James Madison University JMU Scholarly Commons Masters Theses The Graduate School Spring 2015 Memory as torchlight: Frederick Douglass and public memories of the Haitian Revolution James Lincoln James Madison University Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/master201019 Part of the Cultural History Commons, Intellectual History Commons, Social History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Lincoln, James, "Memory as torchlight: Frederick Douglass and public memories of the Haitian Revolution" (2015). Masters Theses. 23. https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/master201019/23 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the The Graduate School at JMU Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of JMU Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Memory as Torchlight: Frederick Douglass and Public Memories of the Haitian Revolution James Lincoln A thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty of JAMES MADISON UNIVERSITY In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Master of Arts History May 2015 Table of Contents Introduction……………………………………………………………………………......1 Chapter 1: The Antebellum Era………………………………………………………….22 Chapter 2: Secession and the Civil War…………………………………………………66 Chapter 3: Reconstruction and the Post-War Years……………………………………112 Epilogue………………………………………………………………………………...150 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………154 ii Abstract The following explores how Frederick Douglass used memoires of the Haitian Revolution in various public forums throughout the nineteenth century. Specifically, it analyzes both how Douglass articulated specific public memories of the Haitian Revolution and why his articulations changed over time. Additional context is added to the present analysis as Douglass’ various articulations are also compared to those of other individuals who were expressing their memories at the same time. Methodologically, the following is based on the notion that memory is fundamentally a social construct that is shaped by individual agency as well as broader structural patterns. Moreover, in the case of public memories presented in a civic forum the goal is not to understand how memory relates to identity but rather to uncover the various ways that memories were used as rhetorical tools. The analysis found herein reveals that over the course of his life Douglass intentionally altered the way that he presented public memories of the Haitian Revolution in response to his own personal experiences as well as those of African-Americans as a group. During the antebellum era Douglass relied on memories of the Haitian Revolution that focused on presenting those of African descent as capable of being productive citizens who, if emancipated, would contribute economically to their respective communities. Once the Civil War began, Douglass altered his articulations so that memories of the Haitian Revolution were obscured in favor of nationalistic memories that argued for a conception of African-Americans as being perpetually loyal to the United States. In the decades after the Civil War, Douglass presented various strains of Haitian iii memory depending on whether or not he perceived his fellow Americans to be actively preserving the revolutionary legislation bequeathed by the Civil War. On the whole, this paper seeks to contribute to on-going discussions regarding the culturally and politically constructed legacies of specific historical phenomenon. More to the point, it argues in favor of viewing memory as a constantly evolving entity that is forever being shaped and re-shaped by those who present it to the public or utilize it in their political battles. iv 1 Introduction: “They have a right to their liberty.”1 Though it may be hard to imagine now, Frederick Douglass trembled with fear when he first spoke to a Northern audience. Douglass, of course, had spoken to audiences before but in the past he was speaking to his fellow slaves and he was usually reading aloud from a newspaper or some other printed material. When, sometime in October of 1841, he stood for the first time before an audience that was comprised mostly of European-Americans he was no longer a slave and the words he shared with his listeners were his alone. Just three years prior to standing nervously before an audience in Lynn, Massachusetts, Douglass would have had very little to claim as his own as he stood before his fellow slaves and read to them from a local newspaper or perhaps a pilfered book.2 Though the speech Douglass gave that October day in 1841 was unpolished and brief it contained numerous hints of the themes that Douglass would expound upon throughout his career. Perhaps his audience was a bit taken aback when he chose to mention the frustratingly high levels of racial prejudice present in the North. No doubt, some were shocked to learn his opinion that "Prejudice against color is stronger north than south..."3 Less surprisingly to his audience, Douglass argued for the immediate emancipation of slaves by offering evidence of the intelligence and humanity of the 1 Frederick Douglass, "I Have Come to Tell You Something About Slavery: An Address Delivered in Lynn, Massachusetts, in October 1841," in The Frederick Douglass Papers, Series One. Speeches, Debates and Interviews: Volume I: 1841-46, ed. John Blassingame (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1979), 3. 2 Douglass, "I Have Come to Tell You Something About Slavery…The Frederick Douglass Papers, Series One… Volume I…3. For a brief summary of Douglass' escape from slavery see, William McFeely, Frederick Douglass (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1991), 67-73. 3 Douglass, "I Have Come to Tell You Something About Slavery...," in The Frederick Douglass Papers, Series One...Vol. I...5. 2 millions of African-Americans enslaved throughout the United States at the time. He attempted to dispel any notions that those of African descent were simply brutish creatures as he informed his audience of the physical and emotional pain and agony that slaves often experienced. Moreover, he painted a picture of the typical slave as someone whose mental faculties had not been extinguished by years of servitude and who was acutely aware of national events, especially those relating to abolition. As he would throughout his career, Douglass referenced slave insurrections and implied that slavery itself, and not the inherent barbarity of those being enslaved, was the fundamental cause of slave revolts. He even warned his audience that the possibility of a political solution to slavery was the only thing that prevented untold violence being the tool of choice for the millions of slaves who "...know that they have a right to their liberty."4 Finally, in order to clarify many of his arguments Douglass relied on a tool that he would use for the rest of his life, in countless speeches, articles and essays: historical memory. Perhaps it was simply a function of his innate personality or maybe it had to do with having learned to read by perusing excerpts of famous speeches by the likes of William Pitt, George Washington, and Cicero but whatever the reason Douglass rarely spoke to an audience without manipulating historical memory in some fashion. That fall day in Massachusetts he paraphrased from the Bible's Book of Luke in order to simultaneously reveal the hypocrisy of Christian slave owners while also revealing the depth of his own understanding of the Gospels. Then, perhaps aware of the geographic location of his speech, he referenced a more recent memory. In order to prove to his 4 Frederick Douglass, "I Have Come to Tell You Something About Slavery...,"…The Frederick Douglass Papers, Series One...Vol. I...4. 3 audience that slaves were aware of abolitionist agitation on their behalf, Douglass claimed that while still a slave he had obtained a copy of one of John Quincy Adams' anti-slavery speeches and read it to his fellow slaves. Curiously, though each of Douglass’ three autobiographies mentioned his early predilection for reading and his efforts to educate his fellow slaves, never once in the pages of those three life histories did he mention John Quincy Adams by name. Perhaps, that day in October, when he stood anxiously before a small audience of abolitionists and their allies he made the strategic decision to include Adams’ name in order to create a personal bond between his experiences as a slave and the anti-slavery efforts of one of New England’s leading families. As that first speech in Lynn, Massachusetts gave way to thousands of others, not to mention countless published pamphlets and newspaper articles, Douglass would not forget the way that he had marshalled historical memories to make his arguments that day. When examining the way that Frederick Douglass relied on various public articulations of historical memories in his career, scholars are presented with quite a few options. One could examine Douglass’ use of Biblical imagery and millennialism, or one could examine how Douglass relied on violent imagery in order to make his rhetorical points.5 Rather than follow these more well-tread paths, the following will explore how 5 For studies that examine the theme of religion in Douglass’ writing/speaking see, David Blight, Frederick Douglass’ Civil War: Keeping Faith in Jubilee (Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1989; William Van Deburg, “Frederick Douglass: Maryland Slave to Religious Liberal,” Maryland Historical Magazine, LXIX (Spring, 1974), 27-43. For studies that address Douglass and themes of violence see, Leslie F. Goldstein, “Violence as an Instrument for Social Change: The Views of Frederick Douglass,” Journal of Negro History, LXI (1976), 61-72; Stephen Weisman, “Frederick Douglass, Portrait of a Black Militant: A Study in the Family Romance,” Psychoanalytic Study of the Child, XXV (1975), 725-751. 4 Douglass articulated a variety of public memories of the Haitian Revolution in his decades-long struggle against both slavery and racial oppression.6 Few nineteenth century events reverberated with such fervor as the Haitian Revolution.