students lacked motivation; were unable to complete or misunderstood assignments; generally failed to live up to AKHP academic standards; they did not submit written assignments on time, and their book reviews were completely plagiarized. These difficulties resonated with my previous teaching, though on a greater scale. The main problem instructors from the “west” seem to have is a miscommunication of our expectations (Salem, 2002).16 Often instructors experience “culture shock” at the completely different culture of learning, as do – I imagine – the students. I had to learn from the students as much as they had to learn from me. Attendance at class became a privilege. Classes were like a participatory theater. A completed vocabulary list (definitions of key concepts and words) was their “ticket” to participate in the “show.” Only when they had completed their home- work were they allowed to return to class. It worked; no one ever missed handing in an assignment after I made an example in the first class. Besides creating an environment where everyone wanted to be in class, this also gave the students positive reinforcement: they could satisfy the requirements of this inostranits (foreigner). After they realized that my expectations were not unreasonable, I could ask them to submit journal assignments and finally a research paper as a final assignment. Moreover, I was honestly interested in their own answers. And once they knew that they could answer the questions I was putting to them, they realized that I was willing to accept different answers. There was no single answer, in fact different solutions were more than tolerated, and they were encouraged. This experience has more meaning for students often faced with the absurdity of life and society in general. Sometimes questions were not satisfactorily answered; on the other hand existing theories and models were deconstructed. Emphasizing the liberal thinking was important for the AKHP goal because it challenged the status quo of learning by rote. It was important to establish a learning environment which led students to believe that they could achieve the tasks which were set before them and that the skills and knowledge they were acquiring would benefit them in society at large. This established positive motivation which, I believe, allowed me to eventually bring the whole group up to a level where they were competent, critical, and responsible, even as they learned to enjoy this new educational experience. 31 A Liberal Arts Interdisciplinary Curriculum in Tajikistan 579

Student-centered learning requires high energy. We played with the metaphor of the stage in class by continuously using the tools of theater: spotlights, applause, and a range of actors. This motivated students because they were involved, thinking actively and creatively, and having fun. The front of the class was our stage with frequent student presentations, demonstrations, and speeches. Students played games, invented role-plays, presented their work, taught the class, and even took notes for the class on the white board. On other occasions the footlights were banished, small-group brainstorming, and other tasks put everyone in the middle of the stage. Class discussions were another important way to share the spotlight (Brookfield and Preskill, 1999).17 Class discussions began on a basic level; questions and answers according to the Socratic Method. To dissuade students from accepting an answer too easily, I often played devil’s advocate by adopting extreme positions, or pointing out their own contradictions. But the Socratic method is not true discussion; they needed to learn to ask their own questions and critique their peers. A more student-centered dynamic was encouraged by simply being silent after one student made an outra- geous claim. The students themselves responded to the deafening silence and raised their own questions. I was also able to moderate by outlining the opposing statements offered by two students. Both sides would then have to present arguments for their cause and listen to their opponent. This emphasis upon student activity and discussion in the classroom is virtually unknown in the traditional Tajik classroom. But an active classroom is one of the guarantors of a critical environment. This environment is essential to what has been identified as “deep-learning” by Jacques (2000). Deep learning is only possible when students are motivated, active, and when they can interact with others (Jacques, 2000). Similar to the goals of a community college, the emphasis on student-centered learning brings out the importance of using the educational experience as interdisciplinary and applicable – not isolated in the mind of an expert academic. Getting students to listen, respect, respond, and argue (with civility and reason) develops excellent academic skills but more importantly good social skills. One rule I laid down at the very beginning was the zero tolerance for plagiarism at AKHP.18 My very first assignment was to write a footnote. This may be a surprisingly small assignment, but this guaranteed that they had the ability to cite any text from the Internet or from a book. Some students had to do the first exercise three or four times, but only when they got it right were they allowed to engage in further writing assignments. Habitual plagiarism was eradicated from each group, but at the same time students were encouraged to include the opinions of other authors – this was especially important when dealing with a text book which included a diverse variety of authors. The example of plagiarism demonstrates a key aspect in developing respect for the academic community. You are not allowed to steal another person’s ideas. In fact, it emphasizes that the most important part of studying is that ideas belong to people, that they do not exist in their own right. Thus, as the ideas of our colleagues we should respect them; but at the same time, because they are not reified, it is easier 580 M.M. Hamon to critique them. All of the class activities, from the simplest to the most complex, were designed to instill a joy for learning – a sense of play and wonder at learning and discovering new things. Yet at the same time students were reminded that this was a responsible business. They must learn to think critically and honestly. To be an independent scholar you will be held accountable for what you say, believe, and argue – and how you argue.

AKHP – Curriculum

The humanities curriculum that the AKHP developed furthered a liberal arts program, requiring students to think critically and creatively. Challenging them to express their own opinions and to deal with different interpretations the first chapter of our curriculum dealt precisely with that: What is interpretation? What is the power of interpretation? Answers to these basic questions are presented in a variety of case studies from different cultures dealing with issues of interpretation in Islam, politics, Christianity, and others. By asking students to consider the opinions of other famous authors like Luther, Lenin, and Mohammed we encouraged them to contrast the diversity of opinions and to formulate answers of their own. By addressing these issues through literature (poetry and prose), art, music, newspaper articles, and even scholarly pieces, students were able to engage with the material on a variety of levels and make the topic relevant to their own daily life. The curriculum provided the instructors and students with textbooks containing a variety of readings, questions, and assignments organized into units. The instructors were also provided with a manual of examples of written, in-class, and research assignments. They were also given some background reading and a 2-week training session in liberal arts education. (It quickly became clear how important this was because the concept of “liberal arts” itself was a recent import, and a shallow one at that. One challenge for us was to defend the liberal arts tradition against misconceptions: for instance an emphasis on arguments rather than personal opinions). The instructors are expected to organize the readings as they see fit and to develop their own assignments according to their own schedules and the requirements of different departments. Instructors came from a variety of disciplines, from literature to biology. All of these instructors were seeking some way to expose their students to different ideas and challenge them with unortho- dox opinions. Because the texts discussed arts, religion, science, philosophy, and culture they were broad enough to be applied as introductory classes in multiple departments. And the general questions lent themselves to analysis within any field. And finally, the instructors are encouraged to mediate discussion and debate rather than lecture to the class – so while they might not be experts on Rousseau’s political philosophy, they could encourage students to explore a variety of interpretations of one of his speeches. A great emphasis was also placed on developing argumentative writing. This served three purposes: first it aided students in presenting and framing their arguments. It is clear that some students think better when they are writing than when 31 A Liberal Arts Interdisciplinary Curriculum in Tajikistan 581 they are speaking. It also served to prepare students for the kind of assignments that would be expected of them in a Western liberal arts setting. And finally, it demonstrated the applicability of such an education outside of the school as writing assignment included summaries, analyses, critiques, and even resumes. Giving the students a concrete skill to walk away with was very important for reinforcing the idea that this kind of education was applicable. The advantage of teaching this kind of material was that students learned to deal with ambiguity and develop a tolerance for diversity of opinion, culture, and ideologies. Presenting classical thinkers, who are often in disagreement, for students to question and read critically authorized them to develop their own understanding of what and why they were reading in the first place. This gave them the right, and the ability to “create” their own interpretations. Instead of great thinkers and their theories inscribed in stone tablets by the all-knowing lecturer at the front of the class to be memorized by the students we promoted the concept that ideas were there to be used. The critical interdisciplinary nature and the focus on generating creative thinkers helped students understand why they were studying.

Results

AKHP encourages the development of responsible independent citizens; it does this by stressing the application of theory to real life, or deep learning. It stresses discussion and debate to encourage an open, flexible, and liberal mind. Students are empowered by active participation in class activities and role-playing. The instructors also teach critical and analytic thinking through the Socratic method and written assignments. For the students’ benefit the community (in all its aspects) is emphasized and organized to stimulate the learning process. And perhaps most important of all, we seek to motivate students through the philosophy that learning is an all-encompassing, lifelong process that is part of being a fulfilled human, inculcating the ideas that learning is interesting, enjoyable, and not difficult. What were the consequences of this change? When I reflect back on the students who could not fill in the application form due to questions that asked for their opinion, and to the initial classroom sessions echoing with silence, or the rampant plagiarism seen in the first assignments, I conclude that there was a transformation. A revolution that demonstrated students felt responsible for their own thoughts and ideas. This responsibility was reflected in the decline in the number of plagiarized assignments which I received, an increase in the completed assignments and a greater level of critical thinking. Opinions were backed by logical arguments and proven evidence; “hearsay” was questioned by one’s peers. Ideas, and knowledge itself, became personal. The truth was no longer set in stone, but it was something created and “owned” by an individual thinker (Thompson, 2003).19 Intellectual property was not a weird concept from the West but empowerment and right of ownership for even the youngest in the remotest (by Western standards) part of the world. 582 M.M. Hamon

In terms of assessment, they realized that they were not only under the scrutiny of their “truth”-seeking instructor, but needed to speak to their fellows and must answer to them. By extension they developed an attitude and skills that would help them to deal with other aspects of their lives and society. Furthermore, correcting themselves and learning from each other allowed lessons to be learnt much more effectively. The effective result of peer assessment was in fact self-assessment. By giving students ownership of their own education, they began to feel a part of the learning process. Many of our students applied to study abroad, some even received scholarships to study in London, Germany, the United States, Hungary, and even Japan; and the courses at AKHP continue to attract new students. This success and the continued popularity of AKHP courses is promising for this country which so desperately needs a future. Every year international fellows are invited to teach at AKHP, where they work with local fellows and academic writing fellows offering humanities courses. The plans to continue work within the new university are also promising for the future of these kinds of educational reforms. Dahrendorf (2000) has suggested that after the collapse of the communist regime the university systems in Central Europe were frozen and stagnant.20 These claims can be generalized to Central Asia as well. He suggests that the frozen status is a result of an attitude that education is not accessible. Without a sense that education is something in which students participate they will never feel properly motivated. “It [Higher Education] has to be accessible to all who are able and willing.” AKHP has promoted such access through its curriculum, teaching practice, and social environment. By giving students the right and the authority to think for themselves we assured that they also took upon themselves the responsibility which goes along with that right. This sense of ownership furthered another important goal, the idea that students could make their own decisions. Students were encouraged to access their own education and, I hope, to continue it at other international institutions. This sense of access was what encouraged them to perform well in class and to value their own opinions and that of their peers. Access to learning and authority to think meant greater freedom to question and criticize. Access is an important part of the philosophy of the community college as well, and the reform of education in Central Asia needs to promote access – the trend to create exclusive elite academics would seem to go against this important democratic ideal. To my knowledge there is no institution that copies the community college model in Central Asia, but the AKHP curriculum reform has embodied many of its characteristics: a combination of liberal and vocational education as well as close and practical interaction with the community. Furthermore, AKHP’s work is being inherited by a new university which will incorporate AKHP and continue to effect educational reform on a larger scale. The combination of the liberal, technical, and vocational learning is something which is being discussed and is something which may be of considerable influence in the founding of the new University of Central Asia (UCA), an institution founded by a charter signed by the presidents of Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, and the Aga Khan. “UCA will offer a range of internationally recognized academic programs, including undergraduate, graduate 31 A Liberal Arts Interdisciplinary Curriculum in Tajikistan 583 and doctoral degree courses, non-degree preparatory courses for incoming degree candidates, and vocational, professional development and distance education courses for students and professionals beyond the three UCA campuses” (AKDN, 2008). This university, which has yet to begin its classes, has been in the past couple of years collecting resources for fulfilling these goals. These resources include a School for Professional and Continuing Education (offering programs in Enterprise Development, Information Technology, and New Media, Applied Languages, Public and Social Sector Management, etc.), a school of business management, a school of undergraduate studies, a program for cultural and musical training, instruction and research, and an educational institute to train educators and work on curriculum reform. The campus will also be a true campus with dormitories, a sports complex, and a multimedia theatre. Hopefully this will not only develop a community at the university but also encourage integration with the community. The conscious effort to meet the needs of the local community will invariably be supported if there is an understanding of why this kind of education is good. Maintaining a critical and interdisciplinary curriculum will certainly support that understanding.

Conclusions

The community college model attempts to offer inclusive education in liberal, academic, and vocational fields. In my experience this combination of practical (vocational), theoretical (academic), and personal (liberal) is the best way to educate students, and I believe that it is crucial that students understand and know why they are studying, because it gives them a clearer vision of what they want. My students’ reasons were many, but I like to believe that I left them with something more “subversive,” a raw enthusiasm for the new and unexplored. This teaching experience reinforces the necessity of student-centered learning and convinced me further that a fundamental change in the way students are educated is necessary for the reform of institutions of higher education in Central Asia. Without this change, students will never be truly motivated to learn; nor will they experience the joy of learning or value their education. Educational reform in Central Asia has numerous interest groups that seek to modernize the academic institutions there. The success of an interdisciplinary curriculum that challenges students to think about a variety of answers suggests that the future of education in Tajikistan needs to take into account the need for a liberal arts education. By interacting with, and training students in, skills applicable in the community the project was unique. Future reform ought to consider how the community college model interacts with and helps to create a social environment that operates on liberal, technical, and vocational levels. This chapter has had no qualms about suggesting reform for Central Asia, but it would be a pity to end without at least a reflective comment or two. Here in North America, as our postsecondary education becomes more product-oriented and subject to the whims of the market, the social aspect of learning may be lost in the 584 M.M. Hamon rationalizing process. It is important to remember why we learn. We go to school to get a good job, but more importantly to broaden our minds and become reflective and critical citizens capable in our own right. If the community outside of academia is fenced off from the institution then a fundamental part of the learning process will be nullified. An interdisciplinary liberal arts education is imperative for a healthy and successful society and economy. Also linking that education directly with the motivations and goals of society is essential. The social aspect of a good education is hardly to be underestimated. As the Internet becomes a more powerful tool, one of my concerns is the tendency to use computer programs and podcasts to record lectures for students to download at their leisure. Such technology can be powerful, but it must not be a one-way communication. Debate and discussion must happen within the classroom (my experiences have always been more powerful in reality rather than virtual); students must have a direct connection with their instructor. Students and instructors need real contact with each other; cafes and other public spaces are important learning forums as much as the classroom – informal learning in the community is just as valuable as the “official” lecture. It seems to me a terrible danger to put your faith in knowledge production! The issues which face Central Asia are not so removed from the North American situation, but I believe that the changes that we will see there in the next few years will dramatically highlight the positive, and negative, effects of whatever reforms are instituted. We can aid in that transformation, but we can also learn from it. If nothing else we can draw the lesson that it takes very little for the entire structure of society to come crashing down; it must be continuously challenged, supported, and made relevant. Finally, on a more personal note, those students who first handed me assignments written on scraps of paper without even paragraph structure did eventually develop clear thesis statements and argumentative structure in their essays. Their class discussions were critical and informed; students comprehended and completed their readings with zeal. Their English skills and ability to use them, and their speaking, listening, and writing greatly improved. These students became capable, independent learners and went beyond previous expectations and have learned the value of higher education. But most of all, the fact that these students are still curious, capable of wonder and asking questions, fills me with admiration at their resilience.

Notes

1. The AKHP team included scholars from Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan. The AKHP curriculum, training, and courses were implemented in three Central Asian countries. Specific elements of the project run parallel to many community college models in the West and perhaps such models should be introduced into the discussions of how reform occurs. See http://www.akdn. org/humanities/Humanity.htm. 31 A Liberal Arts Interdisciplinary Curriculum in Tajikistan 585

2. I discussed the perception of the change with Sharofat Mamadambarova, the then assessment officer at AKHP, in winter 2004. Sharofat was involved in education for over 20 years, and she describes the change as one which “happened over-night,” a silent decision made by the leaders of the republics in Moscow, and before anyone realized the Soviet Union had folded. 3. “despite a vigorous rhetorical commitment to fostering a “liberal” education … [universities] are profoundly constrained in the possible directions of reform by the political and economic context in which they currently function” (Reeves, 2007). 4. Tajikistan has one of the highest number of citizens working abroad. Most migrants are hired to perform repetitive unskilled labor. In 2003, IOM research showed that 48% of labor migrants had some form of postsecondary education, as opposed to the general population of Tajikistan, of which only 16% had postsecondary education (IOM, 2003). 5. While some claim this lack of critical thinking is in fact cultural in Central Asia, my fear of making shallow “Orientalist” claims about the complex history and culture of this region advises against such claims. In fact some research into the history of education in Central Asia suggests earlier attempts at reform, for example, in the nineteenth century, the Jadid movement. (Khalid, 1998). 6. Over 2 years I visited the universities of Kyrgyz State Pedagogical University and the American University of Central Asia both in Bishkek Kyrgyzstan, Russian Tajik State University, and Tajik State Pedagogical University in Dushanbe, Tajikistan, Khujand State University, in Khujand, Tajikistan, and Khorog State University in Khorog, Tajikistan. All these universities are much smaller than the average North American university; they typically enroll 2,000–3,000 students at most. 7. Habermas discusses the emancipation of opinion, as a hallmark of the Enlightenment and development of Western civil society. The weakness of the civil society in Central Asia is often seen as an index of its authoritarian regimes and the lack of true democracy. 8. One noticeable challenge to the excess specialization in this region is the establishment of the Central European University (CEU) in Budapest, Hungary, which specifically encourages crossing traditional borders. “The university’s unique combination of American, Western European and regional intellectual and academic traditions enables CEU to place emphasis on the shifting boundary between the local and the universal in the theoretical, as well as the practical, aspects of research and teaching” (CEU, 2008). 9. In winter 2004, Chad Thompson, a colleague at the AKHP, gave an example when local social researchers were conducting some interviews; he described how they felt it was necessary to correct the answers of some of the interviewees. When asked, “Why?,” they responded, as though it were obvious to everyone, “they gave the wrong answer.” 10. Even the definition of what the humanities are is not clear or familiar in Tajikistan. While in Russian the term Gumanitarnyi, an adjective, stands for the study of the arts and literature, it does not include the more scientific aspects of studying the human being. The Russian transla- tors decided to use the term Chelovechesky, a noun, which is roughly translated as “the study of the human” (with a decidedly more biological or medical connotation). 11. It should suffice to mention the numerous educational programs supported and funded by the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) are clear evidence of this (OSCE, 2008). Also note the OSCE Academy, a postgraduate academy offering an MA in Political Science, with a focus on conflict resolution and security in Central Asia. 12. This should also serve as a warning to the Western trend of generating highly specialized and trained scholars. Where will our carpenters and welders come from if everyone becomes a university graduate in business management? 13. Other terms might be equally applied such as “flexible learning,” “experiential learning,” or “self-directed learning,” for one of the most concise descriptions and discussions of this term see “Student-Centred Learning,” in O’Neill et al. (2005). 14. Admission to the program was dependent upon the results of a TOEFL Exam and short group interviews: students were asked to read a text in advance and required to answer questions in a 10 min mock class. 586 M.M. Hamon

15. One of the revolutionary features of the American University in Bishkek is the number of students in the halls, reading, chatting, etc. Instead of the empty dark hallways common in other universities, there are pockets of students discussing, and others reading silently or congregating around furniture placed at random in the halls. On a tour of the university I was struck by the social environment, and I realized that it was the availability of seats, which were absent in the traditional universities, that discouraged such a communal atmosphere, to my mind, detrimental to the educational process. 16. Misunderstanding of the culture of education seems to be the root of most frustration. Patience is an essential attitude on both sides. “I often felt that it is they [the students] who are teaching me and not the reverse” (Salem, 2002). 17. Effective classroom discussion is my favorite activity, it takes considerable patience as many students have to stumble through difficult concepts, and often their peers cannot even understand them, but the benefits are well worth it. A good classroom discussion enlivens the classroom and aids the learning process. 18. Plagiarism is the bane of the Central Asian educator’s existence. Civic Education Project fellows when they first take up their post are warned that plagiarism is a notion that is not understood at all. As a former AKHP-CEP fellow I was trained to watch out for it. 19. The Soviet system placed an emphasis upon ideological truth – as something not created but discovered, as described by Thompson (2003). “One of the most important ideological practices which has persisted in the notion of an absolute, external, truth, as reflected in the statement ‘We need a true ideology.’ Within this construct, truth is not a human product, but an external element. Truth is not made, but discovered.” Challenging this practice is essential to create an environment where critical independent thinking is possible. Thompson also locates the “penchant for plagiarism” in the conception of truth as external to the student. “There is no scope for debate, relationalism, or interpretation within this schema. How could a student, lacking even the introductory credentials provided within this system, be expected to interpret scientific works? Even more audacious, how could such students dare to advance their own arguments?” [author’s emphasis]. 20. Dahrendorf (2000, p. 16) stresses that “new institutions set up from outside have in many cases found it difficult to strike roots in their countries, and quite a few of them suffer from a problematic relationship with the higher education system around them.” The AKHP is such an institution, and it is only through showing students that they can access their own education will they be motivated to continue studying and learning.

References

Aga Khan Humanities Project, AKDN Web site, http://www.akdn.org/humanities/Humanity.htm. Antelava, Natalia (2008). “Winter Shortages Fuel Tajik Anger,” BBC News Dushanbe, 12 February 2008. Bunce, Valerie and Sharon Wolchik (2006). “Favorable Conditions and Electoral Revolutions,” Journal of Democracy, Vol. 17, No. 4: 5–18. Brookfield, Stephen D. and Stephen Preskill (1999). Discussion as a Way of Teaching: Tools and Techniques for University Teachers, Buckingham: Open University Press. Central Asian Youth Network funded by the OSCE, http://www.cayn.net/. Central European University (2008). “An Introduction to CEU,” Central European University Web site (www.ceu.hu). Dahrendorf, Ralf (2000). Universities After Communism, Hamburg: Edition Korber-Stiftung, p. 13. Habermas, Jurgen (1989). The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere – An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society, Cambridge, MA: MIT. IOM (2003). “Labour Migration from Tajikistan,” July 2003, http://www.iom.int/jahia/webdav/ site/myjahiasite/shared/shared/mainsite/published_docs/studies_and_reports/Tajik_study_ oct_03.pdf, p. 30. 31 A Liberal Arts Interdisciplinary Curriculum in Tajikistan 587

Jacques, David (2000). “When Teaching Becomes Learning,” Teaching Strategies in Higher Education: Effective Teaching, Effective Learning, Budapest: Civic Education Project. Khalid, Adeeb Khalid (1998). The Politics of Muslim Cultural Reform, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. O’Neill, G., Moore, S., and McMullin B. (Eds.) (2005). Emerging Issues in the Practice of University Learning and Teaching, Dublin: AISHE. OSCE Summer Camps (2008). http://www.osce.org/dushanbe/item_2_20467.html. Reeves, Madeleine (2007). “From Kritika to ‘Critical Thinking’? The Politics and Practice of Social Science Reform in Post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan,” paper presented at the 19th annual conference of the Study Group on Education in Russia, the Independent States and Eastern Europe. Salem, Ayman (2002). “Civic Education in Formerly Communist Countries: A Critical Analysis,” A Question of Method, Budapest: Civic Education Project. Thompson, Chad (2003). “Academic Peerage: Student Writing and the Politics of Knowledge in Central Asia,” presented at the Second Conference of the European Association for the Teaching of Academic Writing in Budapest, 23–25 June 2003. University of Central Asia. AKDN Web site, http://www.akdn.org/uca/uca.htm. World Bank (2005). The World Development Report 2006: Equity and Development, New York: World Bank, pp. 284–285, 294–295. Chapter 32 Bhutanese Education Systems: A Look Toward the Future

Miloni Gandhi

Introduction

As we move forward in an age of globalization, many nations are finding the need to reevaluate the state of higher education within their country. Bhutan is an especially interesting case to examine because of its unique position in the world as the only nation that functions not on Gross Domestic Product, but on Gross Domestic Happiness, a national “consciousness” which aims to meld the spiritual and cultural with economic development. The hope is that this belief system will allow for modernization that allows for the self-selection of the best modernity has to offer in terms of telecommunication, travel, access to information, but at the same time create an economic development system that will be sustainable and culturally relevant. In the past Bhutan, the “land of the Thunder Dragon” has been a comparatively isolated country, in part because of its geographic location, sandwiched between two giants, India and China within the Himalayan mountains, and in part because of the desire of the nation’s leaders to maintain the pristine environment of the area and harmony between its peoples. However, in the recent past, as a response to globalization and large technological advances, a shift has been made by the government to make Bhutan more visible internationally with several trade delegations visiting other countries as well as large-scale preparations for the official coronation of the new king in 2008 and the switch from a monarchy to a democracy. In order to better understand the nature of the higher educational system in Bhutan, a short overview is needed of the entire educational system. Traditionally, the only formal educational institutions available were monastic in nature. The educational model currently in place growing from British and Indians models is comparable to the Western education model and is a relatively modern phenomenon. Education in Bhutan follows a national curriculum and a little known fact is that the Western educational model is taught in English with the exception of the national language, Dhzongka. The Bhutanese education system has functioned in the following manner. Gross Domestic Happiness was a term created by the fourth king of Bhutan Jigme Singye Wangchuck in 1972 to refer to the Bhutanese system of development in which holistic development using Buddhist philosophies was taken into account, not just economic development. For example, total quality of life and happiness of

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 589 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 590 M. Gandhi the people was as important to Bhutanese development as financial gain, showing an important relationship with the material and spiritual worlds. Gross Domestic Happiness has four overarching themes: promotion of equitable and sustainable socioeconomic development, preservation and promotion of cultural values, con- servation of the natural environment, and establishment of good governance. These themes are all integral to the Bhutanese identity, and development must support the Bhutanese desire to preserve their culture and tradition. This idea has been key to development in the country since opening to the world in 1961 and is evident in all major Bhutanese development texts, such as the Government Master Planning Document “Bhutan 2020: A Vision of Peace, Prosperity and Happiness” stating the following: We realized and accepted early that, while others may have considered us poor and backward, our future was firmly in our own hands and that the future we would build would be the result of our won efforts. This independence of spirit and mind contributed to the formation of our distinctive Bhutanese identity. It has given us dignity and helped to shape a common sense of purpose as a nation. (Bhutan 2020, p. 22) This policy driver has also played into educational reforms and policy in the country as the educational system is seen as an important means for transmission of values and norms as students spend on average 8 h a day within the school system. While higher educational attainment does not necessarily equate to higher levels of happiness, it does however raise the total human capital in the country. That said it is important that the education system, especially higher education, adequately represents the wants and needs of the Bhutanese society as defined by the Bhutanese. Bhutan is undergoing many changes in the near future as it switched to a democracy in June 2008. The last few years have been a very interesting time for higher education in Bhutan as the government created the first, and thus far only, university in the country in 2003. Until 2003 there was only one college in the entire Kingdom of Bhutan complimented by several professional and vocational institutions which can be compared to community colleges in the American sense because these vocational schools have terminal diplomas achieved in 1–2 years revolving around a specific skills set such as mechanics. This chapter aims to fill the much need gap on literature about higher education in Bhutan.

Overview of Bhutanese Education

Higher education in Bhutan has been constantly evolving to meet the needs of the changing population and public interest in higher education. As of 2003, individual colleges and institutes have moved under the newly created umbrella institution of the Royal University of Bhutan, a single university model which would absorb all the various institutions that had existed before. With this change, there has been a creation of new constitution, mission statement, and goals which will function to better serve the needs of the Bhutanese population. More postsecondary opportunities were seen as necessary at this time because more and more students 32 Bhutanese Education Systems: A Look Toward the Future 591 were completing secondary education, as educational attainment for all was a major goal of the government and thus more spaces needed to be made available. Additionally, as the country positions itself in the global economy with more and more outside influences permeating the country, it was deemed necessary to have a university that taught the values that would reflect that unique Bhutanese identity and development goals including the maintenance of Gross Domestic Happiness as a policy driver. In Bhutan education is seen as a social responsibility that the government must provide and therefore is free or with minimal fees for student welfare (such as meals or books) through secondary school to attract as many students as possible. Bhutan strives to achieve Universal Primary Education but faces many obstacles by way of a majority rural population having to overcome harsh terrain and long distances to reach schools as well as battling fierce weather such as monsoons. At present, education through Grade 10 reaches approximately 60% of the total population and the goal is that by 2015, all the school-going population will have been absorbed into the formal education system. The goal was to achieve universal primary education by 2007, although no official declarations have been made as of yet as to the attainment of this goal. Education is fully subsidized by the Government of Bhutan including books, tuition, uniform costs for those who need it for the primary and secondary classes, and all school-going children are given entrance to schools with the successful completion of grade-passing exams. The government also subsidizes a limited number of seats in tertiary education. The weather and difficult terrain are cited as the main reasons students do not make it to school. There are many efforts being undertaken to alleviate these problems such as the building of new schools in outer areas that will limit the time and distance required to reach school, thus making it easier to attend; in the recent past over 150 community schools have been opened making it possible for rural children to attend school within a 1 h walk from their home (UNICEF, 2008). In 1961 the average lifespan of a Bhutanese was 35 years, and fewer than 500 students went to school. In 1968 only 20 students completed high school (Bhutan, 1999; Ezechieli, 2003; UNDP, 2005) By the end of 2005, life expectancy had risen to 62 years for men and 65 years for women (WHO, 2008), and in 2002, there was a 55% literacy rate and that number is projected to increase to 95% by the year 2012 (Services, 2002). Taking all the environmental challenges into consideration, Bhutan has a well-developed preuniversity education system with primary and secondary education prior to the university or tertiary education. Basic education in Bhutan is defined as a total of 11 years of education (primary plus 4). A visual representation of the educational system is presented in Fig. 32.1. Primary education consists of 7 years starting with the preprimary at age 6 (kindergarten grade by US standards). At the end of primary education, students take a national exam created by the Bhutan Board of Exams, the All Bhutan Primary Certificate Examination. Secondary education follows for the next 4 years and can be broken down into Lower Secondary Schools and Middle Secondary Schools. The students are given the option to take all 4 years at the Middle Secondary Schools or split their time between the two schools staying for 2 years 592 M. Gandhi

Fig. 32.1 General education structure at each. Lower Secondary covers Grades 7 and 8 and is equated to the US junior high. The Middle Secondary Schools, also known as higher secondary schools cover Grades 9 and 10. Given the rugged terrain and far distances to travel, there are a greater number of boarding school options in the higher grades so students can choose to live near the campus. Students and their families make the decision to choose to live at the boarding halls or other facilities. Residing at boarding schools or in close proximity to schools makes the retention and completion rates higher than those students to lose interest in school because of the long distances involved in traveling. The government is also in the process of identifying sites for future construction of primary boarding schools (Division, 2007B). National examinations must be completed at the end of Grades 8, 10, and 12. Completion of Class 10 completes basic education, upon which students may enroll in Higher Secondary Schools for the US equivalent of Grades 11 and 12, also known as preuniversity in certain high schools (LMU, 2008). At this point there is also an option of attending a private Higher Secondary School (LMU, 2008) often abroad at international schools for those who can afford the tuition and cost of travel and living. According to the World Bank, in Bhutan Grades 11 and 12 are also considered to be junior colleges (WB, 1998). This distinction of a separate Grades 11 and 12, often called college is based on the British model of education and thus blurs the line between what we in the United States see as higher education versus secondary education. While the government has declared primary education to be compulsory, secondary education has yet to be declared compulsory. The government tries to absorb the greatest number of students at all levels through subsidized education costs, but the distance to schools for rural children is still a main concern, especially during harsh weather seasons such as the monsoons. Those who successfully complete secondary education and achieve the Grade 10 passing certificate can then move on to higher secondary school. It is not uncommon for students to attend higher secondary out of Bhutan in other places such as India or Thailand due to the lack of available spaces within the country. 32 Bhutanese Education Systems: A Look Toward the Future 593

In the K–12 arena, there is a small percentage of private schools; as of 2007, there are 24 private schools – 7 higher secondary, 16 primary, and 1 lower secondary (Division, 2007B). The private schools serve 6,148 of the total 175,852 student population, from community schools to tertiary education. There are no private tertiary education institutes although the Royal University of Bhutan has signed Memorandums of Understanding with several private universities worldwide such as Wheaton University.

Higher Education

Until 2003 there was only one undergrad institution, Sherubtse College, located in Bhutan which was affiliated with the University of Delhi, India, and many other vocational institutes such as the National Institute of Education and the Royal Bhutan Polytechnic at Deothang. The difference between Sherubtse College and the many vocational schools under the Royal University of Bhutan is that vocational schools do not have degree-granting capability. Vocational institutes such as the polytechnics only grant certificates. Additionally, the six vocational training institutes as recognized by the royal government of Bhutan are under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Labor and Human Resources. Given that the higher education opportunities within the country were so limited, many students who could afford to leave the country chose to pursue higher education outside the country. The creation of the Royal University of Bhutan was meant to provide a more internalized system of tertiary education that embodied Bhutanese economic goals and cultural values, the Bhutanese often refer to this drive to remain true to cultural and spiritual routes “wholesome education.” The driving forces for creating university include creating a space to validate indigenous knowledge, provide a symbol for the country’s sovereignty and identity, giving students and staff an opportunity to learn a larger variety of subjects with more resources, and gain credibility in the arena of international higher education. These goals are also important to provide better resources for the vocational schools in terms of connecting with other educational resources in the country and working under a uniform governing body which will eventually lead to the facilitation of moving between institutions. There are several professional schools under the auspices of the Royal University of Bhutan where students can enroll if they choose not to purse a bachelor’s degree either abroad or at Sherubtse College (Bhutan, 2008A), the only undergraduate institution in Bhutan. In the past, popular places to pursue higher education have been countries where English was the medium of instruction for higher education such as Australia, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, Canada, Thailand, India, Singapore, and the United States. As of 2006, a total of 102 students, 81 men and 21 women studied abroad under the auspices of the Royal Government of Bhutan Scholarships. An additional 2,530 students pursued higher education abroad based on private funding (Division, 2007A). The bulk of students go to India for higher education as it is the most cost-efficient, both in terms of cost of tuition as well as 594 M. Gandhi proximity to Bhutan. The following units are affiliated with the Royal University of Bhutan (Bhutan, 2008B): • The Royal Institute of Management (RIM) established in 1986 with the goal of development management and public administration human resource capacity in the country. • The Royal Institute of Health Sciences (RIHS) established in 1974 located in Thimpu, offering both diplomas and certificate programs for nurses, medical technicians, and primary care workers. • The Natural Resources Training Institute (NRTI) in Lobesa through the Ministry of Agriculture offering diplomas in Training, Forestry, Animal Husbandry, and Agriculture. • Institute for Language and Cultural Studies (ILCS), Semtokha was founded in 1961 as a monastic school at Semthoka Dzong, and is now “a full-fledged degree-awarding institution specializing in preservation and promotion of Bhutanese language and culture.” Education and research at ILCS will guide the nation in producing “modern Bhutanese with traditional knowledge.” • Paro College of Education (PCE), founded on November 4, 1975, not only trains teachers but offers courses in the Bachelor of Education as well as taking on national curriculum development and research facility. • National Institute of Traditional Medicine (NITM), Thimphu, “specializes in traditional medicine. The institute offers Bachelors programme for dungtshos (traditional medical doctors) and Diploma programme for Mempas. The institute also coordinates training of pharmacy technicians and research assistants.” • Royal University of Bhutan Samtse College of Education providing for B.Ed. in primary and secondary education as well as a postgraduate certificate in education and long-distance education programs. • Jigme Namgyal Polytechnic – offering diplomas in civil, mechanical, and electrical engineering. In the case of Bhutan, it is often difficult to separate the various institutions of higher education as the government has recently undergone efforts to place all institutes of higher education under the umbrella organization of the Royal University of Bhutan. In order to understand the function of diploma programs in Bhutan, it is necessary to have an understanding of the complete tertiary education system. These vocational and technical units also allow students to complete nondegree diplomas in certain subjects similar to the junior college function in the United States, but also certain technical schools have provisions for complete degrees. Also, these diploma-granting programs allow for continuing adult education for members of the workforce such as the diploma functions at the Royal Institute of Management which provides civil servants an opportunity for professional development. The only students who are limited in upward mobility within the greater higher education system at present are those who choose to pursue only technical diplomas at certain vocational schools. There have been no provisions made at present for the absorption of these students into the higher education system at a later date if they choose to attend again; however, reabsorption of vocational students is an idea 32 Bhutanese Education Systems: A Look Toward the Future 595 that is being discussed. Re-absorption is a term used equivalent to transferring in the United States. The discussion of reabsorption is particularly important because it provides a way for those who are currently kept out of the higher education system to reenter that would be cost-efficient and take into consideration the full range of prior educational experience, without having to start from scratch. The knowledge gained at the vocational institutes would save both time and money for students if a mechanism to properly transfer credit can be instituted. The higher educational system in Bhutan is constantly evolving and the same institutions often perform many functions at different points in time. For example, pre-1976 Sherubtse College was a junior college (2008) offering preuniversity classes, preparing students for future university matriculation outside of Bhutan. Then in 1983 Sherubtse itself became a full degree-granting institution as a college affiliated with the University of Delhi system, and certain former junior college classes were moved to be taught in high schools themselves. Sherubtse College grants degrees in arts and commerce as well as in the sciences. At present it is the only liberal arts institution in Bhutan, however with plans to expand facilities there are talks of a second liberal arts college to be opened in 2008 (Overland, 2005). At present, His Majesty the Fifth King of Bhutan Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck serves as chancellor of the university, and vice-chancellor is Dasho (Dr.) Pema Thinley. The fact that the king serves as chancellor of the university system shows as an attribute to the importance placed on education in Bhutan, and shows the commitment of the monarchy to lead their people forward in an era of globalization. His Majesty the fifth king has remained chancellor even after the 2008 switch to democracy. As Vice-Chancellor, Dasho Pema Thinley oversees daily administration at each of the bodies of the Royal University of Bhutan, including the vocational schools under the university umbrella. Additionally, students must choose their “stream” when applying to higher education from a choice of commerce, arts, science, or general. In addition students may leave the Western education mode to pursue vocational training in arts and traditional handicrafts or pursue monastic education. Each vocational school has a principal who oversees daily functions. Although Bhutan has dedicated 10–13% of the country’s total fund allocation each planning period to education, in recent decades the Royal government has had to take loans from international agencies such as the World Bank as well as other bilateral agencies to keep up with the demand for educational facilities (UNESCO, 2008B). New curriculum has been introduced for the subjects English, Math, and Dzongkha in primary and secondary schools, and those teaching within the new curriculum will be given strong orientation to the new methods (Division, 2007B). In 2004, a total of 12.9% was allocated to education with 20% of that total for higher education (UNESCO, 2008C). There is currently no further data explaining the further distribution of funds to each institute of higher education. Currently, within the Royal University of Bhutan system, the following schools most resemble community colleges, Jigme Namgyel Polytechnic and the College of Natural Resources. These institutions each have their own campuses and residential facilities but only grant diplomas, not degrees. The College of Natural Resources grants diplomas in Animal Husbandry, Forestry, and Agriculture. Students may 596 M. Gandhi matriculate after successfully passing the Grade 12 exams. The diploma program lasts between 2–3 years. Jigme Namgyel Polytechnic offers diplomas in civil, mechanical, and electrical engineering. Other institutes within the Royal University of Bhutan offer a both diplomas and degrees, taking on characteristics of both community colleges as well as full degree-granting institutions. At present, there is discussion as to how to successfully convert diplomas to degrees if students wish to continue their education. Vocational schools for subjects such as weaving and traditional crafts however are still considered terminal and those students do not have a mechanism for reabsorption into the higher education system as students in these schools do not have to complete any fixed level of secondary education. Students may choose to attend their vocational schools at any point in time if they choose to not pursue the Western educational system. These diploma-granting institutions are integral in providing higher education opportunities for those who complete Grade 12 successfully and can no secure funding to pursue a 4-year degree. By completing the diploma, graduates of these institutions can still find successful careers in fields that are more hands-on, such as forestry or agriculture, and provide an avenue for access to higher education that may otherwise have not been attainable for a large portion of the population who cannot afford to go overseas or did not make high enough scores in the Grade 12 passing exams to secure a seat at one of the internal degree-granting institutions.

Higher Education and Modernization

As Bhutan moves forward in an era of modernization, one of the main concerns is how to modernize yet at the same time, preserve its cultural identity and heritage. With many more students going abroad for tertiary education to countries such as India, Thailand, the United States, and Australia, as well as an influx of new cultural phenomenon such as cable television bringing non-Bhutanese thoughts and culture constantly into the country, there is increased concern that Bhutanese culture needs to be at the forefront of higher education discussions. Local people as well as policymakers feel that this is important as one Bhutanese mentioned, “I think a lot is changing because of television and travel. It isn’t the same here as it was even 10 years ago when I was growing up.” A distinction also has to be made to say that modernization and maintenance of culture and tradition are not mutually exclusive (Bhutan, 1999). For those that could afford it, students went abroad for higher secondary (11th and 12th standard) to schools such as the Woodstock International School in Mussoorie, India, in order to better prepare for college entrance abroad, as Sherubtse had only limited seats available for students and was not as highly recognized abroad. Historically, the education system in Bhutan was closely pegged to the Indian educational system which was in turn based on the British system of education; but in the recent past, Bhutan has been moving to create its own educational initiatives, standards, and goals that are more reflective of the Bhutanese culture and spirit. Some of these changes have even included a shift 32 Bhutanese Education Systems: A Look Toward the Future 597 away from traditional rote learning to more activity-based learning such as the use of group projects and other interactive learning methods. As stated in the constitution and founding principles of the Royal University of Bhutan, a well-developed higher education system that helped preserve the cultural identity of Bhutan and allowed for more access was needed. Being a microstate in this day and age, a question at the forefront of most higher education officials is how to best achieve these goals in a manner that is equitable for all parties involved. Also, Bhutan has the unique position to be able to look to a variety of other developed educational systems such as that of the United States and Australia as they move forward in developing their own higher education system. The question that education officials grapple with is how best to achieve an educational system that will stay true to the spiritual and cultural needs of the country, how to stay true to the country’s needs as well as prepare for a globalized world. One way to see the best of both worlds is at the School for Traditional Medicine where “modern” facilities are used hand in hand with “traditional” practices as there is great value recognized in that which is traditional, demonstrated by the high demand for traditional medicine by the greater population. With more and more students going to school, there is also a change in students’ expectations for careers post education. In the past, those who were not educated in the Western system did not mind working on farmland in rural areas. Now, however, as rural children rise through the education pipeline, they are unhappy continuing life on the farm and seek white-collar jobs with the government (Ezechieli, 2003). There is however a limited number of spaces for these jobs, and it is a struggle policymakers are trying to iron out. In this particular example, higher education does not necessarily equate with greater happiness as there is then an expectation that students who have it will get white-collar jobs when this is not a guarantee. This is a current topic of discussion amongst educational policymakers as to how to better level the expectations for jobs attained post graduation and the jobs currently available. Policymakers are trying to think of ways to better interest students into careers that are in need of people. Some policymakers see the adaptation of a junior college model with more options in the vocational and technical arenas as a way to combat the mismatch between jobs available and jobs sought.

Models for Comparison

As higher education in Bhutan evolves, educators in this field as well as government officials are looking to evaluate different educational models around the world. One of the models that educators are looking at is the community college system of the United States. Currently students who choose to enter vocational schools, such as those for weaving and traditional handicrafts are tracked into a separate terminal program leading to certificates. Once this certificate level has been reached, the students’ education is complete. Students can enter the vocational school after Grade 10 and can finish their education at that school in 1–2 years. However, the 598 M. Gandhi credits earned toward the certificate are nontransferable and thus the student is at a disadvantage if he or she ever chooses to pursue a traditional 4-year degree, because there is currently no reabsorbing mechanism which would give credit to what was learned at the vocational level. That student then has to somehow finish the requirements for Grades 11 and 12 and then reapply to the Royal University of Bhutan. The Bhutanese government also has a very close educational relationship with the government of Australia and their higher education organizational system is also being compared. In particular, an area to consider from the Australian higher education system is the way even vocational schooling is able to seamlessly transfer into degree-granting higher education programs. Currently, the American community college model is something that is appealing because it would cut cost tremendously for those who cannot afford to pay the fees for international travel, and provide a mechanism to catch those students who can not be absorbed into the Bhutanese educational system as of now. These issues were mentioned during informal conversations with practitioners at the Royal Institute of Management in August 2007 as avenues that warrant further inspection in the future, but currently priority has been given to making the transition from the various institutes of higher education with separate governing bodies to one large system, the Royal University of Bhutan with one governing body.

Funding

While the government has managed to fund education for all who choose to take advantage of it up to this point, it will not be able to maintain this with the growing population. Educational expansion in Bhutan has also largely been aided by international organizations such as the World Bank, Asian Development Bank, and other bilateral organizations. Certificate and diploma programs that are now offered at technical schools can perhaps be moved to be housed under the community college model, especially if the Royal University of Bhutan arranges for these students to have an opportunity at a later date to carry those units and expertise toward a traditional 4-year degree. This will save not only time but also money for those that choose to continue their education further. This system can also help to give incentive for people to continue in the vocational track thus helping to solve the mismatch between jobs that are open versus jobs that people want if they can apply their vocational school units and knowledge base to a more traditional higher education degree such as a bachelors of art or science at a future point in time of their choice. Officials are working to create a uniform system of benchmarks to help uniform this process not only between vocational schools and traditional higher education institutes but also professional postgraduate certificate programs that can then be applied toward masters programs for example. Conversations with various education practitioners in Bhutan (August 2007) have shown that there is much interest in how to better meet the demands for higher education in Bhutan by entertaining a variety of different higher education expansion options. 32 Bhutanese Education Systems: A Look Toward the Future 599

Staffing and Employment

Many higher education practitioners hope that there will be a more comprehensive and united system in the future that will also take into greater consideration issues of compensation and time for educators. Bhutan has a unique situation unlike many other countries in which educators are also considered to be civil servants. With this in mind, there is a large misfit in relation to the kinds of jobs available and the kind of jobs that civil servants are seeking. Although teaching is a noble and honorable profession, just like in the United States, many professors feel underpaid and overworked. This is one of the reasons that there are a very limited number of opportunities for higher education in Bhutan, as there are not enough professors for the demographically young population which is causing surge in school attendance and matriculation. Also, all students take an exit exam and the top performers usually opt for other jobs outside of teaching. Across the board, no matter what at what institution professors and teachers were asked, the uniform answer is that teaching professionals are underpaid and overworked, with little time for individual research and development. Currently, higher education faculty tend to hold at minimum a bachelor, most have a masters, especially if teaching at the professional institutes such as the National Institute of Education, and more recently there is a push for faculty to have Doctoral degrees, however that is still not the standard as it is difficult to find qualified individuals to teach at the university (RIM, 2008). Positions in higher education include the ranks of Senior Lecturer, Associate Lecturer, and Lecturer. In November 2006, there were 632 staff members in Bhutan, consisting of 337 teaching staff and 295 nonteaching staff (Bhutan, 2005). There are hopes that with privatization as a viable educational alternatives and the new higher education initiatives however, that this situation will be ameliorated.

Student Life

The rugged terrain of Bhutan makes it essential to have boarding schools and/or residential facilities cost-efficient and accessible to provide a place for students who come to attend specific colleges and institutes who live far away from the site of study. For example, the National Resources Training Institute is quite removed from the two larger cities of Paro and Thimpu, and, therefore, many students who attend this program live in residence halls. Student life in Bhutan is much more structured than their American counterparts with very little free time. Students are expected to participate in numerous group activities including group fitness and study time in addition to mandatory attendance for academic classes. Tertiary education, just like primary and secondary also follows a 6-day per week schedule, limiting students’ free time even further. This is very different from higher education models in the West where college is seen as a chance for students to become more independent by choosing their own schedules and activities. The residential living component is also thought to be an integral part of maintaining the 600 M. Gandhi

Bhutanese cultural identity (Sinha, 2001) and is something that is not usually found at American junior colleges. However, no matter how restrictive these limitations to student life may seem, based on personal observation and discussions with a class at the National Resources Training Institute (August 2007), the students also have many of the same pastimes as their Western counterparts looking forward to watching movies in their spare time, hanging out with friends, and visiting the local town. When I asked what they hope to change at their institution, just like most students everywhere in the 18–21 demographic interested in dating and meeting members of the opposite sex, one young man responded, “Miss, we wish there were more girls at our school,” at which point the handful of female students blushed.

Conclusion

The planned switch from a traditional monarchy to a monarchic democracy is a momentous occasion for everyone from local populations to education officials. This is an important time for the nation, as heads will turn to see the fate of Bhutan as it evolves under this new system focusing on many issues such as privatization, education, and the intersection of these two systems. As one of a handful of micro- states in the world, in an era of expansion, Bhutan is taking its time to carefully evaluate a wide variety of higher education systems in the world in order to create a system that will help to preserve its cultural and spiritual identity as well as meet the needs of its growing population to have better access to education that can be comparable to other well-known educational systems. The Royal Government of Bhutan has taken great care to plan for the country’s future with the series of “Five-Year Plans” and if the developmental plan of action as documented in this series is followed through, the people of Bhutan are sure to see great changes in their future which will allow for a greater ease of access to education nationwide at all levels.

References

Bhutan, R. G. o. (1999). Bhutan: http:www.unescobkk.org/fileadmin/user_upload/efa/EFA_MDA/ SEA_MDA_workshop_NOV06/bhutan_presentation.ppt Bhutan 2020: A Vision for Peace, Prosperity, and Happiness. P. C. R. G. o. Bhutan. Thimpu, Royal Government of Bhutan. Bhutan, R. U. o. (2005). “Royal University of Bhutan Annual Report 2005.” Retrieved March 15, 2007, from http://www.rub.edu.bt/path.php?action=Report_2005. Bhutan, R. U. o. (2008a). “Royal University of Bhutan Sherubtse College.” Retrieved August 13, 2008, from http://www.sherubtse.edu.bt/. Bhutan, R. U. o. (2008b). “Royal University of Bhutan.” Retrieved August 1, 2008, from http:// www.rub.edu.bt/. Division, M. o. E. P. a. P. (2007a). General Statistics, 2007. M. o. E. P. a. P. Division, Royal Government of Bhutan. 32 Bhutanese Education Systems: A Look Toward the Future 601

Division, P. a. P. (2007b). 26th Education Policy Guidelines and Instructions. M. o. Education, Royal Government of Bhutan. Ezechieli, E. (2003). Beyond Sustainable Development: Education for Gross National Happiness in Bhutan. Education. Palo Alto, Stanford, MA: 133. LMU. (2008). “Bhutan Education System,” from www.lmu.edu/globaled/wwcu/background/bt.rtf Overland, M. A. (2005). “Bhutan Plans Second Liberal-Arts College to Meet Demand.” The Chronicle of Higher Education 51(45): A41. RIM. (2008). “Royal Institute of Management Faculty and Staff.” Retrieved March 1, 2008, from http://www.rim.edu.bt/AboutRIM/FacStaf.htm. Services, R. G. o. B. M. o. S. (2002). Ninth Five Year Plan Education Sector 2003–2007. M. o. S. Services, Royal Government of Bhutan. Sinha, A. C. (2001). Himalayan Kingdom Bhutan: Tradition, Transition and Transformation. New Delhi, Indus. UNDP. (2005). “UNDP in Bhutan.” Retrieved February 10, 2008, from http://www.undp.org.bt/. UNESCO. (2008a). “Introduction Bhutan.” Retrieved March 25, 2007, from http:www.unescobkk. org/fileadmin/user_upload/efa/EFA_MDA/SEA_MDA_workshop_NOV06/bhutan_presenta- tion.ppt. UNESCO. (2008b). “National Report on the Development of Education.” Retrieved February 20, 2008, from http://www.ibe.unesco.org/International/ICE47/English/Natreps/reports/bhutan.pdf. UNESCO. (2008c). “UIS Statistics in Brief - Bhutan.” Retrieved February 15, 2008, from http:// stats.uis.unesco.org/unesco/TableViewer/document.aspx?ReportId=121&IF_Language= eng&BR_Country=640. UNICEF. (2008). “UNICEF Bhutan - The Big Picture.” Retrieved February 19, 2008, from http:// www.unicef.org/infobycountry/bhutan_background.html. WB. (1998). “Second Education Project in Bhutan Supports Government’s Drive to Enroll All School-Age Children.” Retrieved September 25, 2008, from http://web.worldbank.org/ WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/SOUTHASIAEXT/BHUTANEXTN/0,,contentMDK: 20016491∼menuPK:64282138∼pagePK:41367∼piPK:279616∼theSitePK:306149,00.html. WHO. (2008). “Bhutan.” Retrieved March 30, 2008, from http://www.who.int/countries/btn/en/. Chapter 33 Globalization Theory and Policy Implications for Community College Leaders

Robert A. Frost

Introduction

Just as the long historical process of globalization affects the operating environments of emerging community colleges around the world, so too does it impact colleges in all parts of the United States. College leaders in societies throughout the world have witnessed shifts in manufacturing to service to knowledge-based economies, cultural and linguistic shifts in service populations, and the pace of technology advance to the point where knowledge emerges not in lines and clean facts, but in swirls of new information, ideas, and possibilities. As a result, these external influences have a dramatic effect on the leadership climate in community colleges, presenting unusual challenges and decision-making scenarios. This chapter utilizes the term “college leader” without regard to national or state systems, but in doing so is referring to community-based, pre-baccalaureate, higher education, and public college leaders. Other chapters in this book offer details on neighbors much “nearer” than many would have realized even a decade ago, representing potential partners, learners, and even our very teachers in this expanding global learning environment. The policy and original data presented here indicate how the demands of college leadership have intensified just as globalization has intensified through both geopolitical power shifts (be it fall of Soviet bloc or rise of Islamic fun- damentalism) and telecommunications and computer technologies. Second, the chapter outlines policy considerations for leaders to make the most of the emerging global learning and service environment. Community and educational leaders can no longer operate on a strictly local, or internal level, as so many influences on both learners and economic stability depend on the continuous and open exchange of information and other resources. The hope is that readers will connect the applicable cases in this book with the larger, often global, challenges we face within our state, provincial, national, and transnational systems. In order to do that, a brief description of the many ways globalization manifests its influences is necessary. As a result of presenting the above, the concluding analysis reveals policy considerations for community college leaders in this emerging global service area.

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 603 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 604 R.A. Frost

Globalization as Both a Historical and Immediate Process

The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) did not cause an immediate elimination of US manufacturing jobs. Nor did inviting increased numbers of Mexicans into the United States during World War II (to help with both harvests and war production) hurt agribusiness. European economies are booming today as a result of connectivity and open border policies set in motion in the twentieth century. Brazil, Chile, Mexico, and several other Latin American countries have made recent progress in both educational reforms for workforce development as they simultaneously adapt to the rigors of global trade networks. Few can deny that decisions leaders made both 60 and 16 years ago impact our lives in unpredictable ways today. Mexicans, of course, have a very different view of both NAFTA and US border history. Europe turned similar historical pages when invitations were made to central and eastern neighbors to join in this bold new European Union. Are Russians, Americans, or Chinese aware of the dramatic changes this union will unleash? How might we look back on this historical union, made in peace, 100 years from now? Such is the way globalization works: many decisions, actions, and steps taken, occasional chaotic events, and yet changes appear only in subtle and hard-to-predict forms across historical time. Philosophers as diverse as Adam Smith and Karl Marx recognized that many powerful influences – labor, capital, ideas – could flow from one land to the next and no human force could seal off borders that others treated as open. For all its suffering through human rights abuses and economic embargoes, for decades even Cuba has managed to trade beyond the restrictions of US imposed sanctions. However, and unfortunately, the term “globalization” has been used rather loosely to mean the world perceived as one social space (see Levin, 2001); are Havana, Chicago, Santiago, Hong Kong, and Jakarta even remotely close to being one social space? Hardly. Globalization is therefore a contested term; we all agree it exists, but the extent to which it exists and in what forms it manifests power and influence is much more subtle. In the words of Thomas Friedman, “[t]his thing called globalization can explain more things in more ways than anything else” (Pink, 2005, p. 1). For higher education leaders to embrace concepts like globalization, they must also consider its manifestations, risks, and rewards, as there are many bumps in the long road toward a truly global education community. Globalization theory does help answer many complex questions leaders face, and it provides a framework for imagining future education scenarios. It is in this leadership context that the definition and framework are provided below.

Globalization as a Concept, Defined and Expanded

But just as the above seems obvious, so are there overstatements and predic- tions associated with globalization. All it takes is travel to a remote, landlocked, and technology-starved nation like Bolivia to see that, even while Friedman was 33 Globalization Theory and Policy Implications for Community College Leaders 605

correct in identifying globalization as the new world order (Friedman, 1999), the world is nowhere near “flat” as he later described, to indicate how globalization, through shared technology, is leveling the playing field (Friedman, 2005). Thus, globalization is contested, largely because scholars across the natural and social sciences have so many views on its limits and manifestations. Waters defined globalization as “a social process in which the constraints of geography on economic, political, social and cultural arrangements recede, in which people become increasingly aware that they are receding, and in which people act accordingly” (Waters, 2001, p. 5). Waters’ definition offers general elements in this process, but details remain sketchy on how we should “act accordingly.” The additions below consider how to we might “act accordingly” in a leadership capacity. Globalization fits very neatly within open systems theories (Katz and Kahn, 1966; Senge, 1990, 2006), in this case meaning that colleges are strongly influenced by their external environments. A college’s survival is much more dependent upon the networks and associations that draw resources into it, than by internal quotidian operations. While managers may be concerned with the day-to-day activities, leaders preoccupy themselves with ensuring a viable future. To thrive in a globalized education environment, even as leaders recognize external changes impacting colleges, they also prioritize their colleges’ (external) responses to globalization. Seen in this context, colleges are actors in their own destiny, seeking resources and partnerships with others, and thus creating the potential to shape that destiny. How community college leaders help to shape that destiny depends on the associations they forge with external networks and partners. It is these networks, described here as a global service area, that draw information, human capital, funding, technology, and other resources within usable reach. It is these resources that bring a sustainable future within reach of their colleges and communities.

Toward a Comprehensive Globalization Theory

From an online search utilizing amazon.com, Google, and search engines within the Oregon State University Library system, there are hundreds of book titles that include the term “globalization.” Indeed, after tracking new titles that included the term “globalization” informally for nearly 10 years, Fazal Rizvi, a globalization expert and professor of Education Policy Studies at the University of Illinois- Urbana-Champaign, finally stopped after 500 (Rizvi, 2005). By then, despite the critics, it was obvious the phenomenon was real. Nevertheless, while globalization exists, there is no agreement on a definition or theory that encompasses all aspects of globalization. The list below represents a theory of globalization developed over 2 years of reviewing globalization literature from the fields of education, economics, sociology, and other social sciences disciplines, and includes the work of educators, scholars, and government policymakers from five countries. While many additional points could be added, the list below is presented as an early meta-theory of globalization. These points illustrate 606 R.A. Frost the widely accepted views today that globalization theorists have developed over the past 20 years. The theorists added to each are a minimal few for those seeking further reference to each item. 1. Capitalism is the engine of globalization (Braudel, 1992; Waters, 2001). 2. Global production practices increase competition, monopolization, and consumption (Friedman, 1999; Slaughter, 1998; Steger, 2002). 3. Globalization further enables producers to relocate to low-cost production centers (Chomsky, 1999; Friedman, 2005). 4. Expanding production becomes synonymous with modernization. Attempts to question modernization are considered counterproductive or regressive (Slaughter, 1998; Stromquist, 2002). 5. Local authority decreases as education, production, and political arrangements occur outside the control of any locality (Lasch, 1995; Stiglitz, 2002). 6. Deruralization occurs over time as people migrate in search of work (Reich, 1991; Wallerstein, 1984; Waters, 2001). 7. Asymmetries of information are magnified as data access, new technologies, financial, and other knowledge provide competitive advantages (Stiglitz, 2002). 8. Nation-states uphold transnational practices and intersocietal linkages (Altbach, 2003; Waters, 2001). 9. “Instant” communications technologies are critical to the development of these transnational practices (Stiglitz, 2002; Stromquist, 2002). The sum of the features above indicates a highly turbulent, even chaotic, operating environment for community, technical, and similar colleges with a historically “local” orientation. But in chaos, there are also continuous opportunities for renewal and growth, through continuous adaptation. The following descriptions offer just a few examples of how each of the above features could impact colleges and influence their response. The numbers in parentheses highlight to which point above the statements refer. For example, the first two (1, 2) highlight the fact that colleges produce not only workers to support an economic system, but also consumers who are social agents within that system. Will we educate citizens to consume more, conserve more, or be apathetic to the limits of our planet? As Friedman and many others have noted, (3) communications and various technologies make relocation easier, thus displacing and reorganizing citizens at all levels of the economy. How will college leaders incorporate this challenge into their work? How can leaders prepare a community to be “lay-off free?” One answer lies in expanding the Web of partnerships that exist between colleges, workplaces, political offices, and social agencies with the goal of achieving planned growth. Consider how companies choose locations; the formula combines all of these areas and emphasizes the level of community education. So a community can modernize (4) without compromising values as long as it is willing to make partnerships without respect to cultural or native idiosyncrasies (5). Community education centers in this context become key components to building learning and working communities that can respond positively to the continuous change of twenty-first century life. Indeed, the cultural context, the very learning 33 Globalization Theory and Policy Implications for Community College Leaders 607 that is associated with cultural transmission, values, and community health, is the key item that integrates the above features into a successful future. The cultural context is perhaps the one missing, and yet unknown, principle in the above list. Will humans be able to prioritize maintenance and strengthening of cultural values and social norms as the technological advances and the mobility of work wreak havoc on the traditions of family, religious, and other community values? It is just as likely that common cultural values will be the very glue that continues to bind people together in the face of economic upheavals. Education leaders may be the key individuals to stress the symbiotic relationship between economic and cultural advancement. As Robert Reich (1991) and numerous other scholars have indicated, rural and small-town life will be stressed, if information flows in the global age stop at the world cities. Economically we have already witnessed this as manufacturing has moved to transportation hubs, low-cost labor centers, and locations with the most modern communications infrastructure. Successful knowledge communities prioritize not only a strong business opportunity, but also diverse arts and aesthetics that all support pleasure in lifelong learning. Such communities include some college towns in the United States, cities like Queretaro and San Miguel de Allende in Mexico, Cordoba, Argentina, Bali, Indonesia, as well as cities like Capetown, South Africa, or Dubai in the United Arab Emirates. In all these places, learning, libraries, community arts, and applied technologies interact in association with local cultural norms. In a future scenario where only a part-time work life may be possible, will education centers like those above expand elsewhere to promote healthy lifelong learning, renewal, and retraining? While often the research on globalization prioritizes the economic, it is critical to recognize the role public arts, community theatre, writing and oral history workshops, as well as heritage learning (the passing on of historical knowledge and traditional technologies) all play in keeping strong community bonds. Thus, cultural transmission is not only good for developing an economic knowledge community, but also for sustaining the very population. The growth of community colleges globally is a key advance in this integration of culture, learning, work, and lifelong development. As economies grow, instilling the value of lifelong learning while simultaneously offering various pathways into learning opportunities can vastly improve population stability in rural spaces. Deruralization (6), increasingly a social as well as an environmental threat, must be met by economic and social incentives that connect rural networks and reinforce rural life. Whether western Argentina, central Wyoming, or Mongolia, this is difficult without extensive public–private cooperation. Spatial and population challenges must be met through ties that bind beyond mere economic incentives. Knowledge networks may grow into economic partnerships, but the past suggests that pursuing production opportunities has not always helped rural areas develop stable growth. Rural college and community leaders for this reason are in the vanguard of forming creative regional development initiatives that enable economies to mature from (for example) natural resource exploitation to sustainable practices like timber farming, ecotourism, wind and other natural power sources, as well as technology-driven, just-in-time manufacturing. 608 R.A. Frost

Like many futuristic movies, often it is easier to see elements of fear in the future than to imagine opportunity. This is the work of leaders. For example, even as the above identifies increasingly monopolistic behaviors, so does it also show that, through the work of nation-states and instant communications, both information sharing and maintenance of legal frameworks are not elements of the past. This is due to (7) the above; competition without similar tools, technology, or currency does not produce a flat world. Friedman emphasizes urban spaces in India, China, and similar examples that include like technologies, trade balances, and education access. In a truly globalized world, (8) there will still be much planning work for governments and education leaders to temper adverse effects of global competition. Small communities too will further specialize, evaluate essential technologies, and concentrate their economic investments to assure stable growth. Two examples illustrate this point. Fifteen years ago, development experts struggled for answers on how small communities in South Asia (particularly in India and Bangladesh) and Central Africa would “keep up” into the information age. Through cooperative planning between governments, academic experts, and development specialists, micro-credit lending programs grew from a trickle to a wave of projects, showing better repayment records, and greater impact on small business, than the large-scale, and often graft-ridden, structural lending programs of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and other international lenders (Yunus, 1999, 2007). For such programs to work, it takes bold partnerships between ideas people like Jeffrey Sachs (2005), lending agencies, and education leaders, to be at the ready when mass-level skills training is required. Understanding credit repayment systems, raising quality production standards, or completing large physical infrastructure improvements (hydroelectric power, communications and electricity grids or wind farms, for example) all require the active participation and vision of education leaders. Higher and technical education in southern Africa historically has been challenged by funding shortfalls, distance, and loss of intellectual capital through outward migration. Rather than try to place a community/technical college equidis- tant between small communities, an economic impossibility, planners decided to leapfrog traditional campus models and build a virtual higher education crossroads that would link scholars, learners, and communities. Today, the African Virtual University (2008) offers distance learning opportunities in over 15 countries, in several languages, and links learners to low-cost courses offered in Europe, Australia, the United States, and elsewhere. While on the surface this would appear to support Friedman’s “flat world,” there is little doubt this occurs only through the synergies created by the determination of education, government, and development organizations’ planning efforts. In short, the bold vision of educators and development specialists were required to level this field. As the examples and (9) point above show, colleges and similar education resource centers have great value as places where technology and knowledge store- houses act as the nerve centers of ideas and growth. This idea has been tried and tested since the 1970s in US community colleges (Gleazer, 1980) admittedly not 33 Globalization Theory and Policy Implications for Community College Leaders 609 always with great success (Brint and Karabel, 1989; Dougherty, 1999; Dougherty and Bakia, 2000). However, now is the time for an intergenerational dialogue to occur on how to reassert community-based education as a new global community engine for economic and social stability. Most importantly, even as new investments in technologies and increasing competition make cooperation ever more important, leaders should take heart that the above advances in the United States, Latin America, Central Africa, Bangladesh, and elsewhere all happen through our current nation-state system of laws, treaties, credit systems, and longstanding public policies. In short, this is no time to lose confidence. Education leaders regardless of location will need to position their institutions at the intersections of commerce, culture, and technology transfers to gain the most connectivity and knowledge to benefit their local quality of life.

What Can Be Done to Enhance a Community’s Future?

Given the above details of how globalization actually affects local college environments, what actions will improve a community’s future in the emerging global age? An initial response to the question can be offered through findings from a multi- site case study with leaders at five US Midwestern, and mostly rural, community colleges (Frost, 2005). Analysis of the above expanded definition, and the actions identified below, will lead to the policy considerations that conclude the chapter. The list, constructed from college leaders’ responses, includes: 1. Curriculum planning includes considerations of preparing graduates for work in multilingual, multinational, “borderless” industries. 2. Business training is designed to help a local firm or facility compete (or partner) with an international competitor. 3. Resource acquisition seeks funds from nontraditional sources, including contracts, grants, gifts, and social partnerships (nongovernment organizations (NGOs) ) to increase global competitiveness and profile. All education constituencies must both partner and learn to accept new entrepreneurial approaches to education. 4. Outreach includes novel differentiation of “products and services” in order to reach distant student, corporate, or even extra-national trade authorities. 5. Communications technology training supports a pace to maintain competitiveness with external technology and business community pressures. 6. The “community” definition expands to support ongoing training needs of workers continuously at risk for displacement due to migration of industry to low-cost labor sources. 7. College leadership is predisposed to consider multiple external influences in decision making, including rival colleges, lower-cost labor sources in other countries, attracting relocating corporations, and even how decisions might affect international student flows. 610 R.A. Frost

8. Regional partners prioritize efforts at rural colleges to stem migration to “world cities.” 9. Decouple funding from individual students so that migration allows for equitable instruction, particularly to support foreign languages offered, level of dominant language of instruction services (like ESL), intercultural communications in the classroom, and other sociocultural phenomena. The first four items above identify that acquiring external resources are key to an organization’s survival. This should inform our policy decisions through the application of one simple truth: Colleges are economic, social (educational), and cultural agents for their local communities. As a result, every management decision must be based on improving a college’s ability to act to improve the community’s global position; to improve students’ motivation to learn new ways to process and redistribute knowledge; and to root the most fundamental cultural values into the learning process. Such core management principles promote community, education, and economic development, and expose day-to-day prescriptive management as a key flaw in globalizing a college. But how does this inform our policy decisions? As the rural case study shows, economic, social, and educational development are so tightly interconnected, that it is unlikely one will occur without the other in any cultural or national context. These descriptions from practitioners indicate a growing awareness that globalization, over time, results in broad societal changes – political, cultural, and infor- mational as well. Among the participants, there were some who saw globalization as progress. Most saw it as inevitable. Leaders in this study were highly articulate in how their community had changed as a result of global influences and how asymmetries of information had changed their economic domain, especially through migration of educated residents, loss of high-wage positions, replacement of locally owned businesses with large national or multinational chains, and the resultant loss of revenue to both the college and community. However, even as the leaders offered responses to competitive influences, so too did they indicate how the community college could play a highly beneficial role in an increasingly global society.

Policy Considerations in the Emerging Global Service Area

Today community colleges manage diverse local needs while navigating on the open seas of global higher education, where (as shown above) student migrations, intellectual capital, knowledge networks, and virtual universities all interact at diverse and often unpredictable events and moments. But, just as Weick (1976) recognized the enactment process, where an organization gave agency to the external environment, Levin (2001) indicates that a college’s global context is not only defined by external pressures, but also: “the global context has become internalized, both reflected in and reproduced by the ideology of economic efficiency, productivity, and the commodification of education and training” (p. 13). Thus, policy must 33 Globalization Theory and Policy Implications for Community College Leaders 611 include an outreach process, but also an introspective, and yes, critical evaluation of our own realities and potential. As education leaders, we have an opportunity to not only witness, but to make the future as well. Community colleges and similar community-centered education centers historically have been conceptualized in nearly every location as “local” institutions. However, throughout time these centers have been a part of that slow, historical process called globalization. In the current era, thanks to numerous new technologies and expansion of capitalism as the global economic system, the pace of globalization also is expanding at an unprecedented rate. In order for community colleges to thrive in the twenty-first century, leaders will need to consider bold new investments and take considerable risks to advance their institutions and communities. The following list emphasizes policy options and roles for college leaders: 1. Colleges must prioritize the binding of international relationships with colleges, communities, and companies into global service networks. 2. Curriculum areas will need to integrate global service networks. This happens in many ways including: linking intercultural and vocational skills; assignments in all courses that link workgroups across time, space, and language gaps; and by applying learning synergies to real social, economic, and environmental problems. 3. Curriculum efforts recognize the critical role of culture and aesthetics in public life. Creativity and pleasure occur as social outgrowths of positive public experience; in this regard, colleges can emphasize their role as creativity catalysts by designing and promoting use of innovative learning spaces. This policy is more in response to the individualizing nature of many new technologies, and recognition that humans remain social beings. 4. Strategic plans integrate the work of faculty and community leaders through curriculum, future planning, and international education objectives. This policy requires a reconsideration of the role of faculty in the twenty-first century for many educational systems. 5. Increase the number of “boundary-spanning agents” who can support community education development. Traditionally, colleges have employed an international education director to act as a roving diplomat, or entrepreneur, to “bring home” international opportunities. Today, colleges must recognize what universities have been doing for years, promoting faculty roles to allow for development and community agency on an international level. Many national systems relegate faculty roles to part-time or classroom teachers. Such positions are too limited to be effective in a global organization without agents who connect these part-time faculties to a larger mission of long-term social development. 6. The above requires the system (US community colleges are often led by district trustees or a state board) to appoint highly sophisticated leaders. Leaders today must have the capacity to support; entrepreneurial faculty; long-term (over 10 years) development objectives; complex financial arrangements that involve public–private partnerships; and be of high social intelligence capable of interpreting intercultural and multilingual leadership environments. Will community 612 R.A. Frost

colleges have the ability to prioritize the talents of a bilingual, nonnative leader over a locally raised “native son?” Can trustees forge “co-presidencies” where natives and new agents lead global development campaigns? There are many new leadership scenarios possible in the emerging global service area. 7. Modernize and “mix” language laboratories with other growth incubators to prioritize: social engagement and world communications. Indeed, whole new approaches to raising children in multilingual environments is the real need, but for adult learning, at a minimum, we must meld together language learning applications with truly functional activities like making friends, satisfying intercultural curiosities, communicating with a coworker across the world, or meeting a potential business partner. These can only happen through learning within language-rich environments. Currently, colleges can do this through a one-stop language laboratory where multilingual students, computer-assisted voice and video technologies, and language software all work together to support communications across national and other borders. If there is one thing this chapter emphasizes, it is the priority of focusing college energies on resource acquisition. As funding withers at the state level, colleges must increasingly attract diverse, independent funding streams toward community education. College leaders have many roles, but in recent years much attention has been given to the leader, or president, as chief development officer. While presidents must cultivate external relationships, primarily they must serve as transforma- tional leaders to a new class of entrepreneurial, global-thinking faculty. Organizing, freeing, and then managing this class of worker to build the new knowledge and resource networks as described above will be the key to sustaining long-term growth and prosperity in the community colleges of tomorrow.

Conclusions

This chapter was written for college leaders regardless of national origin with the express purpose of boiling the essential arguments and challenges associated with globalization into a format for future policy considerations. Leaders need historical grounding and contemporary frameworks to construct likely future scenarios and the vision to lead. Few can argue there is a strong impetus to improve the quality of our management of public education, human, and financial resources. In previous generations, there was both time and distance between local actors and the larger world; time to delay decisions and distance to discourage innovation. The findings and policy considerations presented in this study offer community education leaders action items to create their own future scenarios. With the rapid pace of contemporary globalization, there is little doubt that today’s leadership decisions will strongly influence the long-term interconnectivity of global knowledge and resource exchange networks. This interconnectivity, in a global age, may be the one key to sustaining vibrant communities. 33 Globalization Theory and Policy Implications for Community College Leaders 613

References

African Virtual University (2008). Authors unknown. http://www.avu.org/home.asp See also: http://www.etw.org/2003/case_studies/soc_inc_african_VU.htm Altbach, P. (2003, October 10). The effects of the global higher education market on U.S. universities. A Presentation at the University of Illinois-Urbana-Champaign. Braudel, F. (1992). Civilization and capitalism 15th–18th century: Volume II. The wheels of commerce. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Brint, S. & Karabel, J. (1989). The diverted dream: Community colleges and the promise of educational opportunity in America, 1900–1985. New York: Oxford University Press. Chomsky, N. (1999). Profit over people: Neoliberalism and global order. New York: Seven Stories. Dougherty, K. (1999). The new economic development role of the community college. New York: Community College Research Center, Institute on Education and the Economy. Dougherty, K. & Bakia, M. (2000, February). Community colleges and contract training: Content, origins, and impact. New York: Columbia University Press: Teachers College Record 1:197–243. Friedman, T. (1999). The Lexus and the olive tree: Understanding globalization. New York: Farrar, Straus Giroux. Friedman, T. (2005). The world is flat: A brief history of the twenty-first century. New York: Farrar, Straus Giroux. Frost, R.A. (2005). Responding to local needs in a global economy: Community colleges and their mission. University of Illinois-Urbana-Champaign. Dissertation Abstracts: AAI3198995. Gleazer, E.J. (1980). The community college: Values, vision and vitality. Washington, DC: The Community College Press. Katz, D. & Kahn, R.L. (1966). The social psychology of organizations. New York: Wiley. Lasch, C. (1995). The revolt of the elites and the betrayal of democracy. New York: W.W. Norton. Levin, J.S. (2001). Globalizing the community college: Strategies for change in the 21st century. New York: Palgrave. Pink, D. (2005, May). Why the world is flat, Wired Magazine. Issue No. 1305, May, 2007. From http://www.wired.com/wired/archive/13.05/friedman.html Reich, R. (1991). The work of nations: Preparing ourselves for 21st century capitalism. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Rizvi, F. (2005). Personal communication. College of education. Illinois: University of Illinois- Urbana Champaign. Sachs, J.D. (2005). The end of poverty: Economic possibilities for our time. New York: Penguin. Senge, P.M. (1990, 2006). The fifth discipline: The art and practice of the learning organization. New York: Doubleday. Slaughter, S. (1998). National higher education policies in a global economy. In J. Currie & J. Newson (Eds.), Universities and globalization: Critical perspectives (pp. 45–70). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Steger, M.B. (2002). Globalism: The new market ideology. Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield. Stiglitz, J.E. (2002). Globalization and its discontents. New York: W.W. Norton. Stromquist, N.P. (2002). Education in a globalized world: The connectivity of economic power, technology, and world knowledge. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. Wallerstein, I. (1984). The politics of the world economy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Waters, M. (2001). Globalization (2nd Ed.). London: Routledge. Weick, K.E. (1976). Educational organizations as loosely coupled systems. Administrative Science Quarterly 21:1–19. Yunus, M. (1999, 2007). Banker to the poor: Micro-lending and the battle against world poverty. Philadelphia, PA: Perseus, Public Affairs. The Challenge of Change: International Adoption of Community College Models

Edward Valeau

We live in an age of globalization where the exportation of knowledge and higher education is the commodity of choice. This is particularly true in terms of the Community College model. Recognized as an American phenomenon, the model has been, and continues to be, influenced by many other countries. As secondary education nears universal levels, advanced and developing countries are stimulating the need for quality post-educational opportunities that are flexible and responsible to local needs. The transnational impact of community college models is precisely their ability to address access and opportunity, advance or deal with implications of globalization, and develop a responsive trained work force. This volume on Community college reform captures in real time the challenges associated with nations adopting the community college model. Issues relate to planning, budgeting, curriculum development, governance, interdisciplinary studies, and local partnerships are explored in depth. When combined, these issues paint what exists as part of the internal construct of these institutions. Revealed in this work are the institutions themselves, individual leaders, and various actors who collectively ensure local success. The various chapters in this book also connect these educational institutions to socioeconomic reform efforts, as no institution exists independently. Five common themes used throughout this book support a comparative discussion on the adoption of community college models by other nations. The goal of the themes is to demonstrate the power of the community college model as a purveyor of academic, philosophical, economic, and institutional and community reforms. It is also intended to give the reader a framework from which to view what challenges exist and the responses recommended for addressing them. Few works on the subject of community college models have tried to capture the movement in this way and thus this approach is both unique and expansive. The authors represent practitioners, scholars, faculty, and administrators who are in the real trenches of challenge and change, and committed to making a difference in the lives of others. Academic themes show how institutions adapt to local needs and serves as a reminder that the glue to institutions of higher learning in any form begins with the academy. Student profiles present in this volume depict the impact of the changing nature of the curriculum. Terms like student-centered learning, student counseling, the whole learner, community, partnerships, etc., merge to show that students

R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models, 615 © Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009 616 E. Valeau and community are part of the educational planning process of centralized and decentralized governments. Philosophical issues define the direction of reform and in this volume illustrate how similar ideals flow internationally and influence the adoption and survival of community college models. Countries are examining equal opportunity and access as they realize an educated workforce is consistent with economic participation in this age of global dependency. Arguably, this approach lends itself to a humanitarian approach and a softening of patriarchal behaviors known worldwide. Economic reformation is particularly poignant as it is without question that economics dominates the landscape of educational reform, and is the impetus for the adoption of many community college models. Institutional reform directly affects creative, purposeful innovation, and change across all aspects of a nation’s growth and the educational program that supports its existence is a linchpin for change to take place. Finally, community reform helps define the role of education, who education serves, and the purpose of that education. Examples of reform are noted to highlight the power of the community college model on villages and communities around the globe. Over the last 2 decades, world opinion regarding globalization and higher education has changed. The flow of thought has evolved away from closed borders and into open borders of a sort. The impetus undoubtedly is influence by Friedman’s seminal work regarding the world is flat. Even with new questions of whether these interconnections are as meaningful as Friedman suggests, world economic challenges brought on by globalization have altered the field of postsecondary education. This current book, thus, uncovers how community college models are influenced by globalization flows and, yet through adaptation to local needs, have stepped in to fill a serious educational need and void in both industrialized and developing nations. Quite revealing, universities, with traditional vestiges, are looking to form partnerships with community colleges, thus moving away to some extent from the elitism that so often characterize their existence. Implemented reform influences lives by equalizing opportunity and access, or by linking education to human resource development. For example, the creation of an Agricultural Business Institute in a North American Community college to serve the needs of an agricultural region involved in exporting vegetables to large countries such as China, Mexico, and India remains a model of cooperation between business and the college. The creation of Small Business Development Centers to train young entrepreneurs in areas of sales, financing, marketing, and advertising of goods shows the range and power of the community college model in various countries. In this context, we can conclude that more certification of skills training and expanded emphasis on defined languages of business, technology training across borders, community and business partnerships, and the sharing of ideas globally will become the norm rather than the exception for all of postsecondary education activities. These are but a few of the many examples that demonstrate the impact of the community college model and its various forms on people, places, and the economy globally and locally. Community colleges have extensively become the institution of choice for countries seeking to create access for its people, a workforce for a globally The Challenge of Change: International Adoption of Community College Models 617

dependent society, and a need to build a civil community. The synergistic aspect of the community college model with its common characteristics of curriculum development and flexibility, vocational training, economic efficiency, degree and non-degree focus, community outreach, partnerships that lends itself to local development gives meaning to ideas of access and opportunity. As the responses take shape, new and innovative models arise, take form, and provide more opportunities for change to accommodate the situation and conditions of those who can profit most from education. This is particularly true for people who are poor and without hope, and yet, this book cautions the reader to realize that education is not yet available to large masses of people. Equally important is that education does not always provide access to jobs and support economic or social mobility. However, community college education for most does offer the key to a better life and community prosperity. It is a start for the world citizens to reap the true benefits of advanced education. The largest winners in the struggle are students and local communities. Through access and opportunity, the hope of shaping their circumstances in a manner that allows for participation in the changing economy remains real. One thing for certain, this book demonstrates that the need for a world-educated citizenry is important and that nations everywhere are challenged to respond by making community college models viable, no matter where it is located on the globe. We cannot overlook the fact that educational, political, social, and economic leadership model for global solution is a world challenge and that it can occur most effectively with the adoption of the community college model. They are transforming nations, developing creative responses to change, and giving hope to the hopeless. As demands for expanded education continue and the community college model becomes the model of choice, awaiting the reformers are issues of major proportion that can and will influence their current and future success. While explained throughout the book, they are repeated differently here for emphasis. First is to attract qualified staffing as the learners’ needs vary. Teachers must have skills in pedagogy and the ability to act as guide or coach and not be a talking head that requires rote memory from students. Second is to facilitate curriculum offerings and to have well-planned sites which communicate to the student a place where learning occurs and is available. This curriculum offers workforce preparation, student transfer, distance learning, and international education through defined partnerships. The third issue concerns financing which is a major problem for institutions of higher education no matter where they are located. This is particularly problematic in countries with funding models limited primarily to the government or tuition. Throughout this book, successful reform is linked to nongovernmental agencies, organizations, and strong aid programs that are responsive to the residues of globalization. Tied to the massification of higher education, their roles are clear. Finally, reform includes governance and operating systems that perpetuate and recognize teamwork, faculty and administration accountability, standards and program quality, transferability of programs, articulation with other universities, and relevant programs that can promise students meaningful employment and businesses with a trained workforce. Combined, such visionary leadership demonstrates vigilance, patience, and converges to challenge innovativeness and relevance. 618 E. Valeau

This book outlines a clear path for discussion and additional research. It gives the readers a theoretical view to observe the formation and the foundation of the community college, and in so doing, outlines reform in the context of global responses and threats to this model by the behavior of universities and other systems attempting to fold them into their structure. It examines the pillars of the community college related to curriculum development, design, and impact and finally provides a glimpse into new emerging models that will need further study as these models continue to evolve to respond to the needs of learners and communities worldwide. To assist further, we conclude with the following recommendations and considerations: 1. Increase the international discussion on presence of community college models by augmenting to existing professional societies and developing new ones that are devoted to successful practices. 2. Increase the opportunity for faculty, administrator, and trustee exchange between community college models. 3. Establish a student community college World Congress to hear from the students and their views on the community college. 4. Establish and/or support policies that value international experience as part of the preparation needed to teach in community college models. 5. Encourage and support more collaborative research between community college faculties nationally and internationally. 6. Support existing efforts by strengthening local nation associations, NGOs and their work in international education to understand, appreciate, and value the impact made by community college. This call for a new visionary leadership and policies that stress stronger relationships across all borders, curriculum that recognizes the critical role of culture, strategic planning, the role of the faculty and the community is timely and pragmatic. In an effort to better understand international reform efforts in the community college, an understanding of scholarly research, case studies, and best practices is needed. This book provides a discussion of the current concerns of the field of international education, strategies for effective and pragmatic policy, planning, and implementation of these reforms at the local, regional, and national levels, and issues that will be important for defining change in the future. In sum, the formation and foundation of the community college have changes, such that a new model that uniquely serves the learner and the community. This model is committed to sustain access and equal opportunity for all those who can profit from learning socially and economically and hence serves that best interests of nations. And a new model that uniquely serves the learner and the community, is committed to sustain access and equal opportunity for all those who can profit from learning socially and economically, and serves the best interest of the nations, has evolved. This volume is pertinent to those who take leadership not only to internationalize the community college, but to provide a framework to support the policy changes necessary to make international education an institutionalized and central component of all community colleges. What emerges is a blueprint for developing new programs and establishing leadership-training education as an institutionalized and central component of all community colleges. Author Index

A Begtrup, H., 283 Acs, Z., 485, 486 Belgarde, L., 263 Adams, F., 293 Bell, J., 482 Adamson, D., 457 Bell, L.A., 121 Addi-Roccah, A., 385 Bennett, R., 487, 493 Agar, M., 424 Benyi, T., 129 Aird, C.E., 322 Berger, P.L., 60 Akhmadeeva, L., 417–435 Berry, J.W., 423 Alfonso, M., 130 Berryman, S.E., 555 Allchin, A.M., 282, 283 Bertalanffy, L.V., 396 Allen, C.M., 380 Bethune, S., 401 Allen, W.B., 380 Birdthistle, N., 485, 486 Alleyne, M.H., 22 Blaug, M., 369 Altbach, P.G., 28, 259, 382, 606 Bledsoe, T., 293 Anderberg, M., 410 Boase, J., 502 Anderson. D.D., 402 Bode, P., 462 Anon, 361 Bogart, Q.J., 63 Antelava, N., 573 Borish, S.M., 283, 284 Archer, L., 29, 384 Bowl, M., 422 Arnold, R., 221 Boyte, H., 65, 66 Arnove, R.F., 197–200, 207 Brainard, J., 121 Ashwill, M.A., 201 Braudel, F., 606 Averianova, I.E., 13, 461 Brawer, F.B., 3, 17, 26, 280, 461 Ayalon, H., 383, 385 Bray, M., 204, 205 Azizova, N., 545–558 Breen, J., 384 Breier, M., 368 Bridger, S., 456 B Bringle, R., 503 Bailey, T.R., 13, 130, 461 Brinkerhoff, J., 502 Baker III, G.A., 63 Brint, S., 123, 130, 263, 609 Bakhtin, M., 422 Brissett, N., 315 Bakia, M., 609 Brookfield, S.D., 579 Banks, J.A., 462 Browne, A., 437 Barnes, T.L., 407, 410, 411 Bryant, D.W., 279 Barrow, D., 323 Bunce, V., 573 Barry, F., 484 Barton, P.E., 263, 268 Bawer, F.B., 8, 17 C Bazúa, F., 223 Caffrey, J., 22 Becher, T., 454 Carducci, R., 482, 503

619 620 Author Index

Carnoy, M., 24, 73, 263, 270 Diagne, A., 237 Carpenter, J., 268, 272 Ding, A., 130 Cejda, B.D., 295 Dmitriyev, G.D., 455, 456, 462 Cerych, L., 3 DoBell, D.C., 481–497 Chan, M.A., 324, 331 Dougherty, J., 384 Chen, A.S., 61, 519 Dougherty, K., 66, 609 Chen, T.M., 57 Doyle, C., 489 Cheng, K., 126 Dror, Y., 388 Chiang, M.H., 57 Drucker, P., 547 Chomsky, N., 243, 606 Duan, X., 123, 124, 128–130 Christie, P., 362, 364 Dudina, O.M., 472 Chuan, Q., 162 Dudley, J., 457 Cisse, A., 241–244 Duffey, D., 489 Clark, B.R., 29, 130, 420 Durt, M., 369 Clarke, L., 301 Dussel, I., 187 Clayton, T., 22 Cohen, A., 4, 8, 14, 27, 31, 295, 461 Cohen, A.M., 3, 8, 17, 26, 28, 55, 63, E 118, 120, 121, 126, 131, 166, Edwards, R., 57, 60, 437–451 280, 281 Efendiev, A.G., 472 Contardo, J.B., 45 Eisenstadt, S.N., 396 Cook, J., 360 Elmalia, A.A., 360 Coombs, P.H., 366, 367 El Mallah, A.A., 29 Courtney, S., 61 Elsner, P.A., ix, 15, 22, 24, 214 Cowan, C.A., 26 Epstein, I., 126 Cowan, L.G., 368 Erickson, H., 283 Cula, A., 353 Erisman, W., 45 Cummins, R.L., 408, 410 Eskow, S., 22, 23 Cunningham, J., 488 Evans, H., 193 Evelyn, J., 33 Ewell, P., 265, 268 D Ezechieli, E., 591, 597 Dabalen, A., 352 Daffe, G., 237 Dahlheimer, R., 259 F Dahrendorf, R., 582, 586 Fägerlind, I., 283, 295 Dalton, P., 449 Fain, E.F., 282, 283, 286 Dang, D., 205 Falcetta, F.M., 26 Daniels, J.L., 402, 410 Farnsworth, K.A., 214 DaVanzo, J., 457 Fenske, R., 273 Davenport, T.R.H., 362, 363 Ferdman, B., 423 David, B., 373 Fernández, E., 420, 429 Davidovitch, N., 373–397 Fields, R.R., 63 Davies, S., 197, 198, 385 Fitzsimons, P., 485 Dayton, B., 429 Flores-Crespo, P., 222–224 de Courtivron, I., 23 Floud, J., 381 De Garay, A., 228 Fonseca, F., 330 De Ibarrola, M., 221 Forster, F.M., 289 De Lange, J., 361 Fossum, P.R., 117 Dellow, D.A., 14, 31, 482 Foster, P.J., 28, 368 Delors, J., 230 Freeman, K., 453 De Moura, C., 220, 221, 231 Freire, P., 59, 121, 243 De Siqueira, A., 14, 22, 33 Friedman, T., 23, 605, 606 De Wet, N.C., 360, 366 Friedman, Y., 393 Dey, E.L., 384 Frost, R.A., 609 Author Index 621

Frumin, I.D., 471 Hardy, D.E., 295 Fuligni, A., 423 Hardy, M.S., 407, 410 Harmon, G., 406 Harper, W.A., 27 G Hart, J.K., 282 Gallacher, J., 32 Hartmann, R., 127 Gallart, M., 221 Hasley, A., 381 Gandhi, M., 589 Hatcher, J., 503 Garcia, G., 456 Hatton, M., 501–512 García, N., 220, 221, 231 Hawkins, J.N., 27, 360 Gayle, V., 25 Hayden, M., 205 Gerber, T.P., 464, 465 Hayes, M., 486, 488 Gerhart, G.M., 362 Haynes, J.D., 269 Gibbson, M., 60 Heater, D.B., 56 Gibson-Berninger, B., 12, 31 Heaviside, S., 268, 272 Giddens, A., 58, 305 Heiman, P., 393 Gijsberts, I., 454, 455 Heinze, M.C., 402, 410 Gilchrist, C., 309 Hernandez-Gantes, V., 483, 490 Gilliland, J.R., 280 Hershkowitz, S., 378, 379, 390 Gimmestad, M., 504 Heyneman, S.P., 33 Giroux, H., 59 Higgins, K., 24 Gleazer, E.J., 608 Higgs, L.G., 365 Gleazer, E.J. Jr., 63 Higgs, P.J., 369 Glen, J.M., 294 Hills, G., 489 Goedegebuure, L.C.J., 259, 273 Ho, C., 61 Gongcheng. Z., 520 Hoang, N.T., 210, 211 Googins, S., 503 Hoare, O., 323, 325, 329, 330, 333 Gordon, D., 393 Hobbs, J.R., 424 Gordon, M., 23 Hogan, R.R., 403, 410, 411, 413 Gorlova, I., 453–476 Hoksbergen, R., 502 Gorman, G., 481 Hollman, A.H., 282 Grafton, C.L., 403 Holzer, H.J., 200 Grant, D., 448 Hongyu, Z., 519 Greenberg, J.A., 279 Hooftman, J., 264 Griffin, K., 491 Horn, L., 42 Grubb, W.N., 248 Horovitz, T., 374 Gu, C., 51, 53 Horton, A.I., 293 Guess, A., 31 Houston, G., 292 Gueye, B., 244 Hout, M., 385 Guppy, N., 197, 198, 385 Hovland, K., 462 Guri-Rosenblit, S., 383, 390, 396 Howe, G., 300 Hu, N.B., 118, 127–129 Huang, C., 62 H Huang, F., 53 Ha, H.V., 211 Huang, W., 51–55 Habermas, J., 571 Huang, X., 126 Hadari, V., 374, 389 Hubble, S., 439 Haddon, M., 448 Humphrys, J.G., 27 Hagan, E., 483, 484, 487–490, Hunt, R.C., 128 493, 496 Hurtado, S., 384 Hall, K., 299 Hamon, M.M., 569 Hampshire, S., 448 I Hanson, G., 264, 267 Ilyin, M., 456 Hardiman, R., 120 Imamov, A.Z., 558 622 Author Index

Imamov, E.Z., 558 Kintzer, F.C., ix, 4, 15, 17, 23, 25, 27, 29, 32, Ingle, S.A., 481–497 279, 281, 402, 409 Iram, Y., 360, 373–397 Kisker, C., 503 Ishumi, A.G.M., 12, 28 Kitaev, I., 551 Israeli, A., 377, 379, 390, 392, 394 Kivinen, O., 259 Kneller, D., 23, 32 Knight, J., 197, 203 J Knott, D., 439 Jacab, J.W., 131 Knowles, J., 457 Jackson, B., 120 Knox, J., 446 Jackson, K., 502, 503 Kogan, M., 453, 454 Jacob, W., 351, 352 Kolesov, V., 472 Jacques, D., 579 Koltai, L., 15, 25, 26 Jansen, B., 366, 503 Kong, X., 124, 127, 129, 504 Jansen, J., 352 Korthagen, F., 422 Jansen, T., 57, 61 Kroc, R., 264, 265, 267, 268 Jashnik, S., 27 Kruger, E., 362, 363 Jha, J., 193 Kubly, B., 360 Johnson, A.G., 120 Kubow, P.K., 117 Johnson, D., 269 Kulich, J., 292 Johnson, R.W., 364 Kuratko, D., 481–483, 486, 488–490 Johnstone, B., 121 Kusch, J., 417–435 Jones, P.W., 25, 200 Kuznik, A.J.E., 402 Kwok, S.S.K., 166

K Kahn, R.L., 605 L Kajstura, A., 403, 410 Laden, B.V., 420 Kamp, M., 552 Lam, Q.T., 205 Kamyab, S., 561–568 Larson, D.C., 292 Kang, O., 122, 124 Lasch, C., 606 Karabel, J., 29, 123, 130, 272, 609 Lategan, L.O.K., 15, 25 Karen, D., 385 Lauglo, J., 11, 14, 22, 28, 29 Kari, N., 65, 66 Le, T.C., 201 Karimov, I., 547 Lederer, J., 269 Karis, T., 362 Lee, G., 403 Kasozi, A.B.K., 354 Lee, P., 61 Kast, F.E., 396 Lee, R., 403 Katahoire, A.R., 344, 345 Leeflang, O., 262 Katsinas, S.G., 295 Leist, J., 295 Katz, D., 605 Leitch, S., 440 Katz, J.A., 483, 487, 490, 495 Lerman, R.I., 200 Kaveh, M., 390 LeRoy, G., 283 Kaw, M.K., 81 Letseka, M., 368 Keim, M.C., 403, 410 Levin, H., 515–543 Kelleher, F., 193 Levin, J.S., ix, 6, 10, 11, 21, 24, 27, 30, 118, Keller, J., 273 198, 199, 457, 458, 460–462, 604, 610 Kelly, 367 Levine, D.U., 268, 269, 271 Kennedy, J.L., 263 Levine, J., 490 Khalid, A.K., 585 Levine, R.F., 268, 269, 271 Khilnani, S., 56 Levy, A., 457 Kim, D., 122–124 Lezhanina, E., 476 Kingdon, J.W., 455, 463, 469, 474 Li, M., 165, 515–543 Author Index 623

Lim, D., 24 Moeck, P.G., 295 Linda Yeuk-lin Lai Wong, 52, 519, 520 Moens, M.B., 253, 264 Lin-Liu, J., 24, 131 Mohrman, K., 125 Lisman, C.M., 56, 61 Mok, K.H., 198, 204, 205 Liu, Y., 457, 466, 470 Mooney, P., 128 Lively, K., 263 Moreland, R., 60 Livni, E., 472 Morest, V.S., 490 Lobba, Noreen, 311 Moriarty, J., 40 Lockley, S., 449 Morphew, C., 406 Lomax, P., 422 Morrill, J.A., 401 Lossky, N., 282 Morrison, T., 380 Lowe, J., 10, 11, 25, 29, 32 Mortensen, E., 283, 292 Lowndes, N., 503 Mortimore, T., 451 Luckmann, T., 60 Mosa, A.A., 28 Lund, H., 283 Moyana, T.T., 72 Luria, S.E., 381 Mphahlele, M.C.J., 364 Luria, Z., 381 Mpondi, D., 74 Luschei, T.F., 24 Muñoz Izquierdo, C., 220, 221, 223, 230 Musisi, N.B., 335, 336, 345, 352, 353 Muwanga, N.K., 345, 352 M Macfarlane, D., 360, 367 Madden, L., 29 N Maidment, F., 483, 490 Neave, G., 220, 221 Mansoor, I., 342, 356 Nevill, S., 42 Marginson, S., 197 Newman, F., 198 Margo, R.A., 123 Ngara, E., 76 Márquez, A., 225 Ngo, T.M., 199, 215 Marshall, J., 268, 272 Nguyen, K.D., 203 Martin, I., 57 Nieto, S., 462 Martinez, M., 420, 429 Nkabinde, Z.P., 364 Martínez Rizo, F., 223 Nkomo, M., 362, 364 Masharipova, Sh.M., 552 Noah, H.J., 453 Massinga, R.A., 24 Noffke, S., 433 Matlay, H., 489 Novick, M., 230 Maxey, J.E., 402 Novikov, A.M., 472 Mazeran, J., 220, 225, 226, 229 Nsiah-Gyabaah, K., 26, 29 McBreen, D.P., 123, 129 McCormick, A.C., 484 McGuire, K.B., 63 O McIntosh, P., 120 O’Banion, T., 11 McKenney, J.F., 25 Obour, S.A., 26 McLaren, P., 21, 23, 25 Ochs, K., 294 McMurtrie, B., 11, 12, 17, 29 O’Gorman, C., 488 McNair, S., 10 Oketch, M.O., 352 Meek, V.L., 259, 384 Okinyal, H.F., 336, 344, 352 Mellander, G.A., 17, 32 Oldham, C., 120 Mellander, N., 17, 32 Olfield, A., 56 Merry, U., 457 Oliver, D.E., 199–202, 204, 205, Miller, M.T., 295, 296 207, 208 Miller, R.I., 376, 396 Olssen, M., 198 Mitchell, G.N., 403 O’Neill, G., 576, 585 Mizrahi, Y., 380, 388 Onurkan, G., 417–435 Mminele, S.P.P., 364 Overland, M.A., 595 624 Author Index

P Rose, G.A., 403 Panitchpakdi, S., 164 Rosenfeld, S.A., 16 Parry, G., 438, 440–442 Rosenzweig, J.E., 396 Pascarella, E.T., 44 Ross, D., 262, 269, 410 Pasteur, K., 476 Ross, R.A., 403 Paulston, R., 283 Rozanova, J., 456 Pazi, A., 387 Rubinstein, A., 386, 390 Pema, E., 417–435 Rubio, J., 225 Peters, B., 301 Rugarcía, A., 227 Peters, M.A., 198 Ruiz, E., 221 Pham, M.H., 201 Rury, J.L., 122 Pheterson, G., 121 Russell, T., 422 Phillips, D., 294 Russo, C.J., 364 Pine, F., 456 Rust, V.D., 280 Pink, D., 604 Polischuk, L., 472 Popkewitz, T.S., 59 S Porter, J.D., 273 Sabar Ben-Yehoshua, N., 386, 393 Postiglione, G., 6, 10 Sachs, J., 608 Preskill, S., 579 Sack, R., 236, 238, 246 Prokhoroff, G., 548 Said, E., 418 Salas, 225 Salem, A., 578, 586 Q Sall, E., 352 Quigley, A., 51 Saunders, P., 61 Savarese, M., 40 Schmida, M., 387 R Schriewer, J., 60 Raby, R.L., ix, 3, 4, 14, 23, 28, 30, 33, 71, 72, Schroeder, K., 501–512 76, 77, 304, 359, 360, 437, 453, Schugurensky, D., 24, 197–199 457–459, 475 Schuyler, G., 42 Rademeyer, A., 367 Scott, R., 449 Raffe, D., 8 Selingo, J., 121 Raftery, A., 385 Selvarathuam, V., 14, 28 Ramsey, G., 224, 225 Senge, P.M., 605 Rarmos, M.B., 59 Shattock, M.L., 438 Ratcliff, J., 12, 31 Shavit, Y., 385 Reeves, M., 585 Sherman, N., 376, 396 Reich, R., 606, 607 Shichor, Y., 119 Renkiewicz, N.K., 403, 410, 413 Shishkin, S.V., 472 Rhoades, G., 197 Silva, M., 223, 225, 227, 229, 232 Rhoads, R.A., 429 Simpson, E., 448 Rice, G.H., 483 Sinha, A.C., 600 Rinne, R., 259 Sink, D., 502, 503 Rizvi, F., 605 Sinlarat, P., 139 Roberts, F.D., 323 Sinuany-Stern, Z., 379 Roberts, V., 303, 308, 315 Skelcher, C., 503 Robertson, R., 21 Slaughter, S., 606 Robinson, L., 407, 410, 411 Sloper, D., 201, 207 Robinson, P., 486, 488, 490 Smith, A.J., 489 Rochlin, S., 503 Smith, L., 24–26, 31, 203 Roginskiy, P., 461 Smolentseva, A., 466 Romano, R.M., 15, 17, 31, 33 Soen, D., 381 Römer, R., 260, 262 Solomon, G., 489, 496 Author Index 625

Spangler, M., 503 V Spoor, M., 545 Vaala, L.D., 407, 410, 411 Ssebuwufu, J.P.M., 345 Valeau, E., 30 St. George, E., 28, 206 Vandenabeele, J., 61 Starobin, S., 420 van Bemmel, 260 Steger, M.B., 606 Van der Linde, C.H., 32 Stein, S., 56, 57 Van Wyk, B., 369 Steiner-Khamsi, G., 23 Van Wyk, S., 360 Sternberger, L., 502, 503 Vasquez, G.H., 31 Stewart, J., 447 Vaughan, G.B., 13, 31 Stiglitz, J.E., 606 Vernon, G., 10, 11 Stivers, C., 424 Veugelers, W., 503 Stromquist, N.P., 198, 200, 606 Vilakazi, H.W., 369 Strömqvist, G., 283 Villa Lever, L., 222–224 Strömqvist, S., 283 Vos, A.J., 259 Strydom, A.H., 15, 17, 25, 27, 32, 359, 360 Suarez-Orozco, M., 423 Swirski, B., 396 W Swirski, S., 396 Wallerstein, I., 606 Wang, W., 281 Wangoola, P., 59 T Wardekker, W., 262 Tabata, J.G., 362 Watanachai, K., 136 Tal, H., 374 Waters, M., 457, 605, 606 Tammet, D., 448 Watson, K., 139 Tarrow, N., ix, 4, 23, 360, 457 Webster, P., 437 Terenzini, P.T., 44 Weick, K.E., 610 Thelin, J.R., 119 Welch, A.R., 364 Thomas, D., 33 Wells, R., 11 Thompson, C., 581, 586 Wildemeersch, D., 61 Tian, H., 129 Wilkie, D., 6 Tobolowsky, B., 409 Wilson, D.N., 10, 12, 401–413 Todaro, M.P., 367 Winslow, E., 488 Tonks, D., 31, 384 Wirak, A., 351, 355 Tormala-Nita, R., 255, 258, 260, 262 Witter, G., 236 Tran, H.P., 197, 201, 207, 214 Wolchik, S., 573 Tran, P.D., 207 Wolensky, A., 374 Trim, P., 502, 503 Wolf, L., 24 Trow, M., 380 Wolhuter, C.C., 359–370 Tsai, H., 55, 60 Wray, M., 449 Tummerman, D., 548 Wright, S.W., 55 Turner, B., 56 Wright, T., 52 Turner, D., 439 Wu, R., 129 Tursunova, Z., 545–558 Tuten, T., 502 Tuttle, C.C., 295, 296 X Xiaohua, C., 519 Xing Dan, 168 U Umana, C., 406 Ural, I., 31 Y Urban, D., 502 Yamano, T., 27, 360 Usher, N., 58, 60 Yang, R., 124, 126–129, 503 Usher, R., 57, 60 Yaoz, H., 384, 386 626 Author Index

Yogev, A., 382, 383 Zemsky, R., 263 Yumuk, A., 431 Zeszotarski, P., 457, 461 Yunus, M., 608 Zheng Gongcheng, 519, 520, 526 Ziayev, M.K., 546, 550, 554, 555 Z Zijlstra, H., 503 Zamani-Gallaher, E.M., 453–476 Zilberstein, M., 386, 393 Zeithaml, C.P., 483 Zion, N.L., 386, 387, 390 Zeleza, T.Z., 71, 74 Zuma, M.S., 359 Subject Index

A Associate degrees, 13, 15, 22, 33, 45, 47, 54, Academic drift, 293, 406 81, 142–145, 148, 149, 151, 160, Academic reforms, ix, 13, 14, 28, 187, 188, 164–167, 177, 178, 180, 188, 192, 248, 253, 257, 259, 267, 359, 365–367, 253–273, 304, 305, 315–317, 382, 384, 404, 462, 466, 487, 495, 501, 325–329, 331–333, 405, 459, 546–549, 551, 562, 570, 572–575, 483, 520, 523, 525, 532, 533, 539, 582–584, 615 563, 565, 567 Accreditation, ix, x, 12, 22, 28, 46, 80, 84, Associations 167, 177, 182, 186, 187, 199, 203, 204, American Association of Community 206, 209, 213, 247, 254, 269, 273, 305, Colleges (AACC), viii, 25, 45, 208, 307, 308, 347, 375, 378, 390, 394, 445, 209, 279, 310 458, 548 Association of Canada Community Administrative reforms, ix, 80, 86, 240, 245, Colleges (ACCC), 6, 16, 22, 100, 208, 336, 343, 344, 533, 558 209, 310, 311 Admission criteria, 12–14, 28, 53–55, 74, 99, Community College Baccalaureate 108, 129, 203, 210, 246, 256–258, 262, Association (CCBA), 11, 17, 310 265, 332, 338, 345, 348, 349, 385, 387, Community Colleges for International 392, 405, 446, 456, 459, 465–467, 469, Development (CCID), 24, 26 470, 563, 564, 567 Council of Community Colleges of Adult education/instruction, ix, x, 3, 5, 6, 8, Jamaica (CCCJ), 178, 310–312 11, 12, 17, 44, 45, 47, 51, 53, 59, 61, East-West Community College Consortium 63, 66, 85, 94, 105, 158, 161, 166–168, (EWCCC), 136, 137 177, 256, 258, 269, 272, 277, 279, First European Community College 281–283, 290, 325, 374, 459, 489, 531, Network, 7 535, 536, 540, 558, 565, 594 Indian Centre for Research and Aga Khan Project, ix, 31, 515, 569, 575–586 Development of Community Education Alternative system/pathways, ix, 3, 10, 12, 39, (ICRDCE), 24, 79, 82, 84, 87 40, 81, 84, 459, 481, 525 International Association of Colleges Anglophone Caribbean, 299–319 (IAC), 7 Articulation, 87, 160, 167, 175, 181–183, 186, Postsecondary International Network 187, 192, 211, 310, 311, 314–317, 324, (PIN), 7 402, 405, 406, 409, 410, 413, 492, 496, Vietnam Association of Community 504, 617 Colleges (VACC), 209, 210, 213, 215 Asian Development Bank (ADB), 100, 202, World Federation of Colleges and 502, 550, 572, 598 Polytechnics, viii, 8, 22 Assessment Autonomy, 54, 80, 86, 108, 109, 127, 138, for faculty and staff, 83, 392, 450 157, 185, 198, 199, 201, 204–206, 209, for students, 44, 83, 141, 200, 268, 350, 212, 214, 285, 287, 295, 323, 343, 376, 449, 450, 485, 571, 582 393, 430, 431, 502, 506

627 628 Subject Index

B Civil society, 49, 51–66, 74, 157, 365, 454, Bahamas, 155, 174–180, 185–192, 202, 571, 576, 585 Barbados, 155, 173–178, 180, 181, 184–193 College of further education, 5, 7, 10, 22, 351, Belize, xi, xii, 26, 277, 299, 308, 321–334 417, 439–441 Bhutan, 515, 589–600 College Universitaire Régional of Bambey Binary post-secondary educational system, (Senegal), 235–250 402, 406 College-University Dialogue, 373–397 Blended learning, 60, 525, 528 Collegiate (Academic) education, 46, 47, 80, Branch campus, 27, 356, 458 280, 281, 461 Community change, xi, 12, 610 C education, 1, 12, 31, 44–47, 55, 62, 63, Canada, xi, 5, 7, 8, 10, 11, 15, 16, 25, 33, 52, 79, 280–282, 295, 296, 569, 606, 76, 98, 100, 136, 159, 174, 177, 180, 610–612 188, 203, 208, 209, 220, 222, 277, 310, engagement, 14, 53, 515 401, 406, 408–410, 413, 453, 506–510, participation, 49, 63, 64, 66, 163, 185, 543, 593 341, 342, 352, 356, 531, 534–536, Canadian International Development Agency 539, 542, 617 (CIDA), 24, 31, 100, 200, 208 reforms, xi, 615, 616 Caribbean, x, xi, 11, 22, 24, 26, 29, 173, 175, Community college 177, 178, 180–187, 191, 192, 253, 255, development of, 1, 5–8, 21–33, 91–111, 264, 267, 269, 270, 299–309, 311, 118, 119, 122, 125–128, 131, 151, 152, 314–316, 318, 319, 321, 322, 326, 327, 157, 158, 161, 165, 197, 198, 204, 205, 331, 332 207, 213, 301, 304, 311 Caribbean Advance Proficiency Exam (CAPE), establishment of, 53, 92–94, 101, 102, 111, 13, 22, 176, 327–329, 332, 333 135–137, 142, 151, 204, 208, 213, 215, Caribbean British West Indies, 277, 299 301, 302, 322, 522 Caribbean Community Regulations reform of, 72–78, 82–88, 95–100, (CARICOM), 22, 177, 182, 187, 189, 117–131, 335–357, 365–369 299, 308, 327, 331–333 social opportunity of, 29, 31, 63, 65, Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC), 176, 71, 75, 80, 88, 107, 117–122, 182, 187, 310, 314, 327, 328 125–132, 135, 136, 145, 146, 155, Caribbean Knowledge and Leaning Network 167, 174–175, 207, 241, 256, 268, (CKLN), 312 270, 279, 281–283, 293, 302, 311, Central-Asia, 515, 547, 556, 569, 570, 312, 316, 324, 328, 344, 345, 384, 572–577, 582–586 385, 418, 419, 421, 428, 430, 432, Centralized government policy, x 455, 463, 472–476, 485, 488 Certificates Conflict resolution, 26, 585 Advanced Craft Technical Certificate Continuing education, 8, 16, 17, 63, 80, 97, (ACTC), 340 101–106, 109, 165–167, 211, 250, 260, Advanced Technical Certificate (ATC), 340 267, 302, 403, 412, 461, 517–525, 537, Basic Crafts Technical Certificate 538, 540, 542, 564, 565, 583 (BCTC), 339 Cooperation, 63, 93, 94, 97–101, 104, 105, Basic Technical Certificate (BTC), 339 109, 111, 119, 122, 135, 136, 140, 141, Caribbean Secondary Education Certificate 145, 161, 162, 164, 175, 180–182, 184, (CSEC), 176, 177, 179 186–187, 199, 203, 204, 208, 209, 213, Junior Technical Certificate (JTC), 340, 347 228, 240, 284, 349, 373–397, 409, 435, National Certification, ix, 27 503, 505, 510, 547, 558, 570, 572, 607, China, ix, x, 14, 27, 33, 49, 117–119, 609, 616 122–131, 157–168, 199, 204, 214, 238, Cost effectiveness, 74, 81, 354 249, 333, 435, 453, 462, 503–510, 515, Council for Mutual Economic Assistance 517–522, 525, 526, 528, 529, 532–536, (CEV) (Vietnam), 91 538, 539, 543, 556, 569, 589, 608, 616 Credentials, ix, 6, 24, 30, 42, 53, 64, 155, 163, Chinese higher education development, 183, 225, 340, 346, 349, 405, 407–409, 122, 123, 125 412, 586 Subject Index 629

Critical thinking, 76, 290, 431, 569, 570, 572, reforms, x, 15, 28, 30, 73, 77, 95, 117, 118, 573, 576, 577, 581, 585 125, 126, 130, 158 Culture, 13, 21, 22, 28, 32, 59, 62, 65, 66, 75, training for job market, 220, 243–247 107, 109, 119, 120, 122, 131, 151, 157, Education 174, 198, 199, 211, 213, 214, 259, 272, equal access, 378, 383, 471 286–288, 292, 293, 299, 330, 342, 355, inability to meet needs of job market, 364, 365, 380, 381, 418 237, 239, 244, 245, 247 Curacao, x, xi, 29, 155, 253–273 opportunities, ix, x, 15, 25, 29, 30, 32, 66, Curriculum 165, 265, 337, 363, 364, 385, 447, 453, flexibility, ix, 3, 12, 28, 81, 106, 107, 129, 521, 566, 593, 596 163, 304, 308, 344, 345, 438, 443, 444, policy, 97, 102, 107, 136, 137, 182, 199, 504, 506, 546, 567, 573, 574, 617 222, 247, 257–260, 262–265, 323–326, formation, 143–150, 152, 286, 618 331, 332, 352, 364, 366, 369, 374, 379, interdisciplinary curriculum, x, 386–388, 384, 465, 467, 469, 470, 483, 547, 563, 489, 515, 569–586, 615 564, 567 short term curriculum, ix, 3, 10, 31, 99, policy in Mexico, 219–232 105, 135, 142–152, 177, 266, 284, 285, quality, 26, 49, 53, 73, 95, 105, 306, 322, 344, 349, 417, 418, 420, 109, 126, 130, 135, 137, 139, 422–430, 434, 435 143, 151, 167 reform, xii, 13, 15, 23, 51, 53, 75, 95–98, 117, 119, 126, 130, 137, 138, 155, 159, D 164, 205, 239, 248, 253, 277, 359, Democracy, 3, 26, 49, 51, 52, 56, 59, 66, 117, 365–367, 404, 462, 546, 569, 572–573, 119, 155, 157, 167, 283, 284, 287, 295, 582, 583, 616 321, 364, 391, 474, 536, 585, 589, 590, technology, vii, 6, 9, 12, 13, 21, 27, 29, 31, 595, 600 41, 60, 65, 73, 85, 92, 93 Demographics, 10, 40, 124, 174, 184, 185, Elgin Community College (ECC), 189, 290, 360–362, 366, 375, 377, 392, 491–493 444, 455–457, 462, 469, 471, 475, 517, Empowerment, 12, 24, 26, 71, 81–82, 384, 519–521, 550, 599, 600 581 Denmark, 277, 279–296 England, 159, 316, 357, 379, 440 Desegregation, 364–366, 369 English-speaking Caribbean, 173, 174 Diploma Entrance exams, 52, 107, 128, 427, 428, Advanced Diploma (AD), 340 562–564, 566, 567 International Business Diploma, 502, Entrepreneurial education, ix, 482–497 506, 507 Entrepreneurship education, 352, 482–485, Diversification, 101, 122, 175, 186, 197, 487, 489, 493–496 199–204, 330, 373, 374, 457, 470, 473, Equity, 15, 25, 26, 30–32, 74, 129, 130, 186, 539, 555 193, 269, 364, 369, 456, 463 Developmental Education, vii, 17, 23, 29, 43, European Polytechnic, 5 44, 47, 75, 94, 96, 97, 103, 126, 138, Experiential learning, ix, 61, 62, 485, 486, 139, 143, 205, 219, 222, 238, 263, 304 489, 494, 496, 585 Dutch Caribbean higher education, 253, 255 Exportation of services, x, 615 Dutch utilitarian education, 253, 267 Dyslexia, 439, 445, 447–450 F Finance reforms, 73, 466, E Folk high schools, 5, 277, 279–296 Economics Funding, 11, 27, 30, 33, 41, 45–48, 73, 74, integration, 74, 91, 106, 109, 199, 213, 77, 78, 84, 87, 88, 125–127, 131, 137, 228, 229, 247, 268, 300, 636 180, 185–187, 198, 200–202, 204, island economy, 263, 266, 269–271, 299, 206–210, 214, 236–238, 240, 248, 300, 316, 321 250, 268 market economy, 91, 95, 126, 158–162, Further education colleges, viii, 10, 22, 164, 167, 198, 352, 362, 454, 466 439, 440 630 Subject Index

Future, 13, 15, 26, 28, 30, 33, 75, 81, 84, 88, Information technology, 60, 65, 104–105, 173, 103, 105, 109, 117, 118, 122, 127–130, 203, 270, 352, 583 145, 149, 152, 192, 203, 204, 211–215, Institutes 225, 228, 236, 241–249, 253, 262, 265, Bahamas Technical Vocational 266, 268–273, 284, 290 Institute, 179 Dundalk Institute of Technology, 465, 489, 491 G France’s Instituts Universitaires de Gender, 10, 57, 59, 285, 355, 411, 422, Technologie (IUT), 12, 221–222 455–456, 464–465, 519, 548–549, 552, Institute of Technology, 6, 22, 27, 29, 178, 557, 565 190, 203, 404 German Technical Cooperation (GTZ), 547 Institutional reform, x, 83, 546, 616 Global, 13–14, 16, 21, 23–30, 32, 53, 58, International development, vii, x–xi, xxi, xxiv, 65–66, 71, 74–76, 78, 117, 119, 127, 15, 22, 24, 26, 31, 241 155, 157, 164–165, 167, 173, 179, Internationalization, 197, 199–200, 207, 197–201, 204, 206–207, 209, 213–214, 209, 211, 295, 453–456, 458, 235–238, 254, 259–260, 269, 271, 290, 460–461, 463, 503 299–300, 303 International partnerships, x, 207, Global education, xx, 78, 461–462, 604 503–504, 510 Globalization, 1, 13, 21–32, 57, 60, 65–66, International Standard Classification of 71–88, 91, 97, 118–119, 125, 137, 144, Education (ISCED), 6, 219, 256, 266 165–166, 197–215, 245 International students, 199, 287, 422–426, Global market, x, 24, 155, 201, 254, 333, 423, 459–460, 462, 470, 475, 509 472–473, 475 Ireland, 10, 13, 25, 27, 481–497 Governance Islamic Republic of Iran, 561–568 model, 87, 257, 265 Israel, xi, 6, 10, 277, 373–377, 379–381 reform, ix Grassroots Reform, x, 53 Guyana, 155, 173–193, 299 J Jamaica, 155, 173–193, 299, 301–302, 308–310, 313–314, 317, 322 H Japanese International Development Agency Higher education (JICA), 350 education reforms, vii, 72, 102, 137, 139, Junior colleges, 6, 8, 13, 99, 123, 164, 166, 155, 205, 216, 359, 365–367, 501 206, 277, 294, 321–334, 515 institutions, vii, 6, 71–72, 74, 76, 78–79, 93–94, 96, 98, 101–102, 109, 111, 131, 135–139, 152, 159, 163, 176, 182, 198, K 239–240, 258, 262, 266, 323, 325–326, The Kenan Institute of Asia, 137 335, 337, 355, 359–360, 363, 366–368, Knowledge-based Society, 515, 545–558 370, 374, 379, 387, 395–396, 417, 421, 438, 440, 455–456, 465, 501, 503, 505 Homogenization, 21–22, 453–456, 458–459 L Hong Kong, xxi–xxii, 11, 13, 155, 157–158, Labor force, 94, 97, 99, 100, 103, 112, 182, 160, 164–167, 204, 518, 520, 604 189, 202, 213, 301, 312, 522, 557 Humanitarian rationale, 1, 24, 25 Lateral transfer, 403 Human Resource Development, x, 145, 155, Leadership development, ix 173–175, 212, 335, 351, 355, 616 Learning center, 22, 143, 162, 292, 518, 527–529, 531, 534–536, 543 Learning organization, 59, 489 I Liberal arts, 16, 39, 42, 46, 54, 72, 257, 386, India, 6, 10, 12, 14, 23–25, 27, 30, 49, 79–90, 387, 401, 493, 515, 563, 569–571, 574, 203, 589, 592–593, 596, 608, 616 577, 580, 581, 583, 584, 595 Industry collaboration, 79, 81, 179 Liberation theory, 28, 72, 81, 518, 552 Subject Index 631

Lifelong education, xxiv, 23, 135, 136, Ontario Colleges of Applied Arts and 280, 413 Technology (CAAT), 401, 402, Localization 404–408, 411 local engagement, xi Open Access, 13, 26, 32, 39, 72, 219, 220, need of local people, 119, 140, 142, 143, 231, 322, 324, 456, 459, 467, 469, 470, 145, 146, 148, 151, 596 474, 476, 481, 484, 575 Low status, xi, 11, 29, 30, 263

P M Participatory development, 135, 136 Mainland China, 117, 157, 158, 160, 162–163, Pedagogy 167, 204 student-centered, 23, 31 Management, 10, 27, 42, 47, 54, 58, 84, 86, teacher-centered, 242 87, 92, 93, 95, 97, 101, 104, 553–554 Philosophical reforms, x Mexico, 6, 14, 22, 25, 26, 125, 155, 219–232, Planning, ix, xxii, 15, 28, 41, 84, 97, 100, 321, 325, 604, 607, 616 121, 127, 128, 145, 158, 163, 165, Middle level skills education, 81 179, 181, 183, 184, 187, 202, 203, Migrant worker, 515, 517–542 213, 247, 268, 311, 323, 350, 377–379, Millennium Development Goals, 190, 355 401, 402, 412, 413, 420, 421, 433, 494, Ministry of Education and Training 529, 565, 574, 590, 595, 608, 609, 611, (MOET-Vietnam), 105, 107, 108, 615, 616, 618 116, 199, 202 Policy issues, 455, 463 Minority education, 14, 25, 72, 75, 88, 123, Political transformation, 545, 617 124, 210, 221, 242, 285, 373, 403, 421, Politics, 72, 91, 285, 331, 455, 466, 472, 431, 434, 437, 471, 487 475, 580 Mission, ix, 8, 12–14, 16, 21, 23–26, 28–30, Polytechnics, viii, 8, 10, 22, 75, 80, 86, 165, 53–58, 62, 76, 81, 87, 93, 104 340–342, 352, 406, 437, 486, 593 Mission drift, 406 Poor/poverty, 28, 57, 76, 81, 85, 125, 130, Multiculturalism, 290, 369, 453–456, 458, 142, 146, 236, 294, 344, 352, 355, 503, 462–463 556, 572 Post-colonial higher education, 71, 259, 262, 366 N Post-compulsory, 8, 39, 48, 281, 438, Neoliberalism, 24, 197–200, 204, 206, 458, 539 213–214 Post-secondary Non-formal education, 97 education, 26, 309, 312, 319, 475, 546, Non-Governmental Organization (NGO), x, 549–551 xix, 6, 53, 54, 64, 242, 245, 246, 250, non-tertiary education, 6, 253, 256–257, 289, 336, 343, 345, 351–352, 365, 542, 262, 263, 265, 266, 269, 270, 272, 273 555, 573, 574, 609, 618 training, 99, 546 Non-tertiary, 6, 253–260, 262, 263, 265, 266, Private community college, 343, 354 269–270, 272, 273 Non-traditional students, 71–72, 239, 530 Nonuniversities, 192, 200, 337, 373, 374, R 378–379 Reforms, ix, x, xi, 8, 13, 23, 52, 59, 71, 73, 75, North American Free Trade Agreement 102, 109, 125–127, 139, 158, 160, 164, (NAFTA), 604 199, 204, 205, 338, 347, 359, 365–367, Norway, 4, 6, 7, 9, 25, 279–284, 286–290, 405, 515, 546, 547, 551, 572, 573, 582, 295, 484, 486 584, 590, 604, 615, 618 Regional university center, 30, 155, 235 Reverse-transfer, 401–403, 406–413 O Rural education, 555 OECD, 6, 7, 164, 191, 380 Russia, 4, 5, 9, 453–456, 458–467, Ontario, Canada, 401–413 471–476, 556 632 Subject Index

S Technical and vocational education and Scandinavia, 277, 279–284, 292–296 training (TVET), xxvii, xxviii, 178, Self-esteem, 86 181–183, 185, 187, 547 Senegal, 9, 22, 30, 155, 235–249 Transferability, 30, 160, 405, 476, 537, 617 Shanghai, 14, 118, 125, 155, 161, 164, 504, 515, Trinidad & Tobago, 155, 173–182, 185–189, 517, 519–522, 524, 529, 533, 534, 536 191–192, 299, 302 Short cycle education, 561, 563, 568 Two-year associate degree programs, 135, Short program of higher education, 220–224, 142–145, 405 226, 230, 231 Two-year college, 3, 483 Short term education, 461 Types of academic institutions, 392, 397 Social action, ix Social engagement, 49, 55–56, 61–62, 612 Social justice, 49, 74, 117–125, 128–130, U 384, 462 Uganda, 277, 335–356, 368 Social mobility, 12, 14, 15, 23, 25, 26, 28, 30, Under-funding, 11, 29, 336 31, 49, 71, 121, 126, 128, 381, 383, Underprivileged, 32, 79, 382–383, 385, 390, 418, 617 393, 474 Soft skills development, 82, 88 Unitary, 10, 366 South Africa, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 22, 25, 74, 78, United Kingdom, 177, 192, 310, 311, 316, 125, 277, 359–367, 453, 607 437–441, 443, 445–489, 593 Specific learning difficulties, 445–448 United Nations Education and Scientific Strengthening institutional capacity, 182–184 Organization (UNESCO), xxvii, 95, Students 189, 203, 219, 256, 266, 301, 333, 355, profiles, 10, 80, 89, 224, 390, 615 380, 454, 465, 547, 551, 595 selection process, 148 United States, vii, 5–8, 14, 22, 24, 31, 39, 49, services, 42, 141, 179, 272, 311, 470, 563, 52, 54, 72, 76, 91, 117–119, 121–125 565–566 United States Agency for International Aid Sub-Saharan Africa, 352, 360, 368–370 (USAID), xxvii, 25, 137, 200, 240, Sweden, 279–285, 287, 289, 290, 295 248, 359, 365 United States Agency for International Development/The Association T Liaison Taiwan, x, xii, 6, 27, 49, 51–56, 58–66, 100, Office for University Cooperation in 164, 204 Development (USAID/ALO), xxvii, Tajikistan, ix, 31, 462, 515, 569, 570, 24, 31, 208 572–574, 576, 582–583 Universities, ix, 3, 10, 11, 14, 24, 27–30, 39, Teaching force appointment, 141, 148 41, 42, 46–48, 52, 55 Technical and further education (TAFE), University college, xviii, 7, 9, 10, 13, 29, vi, xxviii, 10, 99, 162, 406 81, 88, 178, 188, 208, 239, 241, 245, Technical-vocational education, xxvii–xxviii, 247, 277, 281, 282, 295, 302, 307, 181, 336, 341, 351, 362, 484, 525, 547, 322, 336, 456 563–564 University College of the West Indies (UCWI), Technikon, 359, 363, 366–367 xxvii, 302, 322–324 Technological universities, 24, 219–220, 222–231 University Council of Jamaica, xxvii, Thailand, x, 6, 7, 22–23, 26–27, 31, 49, 98, 308, 309 135–139, 141–142, 152, 209, University Entrance Exam, 159, 161, 403, 592–593, 596 427–428, 562–563, 566 Theoretical constructs, 1 University of West Indies, xxvii, 177, 322 Training Urban, 29, 32, 79, 88, 118, 123, 126–127, 131, Business, Technical and Vocational 135, 136, 157, 159–163, 167, 236, 246, Education and Training (BTVET), 279, 285, 295, 314, 362, 363, 375, 471, xxvii, 336–338, 340–344, 350, 472, 484, 502, 518–520, 549, 556, 564, 355–356 604, 608 faculty and staff, 32, 82, 83, 87, 141, 330 Uzbekistan, x, 10, 26, 462, 515, 545–558, 574 Subject Index 633

V Vocational training, 1, 16, 22, 25, 28–29, Vertical student mobility, 81 71–72, 92, 99, 104, 106, 107, 109, 162, Vietnam, x–xii, 7, 10, 13, 22, 29, 49, 181, 185, 221, 222, 224, 230–231, 239, 91–103, 105–109, 115–116, 338, 340, 353, 374, 454–546, 563, 593, 155, 197–209 595, 617 Vision, 25, 51, 54, 56, 59, 61, 81, 122, Volkhochschulen, 5 123, 143, 176, 225, 239, 240, 263, 265, 267, 270, 283, 366, 454, 583, 590, 608, 612 W Vocational, ix–x, 1, 3, 6, 8, 10–15, 22, 25, Widening participation, 437–438, 450 28–29, 43, 47 Wisconsin, 98, 121, 292–293 Vocational education, xxvii, 42, 48, 80, Working adults, 166, 211, 562 85, 97–98, 103, 118, 144, 151–152, World Bank, 6, 22, 31, 52, 73, 162, 191, 197, 165, 167, 181, 257–258, 261–262, 198, 200, 551, 555, 572, 592, 595, 598 266, 268, 270–271, 336, 341, 351, World Trade Organization (WTO), xxviii, 96, 362, 368, 375, 454, 484, 519, 520, 164, 198, 203, 206, 212 524–525, 532, 545–547, 549, Workforce preparation, 8, 14, 42, 72, 617 551–552, 555–557, 563–564, 582 Workforce training, vii, 1, 31, 208 Vocationally inclined students, 259, 262 Vocational school fallacy, 15 Vocational technical institute, xxviii, 340, Z 346, 349 Zimbabwe, xi, 14, 29, 49, 71–78, 368–369