University of Groningen Elementary Education at Nippur. the Lists Of
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SUMERIAN LITERATURE and SUMERIAN IDENTITY My Title Puts
CNI Publicati ons 43 SUMERIAN LITERATURE AND SUMERIAN IDENTITY JERROLD S. COOPER PROBLEMS OF C..\NONlCl'TY AND IDENTITY FORMATION IN A NCIENT EGYPT AND MESOPOTAMIA There is evidence of a regional identity in early Babylonia, but it does not seem to be of the Sumerian ethno-lingusitic sort. Sumerian Edited by identity as such appears only as an artifact of the scribal literary KIM RYHOLT curriculum once the Sumerian language had to be acquired through GOJKO B AR .I AMOVIC educati on rather than as a mother tongue. By the late second millennium, it appears there was no notion that a separate Sumerian ethno-lingui stic population had ever existed. My title puts Sumerian literature before Sumerian identity, and in so doing anticipates my conclusion, which will be that there was little or no Sumerian identity as such - in the sense of "We are all Sumerians!" outside of Sumerian literature and the scribal milieu that composed and transmitted it. By "Sumerian literature," I mean the corpus of compositions in Sumerian known from manuscripts that date primarily 1 to the first half of the 18 h century BC. With a few notable exceptions, the compositions themselves originated in the preceding three centuries, that is, in what Assyriologists call the Ur III and Isin-Larsa (or Early Old Babylonian) periods. I purposely eschew the too fraught and contested term "canon," preferring the very neutral "corpus" instead, while recognizing that because nearly all of our manuscripts were produced by students, the term "curriculum" is apt as well. 1 The geographic designation "Babylonia" is used here for the region to the south of present day Baghdad, the territory the ancients would have called "Sumer and Akkad." I will argue that there is indeed evidence for a 3rd millennium pan-Babylonian regional identity, but little or no evidence that it was bound to a Sumerian mother-tongue community. -
Robson-Leick-2007.Pdf
To appear in The Babylonian World, ed. Gwendolyn Leick (London: Routledge, 2007) Mathematics, metrology, and professional numeracy Eleanor Robson • <[email protected]> Department of History and Philosophy of Science, University of Cambridge and All Souls College, Oxford Introduction Since the great decipherments of the 1930s and 40s (Neugebauer 1935–37; Thureau-Dangin 1938; Neugebauer and Sachs 1945) Babylonia has had a well-deserved reputation as the home of the world’s first ‘true’ mathematics, in which abstract ideas and techniques were explored and developed with no immediate practical end in mind. It is commonly understood that the base 60 systems of time measurement and angular degrees have their ultimate origins in Babylonia, and that ‘Pythagoras’ theorem’ was known there a millennium before Pythagoras himself was supposed to have lived. Most accounts of Babylonian mathematics describe the internal workings of the mathematics in great detail (e.g., Friberg 1990; Høyrup and Damerow 2001) but tell little of the reasons for its development, or anything about the people who wrote or thought about it and their reasons for doing so. However, internal textual and physical evidence from the tablets themselves, as well as museological and archaeological data, are increasingly enabling Babylonian mathematics to be understood as both a social and an intellectual activity, in relation to other scholarly pursuits and to professional scribal activity. It is important to distinguish between mathematics as an intellectual, supra-utilitarian an end in itself, and professional numeracy as the routine application of mathematical skills by working scribes. This chapter is a brief attempt at a social history of Babylonian mathematics and numeracy (see Robson forthcoming). -
Marten Stol WOMEN in the ANCIENT NEAR EAST
Marten Stol WOMEN IN THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST Marten Stol Women in the Ancient Near East Marten Stol Women in the Ancient Near East Translated by Helen and Mervyn Richardson ISBN 978-1-61451-323-0 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-1-61451-263-9 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-1-5015-0021-3 This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivs 3.0 License. For details go to http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by-nc-nd/3.0/ Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. Original edition: Vrouwen van Babylon. Prinsessen, priesteressen, prostituees in de bakermat van de cultuur. Uitgeverij Kok, Utrecht (2012). Translated by Helen and Mervyn Richardson © 2016 Walter de Gruyter Inc., Boston/Berlin Cover Image: Marten Stol Typesetting: Dörlemann Satz GmbH & Co. KG, Lemförde Printing and binding: cpi books GmbH, Leck ♾ Printed on acid-free paper Printed in Germany www.degruyter.com Table of Contents Introduction 1 Map 5 1 Her outward appearance 7 1.1 Phases of life 7 1.2 The girl 10 1.3 The virgin 13 1.4 Women’s clothing 17 1.5 Cosmetics and beauty 47 1.6 The language of women 56 1.7 Women’s names 58 2 Marriage 60 2.1 Preparations 62 2.2 Age for marrying 66 2.3 Regulations 67 2.4 The betrothal 72 2.5 The wedding 93 2.6 -
Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 2018; 5(1-2): 41–56
Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 2018; 5(1-2): 41–56 C. Jay Crisostomo* Language, Translation, and Commentary in Cuneiform Scribal Practice https://doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2018-0005 Abstract: Cuneiform scholarly practices systematized an exploration of mean- ing potential. In cuneiform scholarship, knowledge making emerged from multiplescribalpractices,mostnotablylist-making,analogicalreasoning, and translation. The present paper demonstrates how multilingualism stands atthecoreofcuneiformscholarlyinquiry, enabling hermeneutical exploration of possibility and potential. Cuneiform scholarly practices of translation and analogical hermeneutics coupled with an understanding of the cuneiform writing system constituted a system analogous to the medieval artes grammaticae. Keywords: translation, commentary, analogy, lists In a series of lectures given at the University of Cambridge, Ian Hacking asked the question “Why does language matter to philosophy?” He concludes “Language matters to philosophy because of what knowledge has become. … [Discourse is] that which constitutes human knowledge” (Hacking 1975: 187). Why does language matter to cuneiform “philosophy”? Or, perhaps, rather than Why, we can ask How. In order to answer this question, I examine the social and textual contexts in which a discussion of cuneiform “philosophy” can properly take place, namely in cuneiform scholarship. At the core of cuneiform scholarly practices and knowledge making is list-making. In his recent book Philosophy Before the Greeks, Marc Van De Mieroop argued that the list—the listing structure—provides the basis for a Babylonian epistemology which is grounded in the cuneiform writing system.1 As he states in his more recent work, “Lists were the dominant format in which Mesopotamian intellectuals speculated” (Van De Mieroop this 1 Van De Mieroop (2015). -
A PRELIMINARY STUDY of the SUMERIAN CURRICULAR and LAMENTATIONAL TEXTS from the OLD BABYLONIAN CITY of KISH by Joshua A. Bowen A
A PRELIMINARY STUDY OF THE SUMERIAN CURRICULAR AND LAMENTATIONAL TEXTS FROM THE OLD BABYLONIAN CITY OF KISH by Joshua A. Bowen A dissertation submitted to the Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland February, 2017 © 2017 Joshua A. Bowen All Rights Reserved Abstract The collections of Sumerian and Akkadian tablets that have been excavated at various Old Babylonian sites have been surveyed and subjected to corpus-based analysis, including the tablets from prominent cities such as Nippur, Ur, Sippar, Isin, and Uruk. However, until very recently, attention has not focused on the important northern city of Kiš. Although many of the literary and liturgical duplicates from Kiš have been translated and discussed, neither the curricular nor the lamentational corpora have been treated as a whole. The goal of my dissertation, therefore, is to survey and analyze the entirety of the Old Babylonian (ca. 2000-1600 BCE) curricular and lamentational textual material from Kiš in order to identify local features or traditions that were unique to these genres. The survey of the curricular textual material will seek to accomplish two goals. First, it will identify the curricular compositions that were used in scribal education at Kiš during the OB period. Second, it will determine the ways in which the Kiš scribal curriculum deviated from the curricula that are known from other OB cites, such as Nippur, Ur, and Sippar. The latter investigation will reveal two patterns at Kiš. First, it will demonstrate that, although several curricular duplicates varied from manuscripts found at the major scribal center, Nippur, there is evidence to suggest that there were lines of textual transmission that connected the OB Kiš lexical tradition to those that were found in the MB and the first millennium. -
Intellectual History and Assyriology
doi 10.1515/janeh-2013-0006 JANEH 2014; 1(1): 21–36 Niek Veldhuis* Intellectual History and Assyriology Abstract: The present article proposes to understand knowledge and knowledge traditions of ancient Mesopotamia as assets, deployed by actors in the social contexts in which they found themselves. This approach is illustrated with three examples from different periods of Mesopotamian history. Keywords: intellectual history, ancient Mesopotamia, sociology of knowledge *Corresponding author: Niek Veldhuis, UC Berkeley, Berkeley, CA, USA, E-mail: [email protected] The idea of an intellectual history, a history of knowledge, or a history of scholarship bears the mark of the Enlightenment. The optimism of scholars and scientists of the time that the world could be known, that it obeyed impersonal laws, which could be discovered, one by one, created many aspects of the concept of knowledge that we take for granted today: knowledge grows perpetually by the discoveries of scholars and scientists who are acknowledged in awards, citations, and footnotes. The object of their research is typically, nature – that is, anything not made by men and that behaves in a regular, almost mechanistic way and that is objectively available to perception. Since this knowledge is like a rolling train that inevitably runs its course to uncover more and more truths, the question of the history of this knowledge becomes inevitable. Where did it come from, whom should we acknowledge for all those things that have been known for a long time, how did the train get here, and where are we now? Such questions may easily be extended to ancient Mesopotamia, tracing the development of astronomy out of divination, linguistics out of lexicography, or (rational) medicine out of magic. -
Learning Mathematics and Science in the Ancient Middle East I Am Not A
Learning mathematics and science in the ancient Middle East Eleanor Robson I am not a specialist in science education in the modern world; rather, I look at the very beginnings of science education in the Middle East, 5000–2000 years ago. I cannot cover all three thousand of those years in this paper, so instead I shall present two examples of my work, and explain why I think it is important for today's students of science to understand the very ancient history of science and mathematics in this region. The role of science and mathematics in the medieval Islamic world, starting in the 'Abbasid court of Baghdad in the 9th century CE, is already well known, but science and mathematics have a much, much older history in the Middle East, starting from the origins of culture, civilisation and cities five thousand years ago. I have a rather strange job: I am an archaeologist of mathematics and science. Archaeology essentially is the study of rubbish—the things that other people have abandoned and left behind—in order to discover how those people lived and died, how and why they made and used objects to work with and think with. Like any other human activity, mathematics and science leave trails of rubbish behind. I study the mathematical and scientific rubbish of the ancient Babylonians (and Sumerians and Assyrians), who lived in Iraq many millennia ago. These cultures happen to have left a particularly full trail of physical evidence for archaeologists to excavate. Historians like me, who work on the languages and the thought, can then use that evidence to re-capture the thinking and practices behind some of the world's oldest science and mathematics. -
Mesopotamian Legal Traditions and the Laws of Hammurabi
Chicago-Kent Law Review Volume 71 Issue 1 Symposium on Ancient Law, Economics and Society Part II: Ancient Rights and Wrongs / Article 3 Symposium on Ancient Law, Economics and Society Part II: Ancient Near Eastern Land Laws October 1995 Mesopotamian Legal Traditions and the Laws of Hammurabi Martha T. Roth Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cklawreview Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Martha T. Roth, Mesopotamian Legal Traditions and the Laws of Hammurabi, 71 Chi.-Kent L. Rev. 13 (1995). Available at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cklawreview/vol71/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chicago-Kent Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. MESOPOTAMIAN LEGAL TRADITIONS AND THE LAWS OF HAMMURABI MARTHA T. ROTH* I find myself, more and more frequently in recent years, asking the questions: "What are the Mesopotamian law collections?" and more broadly, "What is Mesopotamian law?" For twenty years I have wrestled with these issues, ever since my first graduate school class with Professor Barry Eichler at the University of Pennsylvania in 1974 opened my eyes to the intrigue and the soap opera of Nuzi family law. And in the last few years, as I have worked to complete new transla- tions of all the law collections, I have found my own opinions -
Assyrian and Babylonian Scholarly Text Catalogues Die Babylonisch-Assyrische Medizin in Texten Und Untersuchungen
Assyrian and Babylonian Scholarly Text Catalogues Die babylonisch-assyrische Medizin in Texten und Untersuchungen Begründet von Franz Köcher Herausgegeben von Robert D. Biggs und Marten Stol Band 9 Assyrian and Babylonian Scholarly Text Catalogues Medicine, Magic and Divination Edited by Ulrike Steinert The work on this volume as part of the project BabMed – Babylonian Medicine has been funded by the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007–2013; Project No. 323596). ISBN 978-1-5015-1363-3 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-1-5015-0491-4 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-1-5015-0487-7 Library of Congress Control Number 2018935702 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2018 Walter de Gruyter Inc., Boston/Berlin Cover image: Florentina Badalanova Geller Typesetting: Michael Peschke, Berlin Printing: CPI books GmbH, Leck www.degruyter.com Table of Contents Acknowledgements 1 Abbreviations 3 Ulrike Steinert Introduction: Catalogues, Corpora and Canons in Mesopotamian Scholarship 7 Part 1: Studies on Mesopotamian Text Catalogues Irving L. Finkel On Three Tablet Inventories 25 Markham J. Geller A Babylonian Hippocrates 42 J. Cale Johnson Towards a New Perspective on Babylonian Medicine: The Continuum of Allegoresis and the Emergence of Secular Models in Mesopotamian Scientific Thought 55 Strahil V. Panayotov Notes on the Assur Medical Catalogue with Comparison to the Nineveh Medical Encyclopaedia 89 Francesca Rochberg The Catalogues of Enūma Anu Enlil 121 Eric Schmidtchen Esagil-kīn-apli’s Catalogue of Sakikkû and Alamdimmû 137 Ulrike Steinert Catalogues, Texts and Specialists: Some Thoughts on the Assur Medical Catalogue, Mesopotamian Medical Texts and Healing Professions 158 vi Table of Contents Part 2: Text Sources U. -
Lexical Matches Between Sumerian and Hurro-Urartian: Possible Historical Scenarios
Cuneiform Digital Library Journal 2014:4 <http://www.cdli.ucla.edu/pubs/cdlj/2014/cdlj2014_4.html> © Cuneiform Digital Library Initiative ISSN 1540-8779 Version: 3 December 2014 Lexical Matches between Sumerian and Hurro-Urartian: Possible Historical Scenarios Alexei Kassian Institute of Linguistics of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow Th e paper deals with lexical matches between two ancient Near Eastern languages: Sumerian and Hurrian (Hurro-Urartian); namely, several basic terms (like ‘hand,’ ‘rain,’ etc.), that demonstrate phonetical similarities in both languages, are discussed. Four possible scenarios are evaluated from the typological, etymological and statistical points of view: (1) chance coincidences; (2) lexi- cal borrowings from Sumerian into Hurro-Urartian or vice versa; (3) genetic relationship between Sumerian and Hurro-Urartian; (4) prehistoric language shift : adoption by a Hurro-Urartian (or closely related) group of the Sumerian language or vice versa. Out of these four, two scenarios—lexical borrowings and genetic relationship—are typologically unlikely. Th e statistical probability of chance coincidences is low, although formally this explanation cannot be excluded. Th e fourth scenario—language shift —fi ts linguistic evidence and does not contradict archaeological data. Keywords: Hurrian, Sumerian, Ancient Near East, language contacts, language shift , loanwords, lexicostatistics §1. Introduction a language of the Urartian empire (present-day Armenia §1.1. Th e languages and neighboring areas).2 For the preliterate period, it is §1.1.1. Sumerian is a language spoken in southern Mes- natural to associate the HU people with the Kura-Araxes opotamia (modern Iraq). Its earliest cuneiform attesta- (Early Trans-Caucasian) archaeological culture (Kassian tions date from the late 4th or early 3rd millennium BC, 2010: 423-428 with further references). -
A Mesopotamian Lexical List?
[Vicino Oriente XXIII (2019), pp. 65-80] * KUB 37.122: A MESOPOTAMIAN LEXICAL LIST? Federico Giusfredi - Valerio Pisaniello University of Verona In this paper, we will offer an edition and commentary of the fragment KUB 37.122, usually referred to as a Samenliste, but generally not included among the lexical lists from the Hattusa archives. We will also discuss some peculiarities of the contents, the syllabary, and the graphemics of the text, and we will try to contextualize the text within the complex scenario of the Akkadian texts written, or copied, in the Hittite capital city. Keywords: Akkadian; Sumerian; lexical lists; medical texts; plant names 1. LEXICAL LISTS AND THE PERIPHERY OF THE CUNEIFORM KOINÈ Lexical lists represent a peculiar genre in what - using the label in a very general fashion - we could call the Ancient Near Eastern literature. These texts usually contain a list of lexical entries that are presented in parallel columns, in one or more languages of the Ancient Near East.1 The languages that are usually represented in Mesopotamia are Sumerian and Akkadian, while other languages (Eblaite, West Semitic, Hittite, and Hurrian) may appear in documents recovered from local archives. In the archives from Hattusa, the main capital city of the Hittite Empire, a number of lexical lists have been recovered, most of which are in fact copies or local elaborations of traditional lists that belong to the Mesopotamian tradition. These documents were recorded by Emmanuel Laroche under the CTH numbers from 299 to 309, and the following a o Mesopotamian lists are represented in the sub-corpus: S , S , Diri, Erimhuš, Ur5-ra, Ura, Izi, 2 Kagal, Sag, Lu2, Ea, and possible fragments of an An list. -
Mathematical Cuneiform Tablets in Philadelphia Part 1: Problems and Calculations
SCIAMVS 1 (2000), 11--48 Mathematical cuneiform tablets in Philadelphia Part 1: problems and calculations Eleanor Robson Wolfson College, Oxford eleanor. robson@wolfson. ox. ac. uk Introduction The Babylonian Section of the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, Philadelphia houses some thirty thousand ancient cuneiform tablets, around two hundred of which are mathematical in content. A few hundred tablets in the collection were bought from dealers or collectors, while others come from excavations at the southern Iraqi sites of Shuruppag, Ur, Tall-i Malyan, and Tell Billa, but the large majority were acquired through excavations at the ancient city of Nippur in the south of Iraq (Gerardi 1984: ix). 1 The Nippur expeditions were conducted in two phases-a pre-scientific series of digs before the First World War, and three controlled stratigraphic excavations conducted jointly with the Oriental Institute, University of Chicago, between 1948 and 1952.2 The finds from the early expeditions to Nippur were numerous, but sadly it was not considered necessary in those days to record the exact circumstances of the tablets found-texts were thought to be able to 'speak for themselves' (cf. Westenholz 1992: 292-3). So for most of the mathematical tablets in the museum's collections we know little more than they were found at Nippur, in the area dubbed 'Tablet Hill' due to the dense concentration of written artefacts found there ( e.g. Peters 1897: II 418). 3 Epigraphic evidence dates the majority of them to the early second millennium BC, or Old Babylonian (OB) period. Under Turkish law, all the finds belonged to the Ottoman empire, and the American excavators were obliged to 'purchase such part of the objects found as may seem superfluous to the Imperial 1 Zettler (1992) argues that the museum's very existence depends to a great extent on the University of Pennsylvania Expeditions to Babylonia's spectacular finds of tablets at Nippur in the 1890s.