The (D)Evolution of Political Communication in Italy: Beppe
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Face Attack in Italian Politics: Beppe Grillo's Insulting Epithets
1 Face attack in Italian politics: Beppe Grillo’s insulting epithets for other politicians1 ABSTRACT The second largest party in the Italian Parliament, the “5-Star Movement” is led by comedian-turned-politician Beppe Grillo. Grillo is well-known for a distinctive and often inflammatory rhetoric, which includes the regular use of humorous but insulting epithets for other politicians, such as Psiconano (“Psychodwarf”) for Silvio Berlusconi. This paper discusses a selection of epithets used by Grillo on his blog between 2008 and 2015 to refer to Berlusconi and three successive centre-left leaders. We account for the functions of the epithets in terms of Spencer-Oatey’s (2002, 2008) multi- level model of “face” and of Culpeper’s (2011) “entertaining” and “coercive” functions of impoliteness. We suggest that our study has implications for existing models of face and impoliteness and for an understanding of the evolving role of verbal aggression in Italian politics. 1. Introduction In the 2013 Italian general election, just under a quarter of the votes went to Il Movimento Cinque Stelle (The 5-Star Movement, or M5S) – a new political entity which had been founded four years before by comedian- turned-politician Beppe Grillo. One of the distinctive characteristics of Grillo’s language as leader of M5S is the coinage of humorous but insulting epithets for other politicians. Below is an extract from an online ‘political communiqué’ written by Grillo shortly after the 2008 general election: I partiti erano uno e bino, psiconano e Topo Gigio. PDL e PD-meno- elle […].(Grillo, n.d., Communiqué number 13) “The parties were one and two-in-one, psychodwarf and Gigio Mouse. -
Universitá Degli Studi Di Pisa
UNIVERSITÁ DEGLI STUDI DI PISA Dipartimento di Scienze Politiche CORSO DI LAUREA MAGISTRALE IN COMUNICAZIONE D’IMPRESA E POLITICA DELLE RISORSE UMANE Il framing dell’elezione del Presidente della Repubblica: processi di ibridazione tra Televisione, Twitter e Stampa quotidiana Candidato Antonio Martella Relatore Correlatore Prof.ssa Roberta Bracciale Prof. Andrea Salvini Anno Accademico 2014-2015 Indice Introduzione .................................................................................................................................. 3 I - Quadro teorico e metodologico ................................................................................................ 7 1.1 - Ibridazione e politica pop .................................................................................................. 7 1.2 - Talk show e Social TV ...................................................................................................... 10 1.3 - Agenda Setting e Framing ............................................................................................... 13 1.4 – Metodologia ................................................................................................................... 17 II - Prima giornata di elezione del Presidente della Repubblica – 29 gennaio 2015 ................... 19 2.1 - Contesto .......................................................................................................................... 19 2.2 - Quotidiani del 29 gennaio 2015 ..................................................................................... -
Senza Titolo 2
Open Letter to Beppe Grillo from Professor Paul Connett and Rossano Ercolini, dated Nov 4, 2016 Dear Beppe, I hope this finds you well in health and spirits. Rossano Ercolini and I are writing to you today because we have been very concerned about the disturbing information emanating from Rome and Turin where newly elected Five Star Movement mayors are making statements - and worse - making appointments, which appear to suggest that they are turning their backs on a genuine zero waste strategy and instead indicate they favor the discredited use of landfills and incinerators. The purpose of this letter is the hope that you will use your good offices to get one of the key planks of many 5 star activists back on track. As you know Paul has been to Italy many times working pro bono with Rossano and others fighting against incineration and also promoting a Zero Waste strategy. This has involved working many times with members of both Amici di Beppe Grillo and the Movimento Cinque Stelle. One story Paul loves re-telling in public is how a few years ago a delegation from the Amici di Beppe Grillo (there were about 600 groups at that time) went to you and said that “they loved what you were saying but what did you want them to do?” Your reply “Go home to your communities and improve them.” In our opinion this advice changed Italian politics from a lot of “talking” at the top to “doing” at the grass roots level. One result was that many pushed for Zero Waste in their communities. -
The Bright Side of Populism: Beppe Grillo As Promoter of Political Change and Reform
XXVII Convegno della Società italiana di Scienza politica Università di Firenze 12 - 14 September 2013 The bright side of populism: Beppe Grillo as promoter of political change and reform Jana Edelmann. Research Assistant at Universität Siegen/ Ph.D Student at Ludwig- Maximilians-Universität München First Draft – please do not cite or quote, comments are welcome Abstract With his irresponsible simplifications and unsustainable political demands, populist Beppe Grillo poses a serious danger for the Italian democracy and its institutions, as the widespread opinion goes. However, this negative interpretation falls short of taking into account two crucial aspects: Firstly, Grillo and his MoVimento 5 Stelle are caused by, respond to and intend to change the political system’s and its actors’ uncontested inefficiencies and encrusted structures, woes that the established political elite – so far unsuccessfully – has been trying to change for decades. Secondly, populism as a neutral analytical concept indeed allows for its potential to positively influence the political system, namely by addressing taboo subjects and putting them on the political agenda. As argued in this paper, Beppe Grillo’s populist approach provides Italy with a variety of well-founded stimuli for political and institutional change as he and his movement openly address, expose and criticize structures and procedures that lie at the very heart of the Italian political system’s difficulties. I. Introduction: Beppe Grillo - political clown and democratic catastrophe? This year’s Italian national parliament’s election provided the political system with a clear and unexpected winner: Beppe Grillo’s MoVimento Cinque Stelle (M5S), campaigning for the first time on the national level and founded just around three and a half years before (2009), from scratch achieved 23.79 per cent of the votes in the Senato and 25.55 per cent in the Camera, by this becoming the most successful single party (cf. -
Syriza, M5S and Podemos: the Three Champions of the Angry Southern European Voter 105
Syriza, M5S and Podemos: The Three Champions of the Angry Southern European Voter 105 SYRIZA, M5S AND PODEMOS: THE THREE CHAMPIONS OF THE ANGRY SOUTHERN EUROPEAN VOTER SYRIZA, M5S Y PODEMOS: LOS TRES CAMPEONES DEL VOTANTE ENFADADO EN EL SUR DE EUROPA* G C, L O E T** Abstract: The article examines the profi le of the electoral basis of the three most successful examples of anti-establishment parties in Southern Europe, namely the Coalition of Radical Left (SYRIZA) in Greece, the Movimento Cinque Stelle (M5S) in Italy and Podemos in Spain. These parties share the implementation of a non-right populist discourse rooted in the social-protest mo- vements in each country. Using data from the European Election Study 2014, our analysis reveals that despite the fact that these voters have been described as ‘euro-critical’ and ‘non-ideological’, our main fi nding is that their electoral support mostly rests on ideology and on the distrust and disapproval of the national establishment. Keywords: economic crisis; anti-establishment parties; euroscepticism; populism; left-wing parties Resumen: El artículo examina el perfi l de las bases electorales de los tres ejemplos más exito- sos de partidos “antiélite” de izquierda en el Sur de Europa: la Coalición de Izquierda Radical (SYRIZA) en Grecia, el Movimiento Cinco Estrellas (M5S) en Italia y Podemos en España. Estos partidos tienen en común la implementación de un discurso populista no de derechas con conexiones en los movimientos de protesta de cada uno de sus países. Utilizando datos de la Eu- ropean Elections Study 2014, nuestro análisis revela que a pesar del hecho de que estos votantes han sido descritos como “eurocríticos” y “desideologizados”, nuestro principal hallazgo es que su apoyo electoral descansa principalmente en la ideología y en la desconfi anza y falta de apoyo a las élites nacionales. -
Beppe Grillo's Five Star Movement
PA rtecipazione e CO nflitto * The Open Journal of Sociopolitical Studies http://siba-ese.unisalento.it/index.php/paco ISSN: 1972-7623 (print version) ISSN: 2035-6609 (electronic version) PACO, Issue 8(3) 2015: 944-952 DOI: 10.1285/i20356609v8i3p944 Published in November 15, 2015 Work licensed under a Creative Commons At- tribution-Non commercial-Share alike 3.0 Italian License BOOK REVIEWS BEPPE GRILLO’S FIVE STAR MOVEMENT Organisation, Communication and Ideology edited by Filippo Tronconi, Ashgate, Farnham, 2015, 254 pp., €65.00, ISBN 978- 1-4724-3663-4 Fabio Bordignon Università di Urbino Carlo Bo The resounding debut of the Five Star Movement (M5S) at the 2013 Italian General Election marks the «most successful party entry in the history of post-war Western Eu- ropean democracies». Less than five years after its official foundation, the political movement led by the (former) comedian Beppe Grillo was able to become the first Ital- ian party. How could this astonishing result have been achieved? Is this new political actor here to stay? The book edited by Filippo Tronconi revolves around these two main questions, presenting the results of a research project launched in 2012 by the Istituto Carlo Cattaneo. The contributions of a pool of Italian scholars offer different perspectives and different methods and sources: election results, survey data, qualitative interviews with activists and elected representatives. The book provides an analytical framework that helps to identify the factors underly- ing this unprecedented (and largely unexpected) electoral breakthrough. Moreover, in the concluding section, Tronconi poses questions about the stability of the position that PACO, ISSN: 2035-6609 - Copyright © 2015 - University of Salento, SIBA: http://siba-ese.unisalento.it PACO – BOOK REVIEWS the M5S has acquired in the Italian party system, and about the sustainability of its party model, given the peculiar features of its ideological profile and organisational arrange- ment. -
Freedom of the Press - Italy (2011)
Page 1 of 2 Print Freedom Of The Press - Italy (2011) Status: Partly Free Legal Environment: 11 Political Environment: 13 Economic Environment: 10 Total Score: 34 Freedoms of speech and of the press are constitutionally guaranteed and generally respected despite ongoing concerns regarding concentration of media ownership. The 2004 Gasparri Law on broadcasting was heavily criticized for provisions that enabled Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi to maintain his control of the private media market, largely through his ownership of the Mediaset Group. In October 2009, the Constitutional Court overturned a law that had granted Berlusconi protection from prosecution while he remains in office. The ruling opened the way for a number of court cases against him to proceed, including a tax fraud case involving Mediaset. In June 2010, the Senate passed a bill that would limit the use of police wiretaps, prescribing heavy fines and up to 30 days in jail for journalists who publish content from such recordings before the implicated defendant goes to trial. The controversial bill was seen primarily as an effort to keep embarrassing information about politicians out of the news. Following international condemnation and protests by journalists, including a national strike in July, the government put a hold on the draft law, and it had not been enacted at the end of the year. In addition to this threat to media freedom, a comprehensive report released by the Vienna-based International Press Institute noted a number of other legal impediments, including the lack of a proper law to deal with conflict of interest (particularly between media ownership and holding political office), as well as licensing procedures for journalists that can potentially lead to official influence and limited opportunities for foreign-born reporters. -
Does the Five Star Movement Deviate from Its 'Democratic Formula'?
Innovative Politics: Does The Five Star Movement Deviate from its ‘Democratic Formula’? Anna Grazia Napoletano S4609301 16 November 2017 Comparative Politics Master thesis Supervisor: Dr. Maurits J. Meijers Nijmegen School of Management Radboud University Nijmegen Word count. 33, 759 Table of Contents 1. Introduction…………………………………………………………………. 3 1.1 Innovative politics: from a minimalist concept of democracy to a complex one……….. 8 1.2 Innovative politics: Pirate Party, Geenpeil and the Five Star Movement……………….. 12 2.The Five Star Movement: History and organization……………………………………... 15 2.1 Italian political context:……………………………………………………………… 15 2.2 From a website to a Movement: The Five Star Movement’s embryo stage………….. 18 2.2.1 Anti-media………………………………………………………………………….. 19 2.2.2 Meetup……………………………………………………………………………… 21 2.3 From a Movement to a party…………………………………………………………. 24 2.3.1 Current structure……………………………………………………………………… 27 2.3.2 The Five Star Movement manifesto and its system of checks and balances…………. 28 2.3.3 Staff…………………………………………………………………………………… 30 2.3.4 Financing……………………………………………………………………………… 30 3. Divergence from the Five Star Movement’s Democratic Formula………………………. 31 3.1 The FiveStar Movement democratic formula: direct-participatory, transparent and deliberative………………………………………………………………….. 31 3.2 Direct and Participatory Democracy……………………………………………………. 32 3.3 Transparent Democracy…………………………………………………………………. 35 3.4 Deliberative Democracy………………………………………………………………… 35 3.5 Deviations from the Five Star Movement’s democratic formula……………………….. 36 3.6 Expectations regarding the Five Star Movement’s divergence from its “democratic formula”……………………………………………………………………………………… 38 3.6.1 The massive organization of internal democracy and “the Iron Law of Oligarchy”….… 38 3.6.2.The Lack of ideology: Delegation Vs. Representation and Taggart’s protest politics….. 41 4. Methodology……………………………………………………………………………… 46 4.1 Exploring the world of the Five Star Movement…………………………………………. -
Populism in Italy
CICERO FOUNDATION GREAT DEBATE PAPER No. 19/05 December 2019 POPULISM IN ITALY EXPLORING THE IDEOLOGICAL ROOTS OF LEGA AND THE FIVE STAR MOVEMENT DR. LUCA MANUCCI University of Lisbon Institute of Social Sciences Cicero Foundation Great Debate Paper No. 19/05 © Luca Manucci, 2019. All rights reserved The Cicero Foundation is an independent pro-Atlantic and pro-EU think tank, founded in 1992 in Maastricht at the signing of the Maastricht Treaty. www.cicerofoundation.org The views expressed in Cicero Foundation Great Debate Papers do not necessarily express the opinion of the Cicero Foundation, but they are considered interesting and thought-provoking enough to be published. Permission to make digital or hard copies of any information contained in these web publications is granted for personal use, without fee and without formal request. Full citation and copyright notice must appear on the first page. Copies may not be made or distributed for profit or commercial advantage. 2 Populism in Italy Exploring the Ideological Roots of Lega and the Five Star Movement Luca Manucci The League (Lega) and Five Star Movement (M5S) are quite different from an ideological point of view, but something ties them together: their populist vision of society. The League is now a classic far right party fighting immigration, the ‘cultural hegemony’ of the Left, and the economic ‘dictatorship’ of the European institutions, while claiming to defend the Christian roots of Europe. M5S is a very different type of party, since it lacks a clear ideology and scholars struggle to position it on a classic left-right divide. -
Beppe Grillo's Unexpected Rise Makes Him the Italian (Non)Politician of The
blo gs.lse.ac.uk http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2012/12/13/beppe-grillo-2012/ Beppe Grillo’s unexpected rise makes him the Italian (non)politician of the year by Blog Admin While the end of year headlines are being dominated by Silvio Berlusconi and Mario Monti, Giuliano Bobba and Duncan McDonnell argue that the most interesting Italian politics story in 2012 was Beppe Grillo and his Movimento 5 Stelle. The movement’s particular blend of anti-establishment politics, and a communication strategy that focuses on both the internet and grassroots campaigning, mean that we should expect further surprises from Beppe Grillo in 2013. 2012 has been a big year f or unelected leaders in Italian politics. It started with Mario Monti’s technocratic government enjoying record levels of support in the polls and f inished with his resignation, f ollowing Silvio Berlusconi’s decision to switch f rom reluctant backer to vocif erous opponent. Although Berlusconi’s latest U-turn and its ef f ects are dominating the Italian media in the pre-Christmas weeks, it is a longer- standing opponent of Monti that has been the real surprise of 2012: the ‘non-politician’ Beppe Grillo (who has never been elected to of f ice and claims he will never stand as a candidate) and the Movimento 5-Stelle (M5S – 5 Star Movement) which presents itself as ‘not a party’. In the space of just a f ew months f ollowing the 2012 local elections, as shown in Figure 1, the M5S leapt f rom around 5 per cent in the polls to almost 20 per cent and second place. -
Download/Print the Study in PDF Format
REFERENDUM IN ITALY 4th December 2016 European Elections monitor A wide majority of Italians reject the draft constitutional reform put forward by the government of Matteo Renzi, who Corinne Deloy has now resigned. A wide majority (59.11%),of Italians said “no” to the draft Constitutional reform proposed by Results the President of the Council Matteo Renzi (Democratic Party, PD) which aimed to strengthen the country’s political stability and facilitate the decision making process. It intended to break from the present equal bicameral system, which grants similar powers to both chambers of Parliament (the Chamber of Representatives and the Senate); as matters stand the executive is obliged to have the majority in each of the assemblies in order to be able to govern. According to many observers this system is responsible average lifespan is 396 days. The country has had 60 for the country’s political instability. “The system is costly governments since 1946 and 36 since 1972, of which and diminishes accountability because government can only 6 lasted more than a year and a half. “On average always blame the bicameral system for its inaction,” it takes three and a half years to adopt a bill. Governing declared Carlo Fusaro, a professor in Constitutional law can therefore prove to be extremely complicated,” Alan at the University of Florence. In Italy, a government’s Lemangnen, an economist with Natixis. Results of the referendum on the Constitutional reform of 4th December 2016 in Italy Turnout : 65,47% % of the “yes” % of the “no” Subject of the referendum (number of votes is in (number of votes is in brackets) brackets) 40.89 59.11 Approval of the constitutional reform (13 432 208) (19 419 507) Source : Home Affairs Ministry, http://elezioni.interno.it/referendum/scrutini/20161204/FX01000.htm However only four Italians in ten were convinced of led by former President of the Council (1998-2000) the reform put forward by Matteo Renzi (40.89%). -
60.9 Million PRESS FREEDOM 2013 STATUS: Partly Free
FREEDOM ON THE NET 2013 1 ITALY 2012 2013 POPULATION: 60.9 million INTERNET FREEDOM STATUS FREE FREE INTERNET PENETRATION 2012: 58 percent SOCIAL MEDIA/ICT APPS BLOCKED: No Obstacles to Access (0-25) 4 5 POLITICAL/SOCIAL CONTENT BLOCKED: No Limits on Content (0-35) 7 6 BLOGGERS/ICT USERS ARRESTED: No Violations of User Rights (0-40) 12 12 PRESS FREEDOM 2013 STATUS: Partly Free Total (0-100) 23 23 * 0=most free, 100=least free KEY DEVELOPMENTS: MAY 2012 – APRIL 2013 Despite limited progress, Italy continued to lag behind most other countries of the European Union in terms of internet penetration and average speed (see OBSTACLES TO ACCESS). Dozens of file-sharing and video-streaming websites were blocked over the past year for illegally hosting copyrighted materials (see LIMITS ON CONTENT). The Court of Cassation clarified that a 1948 law prohibiting “clandestine press” could not be applied to blogs, easing fears that blogs could face blocking for failing to register with the authorities (see LIMITS ON CONTENT). Social media and blogging were critical in the nascent Five Star Movement’s success in the February 2013 parliamentary elections, in which it received more votes than any single party (see LIMITS ON CONTENT). A Livorno court decided that an insulting Facebook post can be considered as defamation by “other means of publicity,” since the social network allows for the broad diffusion of posts. In the case, a user was found guilty of defaming her former employer and ordered to pay a fine. The ruling may open the door for further defamation cases related to Facebook posts (see VIOLATIONS OF USER RIGHTS).