Transforming Communities, Recreating Selves: Interconnected Diasporas, Performance, and the Shaping of Liberian Immigrant Identity Yolanda Covington-Ward

Africa Today, Volume 60, Number 1, Fall 2013, pp. 28-53 (Article)

Published by Indiana University Press

For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/at/summary/v060/60.1.covington-ward.html

Access provided by University of Pittsburgh (20 Oct 2013 23:16 GMT) What is most important is not the “true” origins of the grand march, but the meaning that Liberians col- lectively give to its practice and import in their every- day lives—which explains how a European dance came to define an African immigrant identity. Transforming Communities, Recreating Selves: Interconnected Diasporas, Performance, and the Shaping of Liberian Immigrant Identity Yolanda Covington-Ward

This paper examines the role of European ballroom dances such as the grand march in the shaping of group identity, both in Liberia and for Liberians in the United States. I use participant-observation, interviews, and historical docu- mentation to trace transformations in the grand march from the performance of an exclusive, educated Americo-Liberian elite in the nineteenth century to a more inclusive practice, open to Liberians of all backgrounds who immigrated to the United States in the twentieth century. In both cases of these interconnected diasporas, collective performance is used reflexively, to perform group identity for others, and transformatively, to redefine the group itself. This study sug- gests the need for further attention to performance in studies of ethnic group identity formation.

Writing in October 1849 to her former master, John McDonogh, in New Orleans, Henrietta Fuller McDonogh’s letter from St. Paul’s River in the West African country of Liberia captured the new possibilities for formerly enslaved African Americans to remake themselves: “Liberia is the home for our race. . . . Industry & perseverance is only required to make a man happy & wealthy in this our Adopted country. . . . Here we enjoy the same rights & privileges that our white brethren does in America. It is our only home” (Wiley 1979:153). She was one of more than 17,000 African Americans who had settled in Liberia with the assistance of the American Colonization Soci- ety, state colonization societies, other organizations, and their own funding and initiative between 1820 and 1904.1 More than one hundred fifty years later, ZayZay Mulbah shared his story with a reporter from the New York Times. An immigrant from Liberia who was blinded in an attack during a notorious and deadly civil war, he had immigrated to New York City with the help of relatives and was taking - - - My interest in the grand march dates back to 1999, when I was first I when to 1999, dates back march the grand My interest in This study uses the case of interconnected diasporas—where Liberia diasporas—where of interconnected case the uses study This twentieth-centuryCommunity American the from data uses It Liberia. for Immigration Statistics Surveyand the Yearbook of the US Census Bureau the United States. to describe the Liberian community in exposed to it at an event in the Liberian immigrant community in Provi leging performance on how perspective a different manner provides this in new contexts. The analysis presented immigrant group identities change in the role of performancehere argues for increased attention to in the process of creating, transforming, of group identity. shifting multiple definitions and Methods ballroom dance that was brought to The grand march is an elegant couple the nineteenth centuryduring States United the from blacks by free Liberia brought across the Atlantic back (Szwed and Marks 1988:31) and was then stud- Other twentieth. the in immigrants Liberian by States United the to if at all, but this is the first exten grand march in passing, ies mention the sive research study of this performance as it relates to Liberian identity. on participant-observation, drawing It is primarily an ethnographic study, performance individual interviews, analysis, and focus groups, along with written sources from nineteenth- and newspaper records, photos, and other dence, Rhode Island. I watched with interest as people lined up in couples, arm in arm, of the dance floor and then marched in time down the center song. The women peeled off to one side African to an upbeat popular West and then they met again in the middle of the floor. and the men to another, Following the instructions being called out by an older gentleman at the front of the line, the couples at the front of the line raised their interlocked hands into a type of bridge, and the couples behind them passed under, group identity in two different ways on either side of the Atlantic. Though different ways on either side of the group identity in two dances, I specifically focus on transformationsI examine several in the march. Privi and uses of the event known as the grand multiple meanings century. migration streams are connected through multiple and the United States of performance two centuries—to explore the role over the course of in formation.identity group immigrant of processes particularhow analyze I define to Africans by used be to continue and were dances ballroom European Atlantic the direction of migration flow that has existed since the nineteenth of migration flow that has existed Atlantic the direction English and keyboarding classes. He had high expectations for his future, as his future, for expectations He had high classes. and keyboarding English I feel . . . to overcome me. allow my problems he said, “I can’t shown when one of an estimated 2003). He is just be somebody” (Bovino I’ll that one day, Liberian-born71,956 (US as of 2010 States United the in living immigrants in to the United States have immigrated 2012). Liberians Bureau Census Park, such as Brooklyn 1970s, living in places numbers since the increasing back across the Pennsylvania, and reversing Minnesota, and Philadelphia,

africa TODAY 60(1) 30 TRANSFORMING COMMUNITIES, RECREATING SELVES africa TODAY 60(1) 31 Yolanda Covington-Ward - - - That is why I chose to focus on the grand march here. 3 fundraisers, and ethnic group and county association events. At and ethnic group and county association events. fundraisers, 2 The first part of this paper explores the place of cultural forms in I began to study the grand march formally in a small, exploratory eth these events, I have often spoken with people informallypeople with spoken often have I events, these grand the about interviewsindividual conducted 2011, I 2009 and Between march. with participants in Michigan, Oklahoma, and Rhode Island, and a focus-group diaspora and migration literature; it then introduces performance as an Figure 1. Photo of the arbor (bridge) as part of the grand march at a wedding in NorthRhode Island, in August 2011. Providence, permission.Photographer: Anthony Abu. Used with munities, but the grand march is the one that seems to be presented in many different communities and among different ethnicities as a shared symbol of Liberian identity. interview in Pennsylvania. Other dances are performed within Liberian com was performed, weddings, independence-day celebrations, queen including contests, have been a participant-observerhave march grand the where events at numerous and around onto itself until its front emerged from the middle of a long spiraland around onto itself until its front emerged was march grand the when and followed, steps other A number of people. of dance party the officially began. I was completely intrigued with this over, performance! helping create the bridge when they emerged on the other side (Figure 1). other side on the when they emerged create the bridge helping When everyone the leader stepped behind his female had passed through, and the other men followed suit, creating a line that curvedpartner, around community in the Detroit metropoli nographic project within the Liberian tan area in 2009. Over the last fourteen years, because of my marriage to a Liberian immigrant communities, I Liberian and incorporation into several - - - a more useful term diaspora transnational, for instance (Johnson 2007:9). A more useful, general definition that captures all these aforementioned A more useful, general definition that captures all these aforementioned ideas defines people who are diasporic as those who “have settled, or been to a homeland, real or imagined, are what make in this case than terms such as resettled, outside the place they once considered home; balance a connection to an adoptive state with a connection to that original homeland, ‘mythic’ or societies may wax and wane in diasporism, depending on changing possibili societies may wax and wane in diasporism, internationally” and host countries in their he sees Thus, (1994:306). ties . . . constellation of responses to dwell diaspora as a “loosely coherent adaptive The term the forced dispersal diaspora is a Greek word, first used to refer to Hebrew bible around 200 BCE (Man of the Jews in a Greek translation of the Safran defines article,ning 2009:2; Safran 1991:83). In a seminal William six major traits: they (or their people who constitute a diaspora as exhibiting more foreign or to two center original from one dispersed were ancestors) memorya collective have locations, believe homeland, original their about origin place of their regard society, host their by accepted not fully are they as their true or their descendants would eventually home (to which they return), to the maintenance of their homeland, are collectively committed or another (1991:83–84). in one way that homeland to relate to and continue capture the complexities list is useful, it is rigid and doesn’t While Safran’s and social transformationsthat can occur with groups that have “collective James Clifford suggests that homes away from home” (Clifford 1994:308). consider that “at different times in their history, such a checklist doesn’t major ideas remain key in defining ing in displacement” (1994:310). Two connections connections to an original homeland and one’s diasporas: one’s Indeed, the “sentiments of attachment” to and within the adopted country. Interconnected Diasporas and Ethnic Identity Formation Identity and Ethnic Diasporas Interconnected important the history for and it has implications of Liberia and its diasporas, by showing group identity formationfor studies of ethnic more generally, how performance that define in-group and can be used to create boundaries how performanceout-group status and can foster sentiments of belonging and togetherness for groups that may otherwise have been separated back in their country of origin. they became a performancethey became third elite. The exclusive Americo-Liberian of an part grand march currently the role that the of the paper explores plays in transforming Liberian identity in the US- and redefining a more inclusive of performance this paper examines the changing role based diaspora. Thus, as well as in representations and national identity, in the shaping of class Such a study is Africa and abroad. both in West of Liberia and Liberianness, analytical concept and explores what can be added to analyses of group of group to analyses be added what can explores and concept analytical identity formation. The second part history outlines the of the paper briefly moved grand march as they dances such as the of ballroom and significance in which and the way and then to Liberia, to the United States from Europe

africa TODAY 60(1) 32 TRANSFORMING COMMUNITIES, RECREATING SELVES africa TODAY 60(1) 33 Yolanda Covington-Ward ------transnational are often mates and authenticates ethnic boundaries by providing a and system of meaning. symbolic universe, ideology, history, Culture answers the question: What are we? It is through the construction of culture that ethnic groups fill Barth’s Ethnic boundaries function to determine to function boundaries Ethnic options, identity membership composition and size, and form of ethnic orga nization. Boundaries answer the question: Who are we? Cul ture provides the content and meaning of ethnicity; it ani In contrast, the literature that emerged in the early twentieth centuryIn contrast, the literature that emerged first became popular during the 1960s, first became popular The phrase African diaspora both existing and invented, in shaping ethnicity (1998:15). Nevertheless,both existing and invented, in shaping cultural formsrole in shaping ethnic identity: play a large boundary maintenance, however, Barthboundary minimizes the role of cultural forms, maintenance, however, migration literature in regard to the grand march is that of ethnic group iden migration literature in regard to the grand tity formation, how migrants come to form which explores ethnic groups groundbreaking work Barth’s in host countries. Anthropologist Frederik “categories but or natural, not essential are groups how ethnic on focuses (1998:10). They themselves” actors by the and identification ascription of and ethnic boundaries are thus socially constructed dialectical manner, in a an emphasis on to other groups. With are created and maintained in relation (largely dominated by sociologists) to address the influx of immigrants to the(largely dominated by sociologists) to address immigrants. Recent studies of United States mainly focused on European shifted their focus to Latino and some immigrants to the United States have are often not at the center of Asian immigrant groups; African immigrants the termthe discussion. In this literature, while diaspora may be used as a catch-all phrase for migrants, other terms, such as and accommodation (Holloway 2005; Mintz and Price 1992; Thompson 1983;and accommodation (Holloway 2005; Mintz 2001). Thornton 1998; Yelvington possibly coined at an international conference in Tanzania in 1965 (Manning internationalpossibly coined at an in Tanzania conference transatlantic commonly used to refer to the massive 2009:3). It was most Americas between from Africa to Europe and the trade in enslaved Africans centuries (Harristhe fifteenth and nineteenth Palmer 2000:28). In this 1994; studies of by historians and anthropologists, literature, largely dominated the cultural performances when they were even addressed, of the enslaved, resistance, within debates about cultural retentions, were usually couched used to describe recent arrivals. The most useful theory to emerge from real; and within the adopted country, balance a community connection with connection a community balance country, the adopted and within real; (Burns-McGown to a wider society” a connection Recent scholar 2007:10). ship, such as Patrick Manning’s focus on connections across diasporas, has across diasporas, on connections focus as Patrick Manning’s ship, such move concepts of one-way from simplistic the need to get away illustrated regions, of contacts among the “many types people and consider ments of other complex forms be two-way or situations” that can peoples, or of con is an example case of Liberia and the United States nections (2009:9). The diasporas, with multiple back-and-forthof what I call interconnected move and cultural practices over two centuries. ments of people, ideas, ------as “restored” or twice-behaved behavior, as “restored” or twice-behaved behavior, Richard Schechner, coming from a theater Richard Schechner, 4 (audience). Performances do not happen just on performance vessel—by reinventing the past and inventing the present. the present. inventing past and the reinventing vessel—by (Nagel 1994:162) In this article, in conversation I seek to bring these bodies of literature Two particular aspects of performance are clearly related to the con Two preexisting movements, executed with a sense of heightened awarenesspreexisting movements, executed with stages: they can take place in different arenas of everydaystages: they can take place in different life (Goffman 1959). cally employed in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to represent new nineteenth and twentieth centuries cally employed in the I take an group membership, and create communities. nations, delineate in their to examine what people do themselves agent-centered approach everyday performances—regard to adjust to new societies. I argue that lives - a crucial less of their origins—have making of self, at in the intentional role when that self is living outside one’s individual and group levels, especially place of origin. Transformation and Reflexivity Performance: on diaspora and migration withThis paper aims to bring together literature to ethnic identity formation:another field that offers a fresh approach per formance. Performance is an “essentially contested concept,” which has sciences to describe and analyze abeen used in the humanities and social wide variety of human activity. lations in the United States” (2003:32). All of this points to the importanceto points States” (2003:32). All of this the United lations in of cultural forms formation. for processes of group identity examining how the same performanceswith one another by were strategi Other scholars have reiterated this point by calling for and giving increased for and giving this point by calling have reiterated Other scholars to cultural formsattention group identity they shape immigrant and how 2003). In an overview Hume 2008; Olwig (Gerson 2001; of immi of studies migrant popu legacies and the cultural changes among out both the cultural gration in anthropology, Nancy Foner challenges anthropologists to “tease Nancy Foner challenges anthropologists gration in anthropology, struction of group identity. The first is that performances are inherently struction of group identity. Turner rejects the idea that performances Victor reflexive. Anthropologist are reflexive they instead that arguing life, of social reflections simply are opportunities, where “people become conscious, through witnessing and participatingoften performances,such in and style, texture, nature, the of given meanings of their own lives as members of a sociocultural commu- nity” (1987:22). He thus likens performance to acting as “the eye by which background, defines observations and actions past on based anthropologistLinguistic (1985:36). defines it as “an aestheticallyand folklorist Richard Bauman, in contrast, framed in a special waymarked and heightened mode of communication, onmore focuses Schechner (1989:262). audience” an for display on put and framing of events, but bring movement and Bauman more on the contextual a working definition of performanceing their approaches together gives us as in the presence of observers

africa TODAY 60(1) 34 TRANSFORMING COMMUNITIES, RECREATING SELVES africa TODAY 60(1) 35 Yolanda Covington-Ward ------by thousands of African Americans from the United by thousands of African Americans from 5 In current performance of immigrants to the United States, studies ity and the largely uneducated and poor indigenous majority (Cooper 2008). ity and the largely uneducated and poor indigenous majority (Cooper 2008). social positions of the largely educated and well-off Americo-Liberian minor captured slave ships (Clegg 2004). The settlers from the United States—some freeborn, to be educated, and of mixed race, and almost all Christian—came known as Americo-Liberians. Over time, they intermarried to some degree with the indigenous population and fostered and apprenticed indigenous children in their households, but these practices did not change the relative The small, West African nation of Liberia was established as the first inde The small, West The Land of Liberty:The Liberia less scholarly attention has been given to the importancethe to given been has attention scholarly recent less for dance of explores how dances such as the waves of African immigrants. This project crucial be can march grand community rebuilding and creating of ways communities in new host countries. affiliations and identity in immigrant nese immigrants in Tokyo temporarily seeking to escape their host society their host escape to seeking temporarily Tokyo in immigrants nese (Liu-Farrer folklore to host societies for Chil 2004), a means of presenting eans in Norway and an activity that blends practices from (Knudsen 2001), for Filipinos doing ballroom dance home with those in new host countries 2009), however, in California few exceptions (Vissicaro With (San Juan 2001). large indigenous was already a pendent African republic in 1847. There different ethnic groups, but Liberia population, consisting of people from been settled, startinghad American of the the sponsorship under 1822 in Colonization Society, Some literature focuses on dance specifically—as a leisure activity for Chi Some literature focuses on dance specifically—as performances (Pallares 2005; Ramos-Zayas 2003; Schneider 1990). of identity structure, and social organization; however, performances, structure,however, organization; social and perforespecially origin, often serve connects to the culture of its land of mances that a group has been ethnicity to others. There representing one’s as a visible way of research on Polish, Puerto and Ecuadorian ethnic parades as public Rican, bodily dispositions, and states of mind” (1998:199). His observationsbodily dispositions, suggest importancethe performancesof larger and individual of constitution the in group identities. family overlooked in favor of studies on remittances, practices are usually culture sees itself,” suggesting the importancethe suggesting itself,” sees culture performances of for shaping as a are viewing them how others as people contemplate group identities second (1987:24). The represent themselves how they want to group and performanceaspect of of performances is the potential to transform social “Perfor captures this best: L. Schieffelin Anthropologist Edward realities. mance deals with actions more than text: with habits of the body more than habits of the body more than text: with with actions more mance deals structuressymbols, with illocutionary of than propositional force, rather the social constructionwith . . .representation. than its reality rather of Performances, . . . whether ritual or dramatic social relations, alter moods, States, as well as a significant number of African recaptives, taken from taken recaptives, African of number significant a as well as States, - - - described the 6 . . . As a people, they are proud, very much puffed up, and offensively boastful. (Thomas 1860:156–157) we were not prepared. The people desire to live in comfortablewe were not prepared. The people desire dress in the fashion, and pretty houses, the ladies and beaux is already set up. and an aristocracy of means and education means, extravagantly The people generally dress above their displayed on so, and the quantity of kid gloves and umbrellas a nation whose hope all occasions does not promise well for developed muscles.rests on hard hands and well used and well Society in Liberia is as good as can be reasonably expected; Society in Liberia is as good as can be and taste for which indeed we found a degree of refinement For the first five years after Liberia’s initial settlement by African initial settlement Liberia’s five years after For the first grand march thus in an interview in 2010: From America to Liberia to America: America: Liberia to to America From March of the Grand Origins and Circulations former vice president of Liberia, Bishop Bennie Dee Warner, their connection with their place of birth,of place their with connection the their actually was most for which the ways in which settlers used their United States. This was also evident in performing was continued they that practice another as recreation, in bodies a number of dances linked to their at balls, inaugurations, and other events the grand march. American past, including a dance called The reproduction of America in Africa was evident in clothing, food, the The reproduction of America in Africa like Marylandconstitution, the flag, and placenames and New Georgia. All of this indicated a desire on the part of African American settlers to maintain version to Christianity, Western education, and membership in benevolent education, and membership Western version to Christianity, indigenous population (Holsoe and Hermanand (Holsoe population indigenous travel A white American 1988). late 1850s observeding in Liberia in the about the population the following city: capital in Monrovia, Liberia’s incorporated into the Americo-Liberian population through practices of of practices through population Americo-Liberian the into incorporated fostering, militaryapprenticeship and service, mission activities and con and fraternalsocieties popula Americo-Liberian The 1977:59). (Shick orders certaintion continued to reproduce the United States, such practices from apart and dress, all of which set them as foodways, architecture, from the Americo-Liberians established a stratified society, placing themselves at the at themselves placing society, stratified a established Americo-Liberians and this beneath them, indigenous population elite class and the top as an social arrangement century. for more than a lasted 1827, After freeborn Americans, society. the dominated Americans African former emancipated however, for the sole by their owners slaves, freed from slave ships, to Liberia, and African recaptives purpose of emigrating these groups were in much larger numbers. Over time, came into Liberia

africa TODAY 60(1) 36 TRANSFORMING COMMUNITIES, RECREATING SELVES africa TODAY 60(1) 37 Yolanda Covington-Ward - - - originated somewhere in the South. Most . . . black Americans in the South. Most . . . originated somewhere . . .Liberia came from Virginia that immigrated to and they dance, and cooking. So the architecture, carried . . . with them white from the came from what the blacks saw, the dances . . . they had parties.plantation owners when get in line, and they march around in different directions. . . . in different directions. and they march around get in line, calls the grand march, and he who leads the someone There’s women go go one side and the for instance, men action. Like, up sort hands two . . . you hold your they go under, one side, or they come men go under until and women and of like a bridge, make a complete circle, and individualto the end, or you could I think but group gets to dance, the whole until couples dance may have found out that this dance in your research you Grand march is a dance in which people are selected, or people or are selected, which people a dance in march is Grand During the antebellum era, free blacks living in urban areas, includ During the antebellum era, free blacks ing Charleston, New Orleans, and Richmond, often held balls where they ing Charleston, New Orleans, and Richmond, performed1853, In Europe. from come had that dances social the of many valses, cotillions, grand marches, and scottisches often until early morning” (Hazzard-Gordon 1990:70). an observer noted that the musicians played, of a “Negro ball” in Charleston danced with great zest, and the hall “waltzes and quadrilles, which were rang with good-humored laughter” (Hazzard-Gordon 1990:51). Likewise, after emancipation, elite urban blacks often held race-improvement dances, No African inspired dances, no which had a “distinctly European flavor. congo or buzzard lope, were performed in these arenas. Socially elite blacks danced in a dizzying round of quadrilles, waltzes, . . . polkas, mazurkas, but also black Americans, enslaved and free alike. but also black Americans, enslaved and 1883). Such European dances were popular among not only white Americans,1883). Such European dances were popular ous dance-instructionpublished in the United States described manuals such as the serpentine (in which the codified steps of the grand march, couples form and finally unwinds), platoons (in which danc a line that coils promenade, came to be used to start the dancing at ballroom events. Numer and the arbor (in which couples formers march four or even eight abreast), dancers to pass under), revealing an arch with their joined hands for other social life (Harveyhow embedded the dance was in American 1889; Koncen While the grand march did become popular in the United States, its origins did become popular in the United While the grand march ballroom dance for dance suites. The quadrille is a lay in European quadrille four couples, often in a square formation, which emerged in France in the of several centuries. Featuring the combination eighteenth and nineteenth and elegance, it was introduced in cotillion figures into one dance of style of Europe and to the Americas. By the London in 1815 and spread to the rest or marche” glide-walk simple to a reduced was step “the quadrille 1840s, explains the name of the grand march (Cohen 1998:285–287)—which likely The grand march, also called a as it is used by Liberian Americans today. - - - we’d do it too, but we used to mock ’em everywe’d do it too, but we step. Sometimes guess I it; like to seemed they but it, noticed folks white the (Malone 1996:18) better. dance any they thought we couldn’t Us slaves watched white folks’ partiesUs slaves watched white danced where the guests in a grand march, with the ladies a minuet and then paraded different ways and then meeting again, and gentlemen going arm in arm, Then center together. and marching down the While events like corn-shucking events While parties, and cotton-picking well as The emigration experiment that was Liberia led to issues of social, economic, and political inequalities. Nevertheless, Liberia at the time it became a republic stood as a beacon of hope for people of African descent all over the world, especially in regard to demonstrating the ability of blacks to govern themselves in the midst of slavery and the increasing encroachment watching was world land. The African of sovereignty on the Europeans of Dance and Gentility in Nineteenth-Century Liberia and Gentility in Nineteenth-Century Dance ity of cultural performances in the New World. For many free blacks, the free blacks, For many cultural performancesity of New World. in the steps and careful bearing was embodiment of civility through measured rights of access and citizenship that clearly an attempt to make claims on dances of and enslaved; however, were being denied to blacks, both free dancing in a so-called civilized derision mocked the audacity of slaveholders of the American population manner while holding a significant percentage in permanent formerly bondage. What enslaved and freed blacks emigrating was the use of dances such as the qua to Liberia had in common, however, drille and the grand march as a form of embodied memory of the Americas, were performedalbeit a selective one. A number of dances under the lash Caribbean (for the smaller number of in the United States and even in the but an analysis of newspaper and Liberian emigrants who came from there), other documentary that Americo-Liberian settlers made a evidence shows conscious choice to reproduce only certain dances associated with gentility African home. in their new West The prevalence of these European dance suites in black American life, American black in suites dance European these of prevalence The ways in which they were given new both enslaved and free, and the many or otherwise,meaning, whether through derision indicates the complex tives of formerly same dances that many of the enslaved black Americans, were black communities American, and freed in European, white circulated Liza Mention, a formerly enslaved blacks. familiar to enslaved woman in Administration Progress States being interviewedthe United a Works for reel, and the dancing the “de cardrille, the Virginia project, remembered formerly (Camp 2002:556). Likewise, a sixteen hand cotillion” enslaved woman interviewed in 1901 said, as dances such as “set da flo” and the buzzard lope, all appear in the narra lope, all appear in and the buzzard such as “set da flo” as dances

africa TODAY 60(1) 38 TRANSFORMING COMMUNITIES, RECREATING SELVES africa TODAY 60(1) 39 Yolanda Covington-Ward - - - - 1883 interview with 7 , demonstrate an attempt to , demonstrate an attempt in which he was asked about the in which he was ties, balls, and dinners. White men The African Repository African. By juxtaposing the frenzied and passion not African. By juxtaposing the frenzied New York Tribune, New York “Oh, no. They have no time for all that nonsense. There is “Oh, no. They have kind?” “Do they have any amusements of any “Oh, yes. There are par “Do teristics and indulge in corn-shuckingsteristics and indulge revivals?” and great who have been present on some of these occasions expressed who have been present on some of these and culture displayed. their great surprise at the refinement carryIt is not African to shout in meetings and on as I know see there is great pressure to bear on the Negroes do here. You worship are their in who Mohammedans, the colonists by the very dignified and sober.” no corn-shucking or any shouting or carrying on, such as there them.” is in the South. All that stuff is left behind carry Colonists the particulartheir them with charac Blyden was not the first Liberian to articulate the embodiment of An example of this is Edward Wilmot Blyden’s is Edward Wilmot An example of this shape particular as the representation of notions of a civilized Africanness Liberian identity: customs and habits of residents of Liberia. His responses, published in the in published responses, His of Liberia. of residents habits and customs Januaryissue of 1883 In this passage, Blyden first rejects the popular embodied expressions that In this passage, Blyden first rejects the that insisting the South, in population the black with associated most are suggests a deliberate choice on the all of that has been “left behind.” This part to perform of Americo-Liberian settlers only certain dances that helped of civility while seeming to suggest maintain an image of Liberia as a place population forwardthat such a decision moved the Americo-Liberian in a enjoyed in Liberia, in balls march toward greater progress: the amusements parties, been and have people white visiting that refined and cultured so are the behavior of American says that Blyden by them. Moreover, impressed Negroes was in fact ate shouting of the American Negro with the solemn worship of Muslim ate shouting of the American Negro with Africanness of association stereotypical the rejects Blyden Liberians, emotion and irrationality and instead aligns Americo-Liberians with an of poise, and the control alternate image of Africans, based on rationality, their bodies. His comments can be further contextualized in an increas Berlin the in culminate would that Africa—one in presence European ing conference the following year. first A description of Liberia’s civilization through refined dances, however. Liberia, and political, religious, and intellectual leaders in the nation were were nation the in leaders intellectual and religious, political, and Liberia, projected Liberia that was result, the image of of this fact. As a well aware education, Christian emphasized the settlers’ of the world often to the rest ity, and thrift—all of which they hoped would put them on an equal footing on an equal footing would put them of which they hoped and thrift—all ity, world the Western essentially embodied world, since they with the Western African setting. in a West a reporter the from

8 - - of 9 fficials found by a committee from the League The African Repository African The Journal Colonial and ” (Furbay 1943:48). Here, at the inauguration, while dances

Similar strategic use of European ballroom dances to represent non- of European ballroom dances to represent Similar strategic use In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, British and FrenchBritish twentieth centuries, early and In the late nineteenth drilles, and ‘extras’ the late twenties and early thirties, there were a number of threats to Liberia’s the late twenties and early thirties, there were a number of threats to Liberia’s Accusations of forced labor and thesovereignty as a nation (Sundiata 2003). misuse of power by elected o within its own borders. In the wake of the Fernando the of scandal wake the In forced-labor Po borders. own its within to the hasty resignation of Presidentof Nations and within Liberia itself led Charles D. B. King. In such a context, the use of dances such as the grand march continued to be highlighted as embodied signs of order in a country that was gaining a reputation for chaos. In 1936, the wife of an American ambassador attending the inauguration of President Edwin Barclay described the ball: “There was a sudden blare of trumpets, and the grand march began. elite who promenaded in white A few white people joined in with Liberia’s ties and tails, formal I glanced at my program. gowns, and silver slippers. . . . qua and blues, two waltzes two-steps, fifteen dances: fox-trots, for It called nary of European goods, and classical practices, conspicuous consumption were trying white Americans which by were ways education, prove their to eighteenth Europe during the late gentility and civilized manner to Western century In the antebellum Caribbean, newly (Smith-Rosenburg 2010:303). eighteenth centuryfreed blacks and mulattoes in the late took care to learn the quadrille as “a demonstration of the exact movements of dances such as their equality with the French” in Martinique (Cyrille 2006:55). In a similar dances such as the grand march came to define the way in which manner, a particularAmerico-Liberians sought to represent conception of Africa, and others but also to visiting guests, dignitaries, not only to themselves, scrutinizing Liberian society. Western origin became tools of self-representation and self-definition for the for self-definition and self-representation of tools became origin Western only of one as status Liberia’s justify to had continually who elite, Liberian that remained independent. Performingtwo African countries dances such emerges, then, as a formas the grand march political strategy—to shape of image of Liberia in the wider world. the conception and when European nations occurred during the American Revolutionary War, United States recognitions of the newly independent one of the first public of spectators ball in Philadelphia, viewed by thousands was a lavish state performances,(Smith-Rosenberg 2010:291). Such public along with culi independence celebration in celebration independence in 1849 mentioned booming cannons, military booming in 1849 mentioned salutes, and marches and parties“guests in of measured in promenades enjoyed themselves [who] issue of Likewise, the a band of music sweet.” buoyant sound of steps to the a birthday 1904 mentions dated 6 August celebration Recorder the Liberian Arthurof President in Liberian prominent couples in which several Barclay of colonialism grand march. Thus, in the larger context elite society led the of dances centuries, twentieth early and nineteenth late the in Africa in colonial powers began to extend the boundaries of their colonies surroundingcolonial powers began to extend the boundaries Liberian governmentLiberia, staking claims to land that the was including

africa TODAY 60(1) 40 TRANSFORMING COMMUNITIES, RECREATING SELVES africa TODAY 60(1) 41 Yolanda Covington-Ward 10 The grand march and quadrille were very popular during the presidency of William Tubman, from 1944 to 1971 (fig. 2). As president, he popularized Tubman, of William began to be called the national dance the quadrille to such an extent that it (Henries 1967:146). Performing dances such as the grand march and the in Liberia, one that was extended quadrille became a marker of elite status population. The performanceto a select few from the indigenous of such dances, not only at inaugural balls and independence-day festivities, but also at the balls and receptions of secretive orders such as the Freemasons, the United Brothers of Friendship, and the Sisters of the Mysterious Ten (all of whose membership was dominated by the Americo-Liberian elite), helped maintain a sense of separation between the elite and the rest of the population. It is in this vein that the grand march and associated dances can be seen as signifiers of class. popular at the time were included on the program, such as waltzes and fox- popular at the time were included on trots, time was reservedquadrilles and grand marches—dances that, for the for the most part, popular in Europe or the United States, but were no longer identity. remained symbols of Liberian national President William V. S. Tubman and Mrs. Tubman (second Mrs. Tubman and S. Tubman V. Figure 2. President William couple from left) perform the grand march with guests at the January in the inaugural program, 1956 inaugural ball. This photo appeared Liberian Indiana University, reelection. commemorating the Tubmans’ Photograph Collection. Used with Tubman V. S. Collections, William permission. - - - Oprah Winfrey Winfrey Oprah in 2008, Liberians are becoming more visible in the national Postslavery into the United States is a trend immigration of Africans try who were born in the United States and are a crucial part of Liberian media and the larger public imagination in the United States. Like estimates estimates Like States. United the in imagination public larger the and media is immigrants Liberian of number the groups, immigrant African other of to determine.hard people bornestimated 71,956 An living were Liberia in in the United States as of 2010 (US Census Bureau 2012). These estimates do not include second- or even third-generation Americans of Liberian ances Profile of Liberian Immigrants in the United States in the United of Liberian Immigrants Profile the on Sirleaf Johnson Ellen President of appearance the From Show in 2006 to the near win of Korto Momolu on season five of Bravo’s Project Runway The stratified society established by Americo-Liberians was always tenu was always by Americo-Liberians society established The stratified Migration Back across the Atlantic across Back Migration midst the in population the of minority a were they that sense the in ous, (who entered office Tolbert William President majority. of an indigenous reforms more radical attempted to institute death) Tubman’s in 1971, after as well as indigenous Liberians in his administration, and include more and interactions a “common man” through his dress present himself as Liberia of presidents the All late. too was it but people, Liberian the with was Tolbert until 1980, when President William were Americo-Liberian overthrown K. Doe, a military executed in a coup d’état led by Samuel and turned,had tables The Americo-Liberians and ethnicity. Krahn the of leader shouts of “native woman bornwere chided with soldier” as indigenous in the streets. Doe led the countryLiberians celebrated for almost a decade, own Doe’s of on members focused continued, but favoritism time when a the Gio and Mano while persecuting members of ethnic group over others on his life in 1985 Doe held responsible for an attempt ethnic groups, which (Outram 1999). Civil war erupted among rival factions in 1989, and Doe was with the supportdisposed of and killed by a rebel leader of Charles Taylor, became president. This began a civil leader of another faction, who later war that lasted for fourteen before coming to an end in 2003. During years that began in 1980 and escalated after the times of ongoing political unrest immi backgrounds ethnic different refugees from Liberian of 1989, waves and safety, States, seeking stability, grated to countries such as the United opportunity. quotas since especially few decades, last the over been increasing has that westernand national origin preferences favoring and northern Europeans Act (Arthur were removed with the 1965 Immigration 2000:7). As a result, United States in recent decades than more Africans have immigrated to the entered the country of enslavement. For example, the census during the era in 1970 counted 61,463 people born in Africa who were then living in the in 2000 (ArthurUnited States, as compared to 881,300 2000:2).

africa TODAY 60(1) 42 TRANSFORMING COMMUNITIES, RECREATING SELVES africa TODAY 60(1) 43 Yolanda Covington-Ward

- - - 14 ; people who own businesses and 12 ; people from a wide variety of ethnic groups, including ; people from a wide variety of ethnic 11 explained in an interview in 2009: 13 The grand march is a duplicate of the square dance. . . . When dance. . . . The grand march is a duplicate of the square turned they Liberia, in got they because march grand [a] be to it they only did it on big occasions when they were having their the grand march and square If you look at it, celebrations. . . . dance are the same, and it became a traditional, official dance know about the grand The tribal people didn’t for Liberia. . . . march. . . . It was . . . mostly done by the Afro-Americans. Most Liberians in the United States live in the Northeastthe in live States United the in Liberians Most the and Bassa, Americo-Liberian, Gio, and Krahn Johnetta M. confirmed these ideas in an interview in 2011: “To be honest, Johnetta M. confirmed these ideas in an interview in 2011: “To I would say the people that started the grand march is the Congo people, ciated with the educated Americo-Liberian upper class. Most of the indige- ciated with the educated Americo-Liberian was excluded from knowing or even participating nous population, however, D. in it. Victor In Liberia, dances such as the grand march and the quadrille came to be asso In Liberia, dances such as the grand march Transformations in the Grand March in the Diaspora: in the Diaspora: March in the Grand Transformations Now? We Are Who rians are clustered around and in particularrians are clustered where they build viable cities, communities. They have a younger median age (34.81) than most other West age (34.81) than most other West communities. They have a younger median African immigrants, lower rates of marriage, and a sex ratio slightly skewed largely work in supporttoward more females (94.34), and they positions occupations (Covington-Ward in health care and office and administrative consist of refugees, US citizens, et al. 2011). These Liberian communities and immigrants with temporary protected status or the status of deferred enforced departure South, with the exception of the midwesternSouth, with the exception of Minnesota, which hosts state and in the of them; many in urban areas in Minnesota nearly 14 percent are tied to refugee- metropolitan area in Pennsylvania greater Philadelphia Libe states, other 2011). In al. et (Covington-Ward programs resettlement article to the many Liberian immigrants notes that on the Liberian diaspora, unlike their migration, networks that eased had access to kin United States (2011:8–9). While refuge in other African countries Liberians who sought this is certainly the case, my research revealed a pattern in which Liberians d’Ivoire, Ghana, or African countries—such as Côte resided in neighboring to the United approval to migrate years before receiving even Guinea—for States as refugees. immigrant communities. The vast majority of Liberian immigrants arrived immigrants of Liberian majority The vast communities. immigrant who percent of Liberians 2010, nearly 55 between 1996 and after 2000; became permanent States as refu came to the United residents initially gees (Department in an Antwi-Boateng, Security 2001–2010). of Homeland people on public assistance; and so forth. - - - - was actually done amongst the higher-ups, but . . .was actually done amongst the higher-ups, it became here. At least, interesting to me when I became an immigrant with as a Liberian, it became something I could identify everyso ball . . .or gathering major Liberian the United in at Liberia in here, is it as popular as not was it States—but our parties, no. But here it became something of an identity. you of recognizing our identity, one way . . . it’s know, You and if you are a Liberian, you know when Liberians get know, this is one way they identify themselves, by doing together, the grand march, which is something different . . . from what the other people do, especially black people in this country. the grand march, you see. do They don’t Victor and Charles M., also interviewed Charles M., also and that the in 2009, revealed Victor In the United States, the grand march underwentIn the United States, the grand march a radical transforma tity of Liberians living in the diaspora. The grand march, as a performance, became a dance that marked an emergent identity for them, a way of con necting with a Liberian identity that was being shaped and redefined in this Henry’s comments reflect the importance iden of context in shaping the Henry’s that the grand march was associated with Americo-Liberians back in Liberia, back in with Americo-Liberians march was associated that the grand part march was not and the grand cultural indigenous Liberians’ of average or everydayworldview practice. grand march was performed dances (proms) for high schools— at final day intervieweeswhich is how several experiences performing had their first Liberia. In this sense, the performancethe grand march in of the dance was in Liberia—some into the literate and educated class linked with ascent the people that came from here. . . . here. came from that the people people, uneducated people, The native show Both these statements about such things.” know anything they didn’t population, where accessible to huge segments of the thing that was not percent of the adults in the countryeven today only 60.8 are literate (CIA march can be seen n.d.). It is in this vein that the grand Factbook World family of lower Johnetta M., who came from a Bassa as a signifier of class. expressed similar sentiments. minimal education, class and socioeconomic seeing or performingShe did not recall ever the grand march in Liberia but wedding performed first time at a friend’s the grand march herself for the I did the grand march . . .in the United States. “The first time was in the even know where to start and I didn’t late eighties, and I saw them doing it, from. . . . that they doing?’ They said that the grand ‘What’s Then I asked know what it, but I really didn’t march, and I only see the Liberians doing time doing the grand march reveals it means.” Her description of her first and her exposure to it, not in Liberia, her lack of familiarity with the dance but in the diaspora. to everyoneopen now It is meaning. in tion and community Liberian the in has become a performative symbol of being a Liberian in the United States. Henry D. explained in an interview in 2009 that it

africa TODAY 60(1) 44 TRANSFORMING COMMUNITIES, RECREATING SELVES africa TODAY 60(1) 45 Yolanda Covington-Ward - - A disk jockey 15 were not tuxedos and ballgowns, and the Liberi were not tuxedos and ballgowns, and 16 . . . When I was back home, I never listened to African music in home, I never listened to African music When I was back . . . to European music or American always listened We Liberia. . . . after we came over to the states, we music. So when we came, our culture. began to appreciate was there, but . . to participate want in it. I . I wouldn’t we appreciate it more now, want to do it, but here, wouldn’t appreciated since we came to the states. mostly in a sense; it’s Charles, another Liberian interviewedCharles, another march 2009, said the grand in For both Henry grand march became an importantthe and Charles, played music from numerous African artistsplayed music from numerous African and called for each African and represent itself through dance nation to come into a large outdoor circle After considerable debate about what in front of other African immigrants. 2009, recalled that her first time performingfirst her that recalled 2009, the at been had march grand the Henry, Charles, and Victor were all exposed to the grand march in some Charles, and Victor Henry, experience reveals, as Johnetta’s however, living in Liberia; way while still other Liberian immigrants did not perform it until they moved to the United the United States interviewed another immigrant to in States. Henrietta W., Transformations in the Grand March in the Diaspora: in the Diaspora: March in the Grand Transformations Is Included? Who mixed African crowd. Clearly, this performance this process, part is reflexive a of Clearly, crowd. African mixed how to represent themselves, as in which Liberian immigrants are deciding a group, in front of others. dancing their identity for all to see. The grassy field of the park was no ball dancing their identity for all to see. The to do as a group, the Liberians decided to enter the space with a grand march,to do as a group, the Liberians decided room; the jeans and lappas way of defining and marking an African—and specifically Liberian—identity marking an African—and specifically way of defining and in the diaspora. Cultural practices scorned and taken for granted in Liberia took on new meaning in a country where Liberians are trying to establish of other African immigrants, themselves as a distinct group from thousands forth.so and Afro Caribbeans, as African Americans, well as grand The march thus serves boundaries. A clear example of this for drawing ethnic in my ethnographic research occurred at Eliza Howell Park in Detroit in Festival, an annual event 2004. The event was the All African Family July, Organization. sponsored by the United African Community new context and differentiating that identity from that of other groups of groups of other of that from identity that differentiating and context new States, particularly in the United African descent It is African Americans. Henrywhich dance, this was that which clear but Liberia in of aware was not important the context of a different value in has taken on to him there, the diaspora. ans were mixed in ethnic, educational, and class background. Nevertheless,ans were mixed in ethnic, educational, performto they chose how grand march is the this of front in Liberianness t . . [and] ticipate in and relate to. Yeah, so if I bring my Bassa ticipate in and relate to. Yeah, Y V V V H: —that speaks English or that been to school . H: I think what happened, the reason why we seem to H: I think what happened, the reason V H: Over here in the US, I say yes. Back home, I really don’ H: Over here in the H: —par went to junior and senior proms and all of these things: they’ve been exposed to it, so we all can actually relate to it, so if we brought it up, everybody would be able to relate to it, join, or prefer— why we all, we decide not to join it. That’s : —todothegrandmarch. : —participate in. . . .dance and you are from Bomi territory, you might not be march, with the grand whereas in, or fit relate of, to, kind able almost every Liberian can— : —thatspeaksEnglishandcanreadwrite. of that [is] because Liberia has been so divided into different of that [is] because Liberia has been so to be one, but everycultures, even though we all considered tribe has their own way of dancing, okay? other dance, is that practice that at more gatherings than any it is something we can all— : Ithinkthereasonwhy[itis]grandmarchinstead Do you, but for all Liberians? meaning not just for in general, importantan march grand the Is : part identityLiberian of important the grand march is you think for them? probably do it, but like I said, I didn’t know that much. They take notice of that. In the diaspora, the grand march seems to be fostering a sense of a a be fostering to march seems grand the the diaspora, In the history come to represent all Liberians? In response of Americo-Liberians was selected instead of any otherto my question about why the grand march D. and Henry this to D. had Victor dance from the ethnic groups in Liberia, say in 2009: emigrated from a countryemigrated from the dominated had Americo-Liberians where friction among ethnic groups was rife political and educational realms and How then might a dance clearly aligned with during the Liberian civil war. Her sentiments were echoed by Allen W., whose first time doing the grand whose first time echoed by Allen W., Her sentiments were about doing the in Cleveland. When asked in 2011 march was at a wedding I was not involved he replied, “No, back in Liberia grand march in Liberia, everyone the grand march was not practiced by in that stuff.” That back in now examine another aspect of performanceLiberia leads me to in ethnic identity: the transformation of group identity. This is particularly significant for Liberians, having cohesive community. Liberian Hall in Detroit; she noted that the dance had become an important become dance had that the she noted Detroit; Hall in Liberian part in the United States: of Liberian identity

africa TODAY 60(1) 46 TRANSFORMING COMMUNITIES, RECREATING SELVES africa TODAY 60(1) 47 Yolanda Covington-Ward - - Moreover, that the grand march was grand march that the Moreover, 17 The grand march in the United States is much more inclusive. In fact, The grand march in the United States The process of becoming partThe process of becoming acts as an equal of the Liberian diaspora chosen instead of the quadrille is no accident. According to Bishop Bennie quadrille is no accident. According chosen instead of the intervieweddance the quadrille, can four couples only in 2010, Warner, D. and an experienced person and coordination, much more skill which takes can be learned the steps; the grand march, in contrast, is needed to call out elections for leaders of organizations, membership in ethnic and county asso ciations, and other instances demonstrate that ideas of difference continue the ideal Liberian identity that is to matter in everyday contexts. However, performatively on display through the grand march is more unified than the Herein lies the transformativity of the grand march: through dance, reality. a more inclusive Liberian ethnicity is being created in a new social context, society was, and in many ways continues to be, highly stratified by class, society was, and in many ways continues performaare differences the diaspora, the in but - ethnicity, and education, are there that mean not does This become one. groups many as elided tively no conflicts among Liberians in America: ethnic and class conflict over the children are usually not allowed to attend many of the exclusive functions children are usually not allowed to attend where the grand march is performed. In the diaspora, the grand march serves exist back in Liberia. Liberianto create a community that did not necessarily States. One sees even children learning it in the diaspora, whereas in Liberia, still have the tribal or ethnic, . . . still have differences in terms of class levels. still have the tribal or ethnic, . . . Here, it seems that everyone in the same socioeconomic class.” is relatively status of Liberians in the diaspora was repeated by other intervieweesby other repeated was diaspora in the status of Liberians well, as who pointed out that as Liberians in including Bishop Bennie Dee Warner, in a tribal societal context. Everyone are no longer in the United States, “You or exposure levels, but in Liberia, youthe diaspora is on similar educational by simply following everyoneby simply following of people can participate. else, and large groups through its association with the educated elite it has social capital that other has social capital the educated elite it association with through its see may immigrants Liberian many that think I way, this not. In do dances one that aspires toward performing identity, it as a way of enacting a new these incorporating by States, United the in success upper-class and middle- elite performance formsLiberia. from Here, Victor and Henry that is more a dance march as grand the perceive Victor Here, the grand led people to do groups—which the dances of ethnic neutral than as a researcher, in my opinion However, opposed to other dances. march as a history it is loaded with march is not neutral: the grand of its own, and for many Liberian immigrants, the first time they did it was in the United for many Liberian immigrants, the first izer: people of various backgrounds have opportunitiesizer: people of various for success in the reflected in the of ethnicity or pedigree. This is then United States, regardless as performedmore inclusive nature of the dance itself in the diaspora. This observation was supported in several interviews. Michael D., interviewed the grand march back in Liberiain 2011, explained the difference between [if] you are not high up there, youversus in the United States: “Back home, cannot be part informed of it; you are not really the way it works back home, but here, . . . everybody is on the same level.” This idea of the largely equal - - - Interviews and ethnographic observations among Liberians in the dias formance is a critical site of inquiry from which to examine the ever-shifting civil war. What is most important “true” is not the civil war. origins of the grand march, but the meaning that Liberians collectively give to its practice and import in their everyday lives—which explains how a European dance came to define Analysis of the grand march shows that per an African immigrant identity. diasporas. formation, interconnected in identity ethnic especially of processes identity outside of Liberia, one that clearly contrasts with the social divisions 1980 coup and a fourteen-year that remain within Liberia, even after Doe’s Liberian immigrants who have never before performed before never have who now immigrants march grand Liberian the participate identity that is inclusive and open to all in it, dancing a Liberian and belies a complicated history of exclusion and discrimination. viewed as more banal. For the black Americans who moved to Liberia duringviewed as more banal. For the black Americans dances that they reenacted in Liberia the ballroom the nineteenth century, vast majority of them had been theirconnected them with a land that for the birthplace. to the United States in the latter For Liberians who immigrated same dances evoke memories of another the part of the twentieth century, elements of recreating, reimagining, homeland—Africa. In all of this are Americo-Liberians century, and selective forgetting. During the nineteenth and refinement in civilization of embodiment as the themselves recreated more practices that cultural and other dances forget chose to they Africa; with a clearer con clearly linked them with a legacy of enslavement—and across the Atlantic, nection to their African ancestry and past. However, interviewedbetween the grand march 2010, said this about the connection in and memory: from Liberia, but “For them [Liberians] over here, it originates For those of earlier centuries, it originated in America. for the Liberians in this statement, former With us in the diaspora, it reminds us of home.” Vice placing more captures how moving to a new land leads to President Warner formertheir in that were practices context cultural on significance and value Conclusion the of diasporas interconnected the of case the presented I have paper, this In looking at how performanceUnited States and Liberia, lies at the center of imag- or real homeland, a to connections maintain to attempts immigrant For some Liberian within new host countries. ined, and foster relationships linked to their United States, the grand march became immigrants to the who danced much like the free African Americans memories of Liberia, quadrille in nineteenth-centurythe grand march and Liberia as a way of embodying their memory Bennie Dee Warner, of the United States. Bishop and the performanceand the never have would perhaps together who people brings in Liberia. interacted pora have shown that, in the United States, the grand march has become abecome has march grand the States, United the in that, shown have pora beto it has come diaspora, the In identity. Liberian generalized a symbol of performed all Liberians as a way of embodying a unified Liberian by any and

africa TODAY 60(1) 48 TRANSFORMING COMMUNITIES, RECREATING SELVES africa TODAY 60(1) 49 Yolanda Covington-Ward

- - i he CS fr CS T , for for , A e of A A iberia Liberia Liberia L ffic ounded merican O A ennis iberia, and CS, the D L CS f A A ican tment of tment rants Settled in rants fr umbers for umbers for he A T N epar ed most emigrants, ed most emigrants, D o settle free blacks in a o settle free also thank my research research also thank my I es are based on the es are able of Emig elopment Fund ( Fund elopment T ev CS sponsor D e. Certaine. auxiliary societies and A n exact of total ivingston, and Siatta Siatta and ivingston, A L ch CS) aimed t hese figur oman who collects the most money ternational Migration Society, which Society, Migration ternational A T n ). I tum provided valuable feedback and feedback valuable tum provided esear a he w T R T cording to calculations by the by calculations to cording c CS assistanc A A egro problem in the United States. States. in the United problem egro Liberia Bulletin pril 1867), vol. 4, no. 4, pp. 109–118. 4, pp. 4, no. pril 1867), vol. N A ( also thank my colleagues in the in colleagues my thank also incoln Ward, without whom this research would not would whom this research without Ward, incoln adia Johnson, Emily Johnson, adia I L N edkey 1969). iberian communities and attendance at many events. events. many at and attendance iberian communities R L did not include the recaptives in my 17,000 estimate, as they 17,000 estimate, in my did not include the recaptives I mericans. A iberia between 1820 and 1904 (the last year of recorded emigration emigration of recorded iberia 1820 and 1904 (the last year between aryland Society 1,227 people to sent Colonization State cording to the to cording L merican Colonization Societymerican ( Colonization A krah Shanesha Brooks- and ican pril 1867). he M fr O T African Repository African CS, ac A

A e) at the University of Pittsburgh. the University e) at ica. Both abolitionists and defenders of slavery supportedica. Both defenders abolitionists and of colonization ” ” S A fr , Megan Willison, Willison, Megan, CS, A ffic race race iberia, in 1847. which became independent NT iberia is hard to determine because, while the while because, determine to iberia is hard A L O G L thank my husband, husband, thank my I , and Hopkins their survey begin article it as on performance recognizing by esearch was funded by the Central the Central by funded was esearch eding EME R ong no. 16 (February 1900), p. 28, and were verified with the “ with the verified 28, and were 1900), p. 16 (February no. nos.17–34. nos.17–34. his r L fr T DG A CS w E A L iberia by the iberia by W Bulletin, Strine, Strine, very is bound up in disagreement existence “its meaning concept, contested an essentially often fruitful constant, performance to fosters (1990:183). Such an approach it is” about what definition. agreed-upon is no one, as there discussion among scholars, is declared the winner; standards that prevail in beauty contests, such as looks or talent, are are such as looks or talent, in beauty contests, prevail that the winner; standards is declared more. See Moran (1996) for not directly relevant. nearly fourteen is based on my My assertion march use of the grand widespread about the in multiple of involvement years alumni groups, associations, of county programs on the event is often listed march grand open the to usually utilized States, the United throughout events and community-association the evening. for dancing festivities Bulletin, the Repository, (African were shipsin slave captured from 5,722recaptives resettling for as responsible to compete but the women some similarities with beauty contests, have Queen contests the assembled crowd. the most money from raise not icans, other organizations sent emigrants also, such as the also, emigrants sent other organizations 200 in 1895 and 321 in 1896 ( sent to 15,185 emigrants sent the by sponsored L after 1899—fifteen people—comes emigration reportedsponsored in the figures from Founded in 1816, the Founded West in colony a growing as a solution to blacks free of the colony to emigrants without their own, on some families emigrated

ES NO 4. 3. 2. 1. CK esear NOT A assistants, Katie assistants, all their help. R ch /Provost’s have been possible. been possible. have supportwritingthe manuscript.this in of of this manuscript. an earlier on version their feedback for cana Studies First and foremost, foremost, and First - - ture is ture merico- icanism. om 1825 A fr epar The African The African A iberia), even iberia),even t, from 1977 t, from D L CS fr large number large came to came to Congo A A ican community olber fr T A . R ma, Mandingo, Mano, Mano, ma, Mandingo, iberia. L or L e, he became a prominent he became a prominent e, erred Enforced Enforced erred ef her tus usually lasts no longer than D T er time, the label er time, title was changed to to changed was title v O ts I iberia in 1820, but they were unsuc iberia they were in 1820, but his sta L ican recaptives (more than 5,000) who (more ican recaptives T iberia. fr L oit and its environs. A avy and taken to avy and taken to iberian women wear around their waists, their waists, around wear iberian women iebenow 1987:19). iebenow iberia under William William iberia under etr L N L L iberia. D L terviews the end of the article at each indicates iberia, including (in alphabetical order) iberia, including (in alphabetical order) L was published monthly by the by published monthly was iberian government to work for Spanish colonists Spanish colonists for work to iberian government iberians alike. iberians alike. L L as not until 1822 that a permanent settlement was was a permanent settlement that 1822 as not until er area, and thus the recaptives were called Congos called Congos were and thus the recaptives er area, iv t w R I rebo, Kissi, Krahn, Kpelle, Kru, rebo, G he list of in T rganization is an umbrella group for the for group is an umbrella rganization O . PS), a status determined by the Secretary by determined PS), a status Secu of Homeland ola, T G slands and immigrated to to slands and immigrated I io, io, eone merican emigrants arrived in arrived merican emigrants L G A gin gin ir iberians it has lasted more than eighteen. than eighteen. more iberians it has lasted V Warner was vice president of president vice was Warner PS, but is granted by the president of the United States. of the United the president by PS, but is granted ican L T bandi, fr iberians and indigenous am unaware of any large-scale of any surveys assess the ethnic backgrounds that am unaware ee I A L G D ican Community ican Community ai. iven in this article are pseudonyms and are not meant to reflect the ethnic to not meant in this articleare and iven pseudonyms are iberians were shipped by the by shipped iberians were fr V L A olo 2007:26–27). t r. Cecil Blake for pointing out how performing these dances is linked to immigrant performing how out immigrant pointing is linked to these dances Blake for Cecil r. I D merico- D A is a term first used to refer to the thousands of refer to first used is a term iberians in the United States, so it is not possible to identify accurately the proportions of accurately identify so it is not possible to States, iberians in the United L he Unit he names g he F he first ship of he first her appas are long pieces of printed cloth that some that cloth of printed long pieces appas are iberian immigrants from each ethnic group. from iberian immigrants iberian, Bassa, empor thank rity, “provides temporary legal residency to nationals of designated countries residing in the residing countries temporary of designated residency legal nationals to “provides rity, Repository 1892) and then Liberia (1892–1909). (1850 to be used in a derogatory manner to refer to anyone descended from either the settlers from either the settlers from from descended anyone to refer be used in a derogatory manner to L half of their bodies. the bottom covering I and higher social status. success for aspirations were on slave ships that were captured by the US by captured were ships that on slave were the Congo of these ships came from the by 2008; (Cooper or the recaptives States the United T make their home in that and ethnic associations ed of L T of the interviewees. backgrounds self-reported ethnicity. interviewee’s Congo United States who cannot return to their home country due to armed conflict, natural disaster, their home country to armed disaster, who cannot return conflict, due to natural States United (Simmelink 2011:328). conditions” or other devastating but for years, a few similar to a status T L in groups thanfifteen ethnic more e are and Mende, indigenous further (2003). see Sundiata information, For Po. on the island of Fernando among dancing, of balls and European-style in terms even parallels, for (1981) See Cohen Sierra Krios in Freetown, T ( ary Status Protected diplomat (ambassador to Britain and France), and politician (Secretaryand politician of State of BritainFrance), and to (ambassador diplomat president. running for unsuccessfully Repository Journal Colonial and African The 1850. to T articles on letters or often featured laborstarting in1914,which offorced asystem around scandalrevolved ernando Po cessful at establishing a settlement. a settlement. establishing at cessful 1961:66–67). Mesurado (Staudenraus Cape founded—at Bishop Bennie 1980 ( to century nineteenth of known is Pan- fathers the of one as Blyden Wimot Edward bornHe was in the of classics, professor books, of several author newspapers, of several editor journalist, orator, T

8. 9. 6. 7. 5. 16. 17. 15. 13. 14. 12. 10. 11.

africa TODAY 60(1) 50 TRANSFORMING COMMUNITIES, RECREATING SELVES africa TODAY 60(1) 51 Yolanda Covington-Ward

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