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The Past, Present, and Future of Social Inequality

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The Past, Present, and Future of Social Inequality DAVID B. GRUSKY The Past, Present, and Future of Social Inequality In advanced industrial societies, much rhe- migrating workers, yet the positions them- toric and social policy have been directed selves and the reward packages attached to against economic and social inequality, yet de- them typically change only gradually. As spite such efforts the brute facts of poverty Schumpeter (1953, 171) puts it, the occupa- and massive inequality are still everywhere tional structure can be seen as "a hotel . with us. The human condition has so far been which is always occupied, but always by dif- a fundamentally unequal one; indeed, all ferent persons." known societies have been characterized by The contents of these reward packages inequalities of some kind, with the most privi- may well differ across modern societies, but leged individuals or families enjoying a dis- the range of variability appears not to be proportionate share of power, prestige, and great. We have listed in Table 1 the various other valued resources. The task of contem- goods and assets that have been socially val- porary stratification research is to describe the ued in past or present societies (for related contours and distribution of inequality and to listings, see Kerbo 2000, 43-44; Rothman explain its persistence despite modern egali- 1999, 2-4; Gilbert 1998, 11-14; Duncan tarian or anti-stratification values. 1968, 686-90; Runciman 1968; Svalastoga The term stratification system refers to the 1965,70).2 In constructing this table, we have complex of social institutions that generate followed the usual objective of including all observed inequalities of this sort. The key those goods that are valuable in their own components of such systems are (1)the insti- right (i.e., consumption goods) while exclud- tutional processes that define certain types of ing any "second-order goods" (i.e., invest- goods as valuable and desirable, (2)the rules ments) that are deemed valuable only insofar of allocation that distribute these goods as they provide access to other intrinsically across various positions or occupations in the desirable goods. The resulting list nonetheless division of labor (e.g., doctor, farmer, "house- includes resources and assets that serve some wife"), and (3) the mobility mechanisms that investment functions. For example, most link individuals to occupations and thereby economists regard schooling as an investment generate unequal control over valued re- that generates future streams of income (see sources. It follows that inequality is produced Becker 1975), and some sociologists likewise by two types of matching processes: The so- regard cultural resources (e.g., Bourdieu cial roles in society are first matched to "re- 1977) or social networks (e.g., Coleman ward packages" of unequal value, and indi- 1990) as forms of capital that can be parlayed vidual members of society are then allocated into educational credentials and other goods.3 to the positions so defined and rewarded.' In Although most of the assets listed in Table 1 all societies, there is a constant flux of occu- are clearly convertible in this fashion, they are pational incumbents as newcomers enter the not necessarily regarded as investments by the labor force and replace dying, retiring, or out- individuals involved. In fact, many valuable TABLE 1 Types of Assets, Resources, and Valued Goods Underlying Stratification Systems Asset Group Selected Examples Relevant Scholars 1. Economic Ownership of land, farms, factories, professional practices, Karl Marx; Erik Wright businesses, liquid assets, humans (i.e., slaves), labor power (e.g., serfs) 2. Political Household authority (e.g., head of household); workplace Max Weber; Ralf Dahrendorf authority (e.g., manager); party and societal authority (e.g., legislator); charismatic leader 3. Cultural High-status consumption practices; "good manners"; privileged Pierre Bourdieu; Paul DiMaggio lifestyle 4. Social Access to high-status social networks, social ties, associations W. Lloyd Warner; James Coleman and clubs, union memberships 5. Honorific Prestige; "good reputationn; fame; deference and derogation; Edward Shils; Donald Treiman ethnic and religious purity 6. Civil Rights of property, contract, franchise, and membership in T. H. Marshall; Rogers Brubaker elective assemblies; freedom of association and speech 7. Human Skills; expertise; on-the-job training; experience; formal Kaare Svalastoga; Gary Becker education; knowledge assets can be secured at birth or through scholars therefore refer to the "effects" of childhood socialization (e.g., the "good man- class location on the assets that their incum- ners" of the aristocracy), and they are there- bents control (see the following section for fore acquired without the beneficiaries explic- details). itly weighing the costs of acquisition against The goal of stratification research has thus the benefits of future returns.4 been reduced to describing the structure of The implicit claim underlying Table 1 is these social classes and specifying the pro- that the listed assets exhaust all possible con- cesses by which they are generated and main- sumption goods and, as such, constitute the tained. The following types of questions are raw materials of stratification systems. Given central to the field: the complexity of modern reward systems, one might expect stratification scholars to Forms and sources of stratification: adopt a multidimensional approach, with the What are the major forms of inequality objective being to describe and explain the in human history? Can the ubiquity of multivariate distribution of goods. Although inequality be attributed to individual some scholars have indeed advocated a multi- differences in talent or ability? Is some dimensional approach of this sort (e.g., Hal- form of inequality an inevitable feature aby and Weakliem 1993; Landecker 198l), of human life? most have instead opted to characterize strati- The structure of contemporary stratifi- fication systems in terms of discrete classes or cation: What are the principal "fault strata whose members are endowed with sim- lines" or social cleavages that define the ilar levels or types of assets. In the most ex- contemporary class structure? Have treme versions of this approach, the resulting these cleavages strengthened or weak- classes are assumed to be real entities that ened with the transition to modernity pre-exist the distribution of assets, and many and postmodernity? Generating stratification: How fre- rights) but also economic assets in the form of quently do individuals move into new land, property, and the means of production. classes, occupations, or income groups? In its most radical form, this economic egali- Is there a permanent "underclass?" To tarianism led to Marxist interpretations of what extent are occupational outcomes human history, and it ultimately provided the determined by such forces as intelli- intellectual underpinnings for socialist stratifi- gence, effort, schooling, aspirations, so- cation systems. Although much of stratifica- cial contacts, and individual luck? tion theory has been formulated in reaction The consequences of stratification: How and opposition to these early forms of Marx- are the lifestyles, attitudes, and behav- ist scholarship,s the field nonetheless shares iors of individuals shaped by their class with Marxism a distinctively modern (i.e., locations? Are there identifiable "class Enlightenment) orientation based on the cultures" in past and present societies? premise that individuals are "ultimately Ascriptive processes: What types of so- morally equal" (see Meyer 2001; see also cial processes and state policies serve to Tawney 1931). This premise implies that is- maintain or alter racial, ethnic, and sex sues of inequality are critical in evaluating the discrimination in labor markets? Have legitimacy of stratification systems. these forms of discrimination weakened The purpose of the present volume is to ac- or strengthened with the transition to quaint readers with some of these modern modernity and postmodernity? theories and analyses. As has frequently been The future of stratification: Will stratifi- noted (e.g., Grusky and Takata 1992), the cation systems take on completely new field of stratification covers an exceedingly di- and distinctive forms in the future? verse terrain, and we shall therefore delimit How unequal will these systems be? Is our review by first defining some core stratifi- the concept of social class still useful in cation concepts and then focusing on the six describing postmodern forms of stratifi- classes of empirical questions previously iden- cation? Are stratification systems gradu- tified. The readings presented after this intro- ally shedding their distinctive features ductory essay are likewise organized around and converging toward some common the same set of empirical questions. (i.e., "postmodern") regime? < The foregoing questions all adopt a critical Basic Concepts and orientation to human stratification systems Simpiifyino Strate~ies that is distinctively modern in its underpin- nings. For the greater part of human history, The stratification literature has developed its the existing stratification order was regarded own vocabulary to describe the distribution as an immutable feature of society, and the of assets, goods, and resources listed in Table implicit objective of commentators was to ex- 1. The key concepts of this literature can be plain or justify this order in terms of religious defined as follows:
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