ECA 8 (2011), p. 57-82; doi: 10.2143 / ECA.8.0.2961366

The Decorated Syrian Orthodox Churches of Saddad ()*

Mat IMMERZEEL

INTRODUCTION to investigate the expressions of a communal iden- tity among oriental up till present, so From time immemorial, the mountainous region to that Saddad’s eighteenth-century murals suddenly the north of known as the Qalamun has became more relevant to my study. Unfortunately, been a bulwark of Syrian . Whereas my plans to return to the Qalamun for additional most of the Qalamun’s Christian inhabitants were research in 2011 had to be cancelled due to the Melkites, a number of communities supported the persisting unrest in Syria. Rather than delaying the Miaphysite standpoints. The pre-eminent Syrian publication of my study until further notice, Orthodox stronghold in this region was the sparsely I decided to write the present article, which, as the populated region stretching from the north-eastern reader will understand, has a provisional status. Qalamun to , where they had two monaster- ies: Deir Mar Musa al-Habashi in the mountains SOME REMARKS ON SADDAD’S HISTORY east of Nebk, and Deir Mar Elian as-Sharki near Qaryatain1. One of the villages with an enduring At first sight, Saddad seems to be a place in the Miaphysite tradition is Saddad, situated in a desert middle of nowhere. Nevertheless, for centuries it landscape some 60 km to the south of Homs and was an essential stopover for travellers on their way 100 km to the north of Damascus (Pl. 1). Here, to or from (Tadmor). This settlement was three Syrian Orthodox churches are still in use; situated on or near the Roman road connecting they are dedicated to St Theodore (Mar Tadros), Palmyra with Damascus and perhaps also - St Sergius (Mar Sarkis), and St George (Mar Gir- beck3. The first mention of Saddad occurs in the gis), respectively. Mar Sarkis and Mar Girgis are unique insofar as they preserve a series of wall paint- ings from the eighteenth century. These murals are * This research was funded by the Netherlands Organization all the more interesting as they have turned out to for Scientific Research (NWO) and Leiden University. be the only known testimonies of Syrian Orthodox I would like to express my gratitude to Yuri Pyatnitsky, painting activities in Late . They who provided a photocopy of Uspensky’s article and form the topic of the present study2. scans of the images in this article; to Bas ter Haar Romeny, Anais Massot, and Bas Snelders for their help; and Maria Sherwood Smith for her corrections to the English in this My first visit to Saddad took place in May 1996. article. I returned to the village in May 2004 and on both 1 For the historical sources on these monasteries and their occasions I took some photographs and notes. My relations with Saddad, see Kaufhold 1995; Cruikshank Dodd 2001, 22. primary aim at the time was to document the 2 Another instance of a decorated church from the Ottoman medieval wall paintings of the Qalamun, and from period is that of the Maronite Monastery of Qannubin in this perspective I regarded the paintings in Saddad the Qadisha Valley (Lebanon). The interior was embel- as merely an interesting diversion. However, things lished by the Cypriot Maronite Butros al-Musawwir at the order of Estephanus ad-Dwaihi (1670-1704); see changed when in 2006 Professor Bas ter Haar Immerzeel 2009, 117, with further references. Noteworthy Romeny of Leiden University was granted a Euro- but not directly relevant to the present subject is the flour- pean Young Investigator (EURYI) Award to carry ishing of Syrian Orthodox church decoration in the Kerala out the project ‘Identity and Migration: Christian region (India) during the seventeenth and eighteenth cen- turies (Kurisummoottil 2006). Minorities in the Middle East and in Diaspora’. As 3 Chapot 1907, 333. For this discussion, see Herzog zum a member of the research team, it became my task Sachsen 1927, 234.

57

95300_ECA8(2011)_05.indd 57 27/02/13 15:20 any material evidence, such as inscriptions men- tioning its previous name. Until the final quarter of the nineteenth cen- tury, the isolated position of the north-east Qala- mun and unsafe travelling conditions7 discouraged western visitors from leaving the road between Damascus and Homs to follow the eastbound track to Palmyra. The earliest detailed description of Saddad, its archaeological remains and wall paint- ings is found in Eduard Sachau’s Reise in Syrien und Mesopotamien, published in 1883. He was in the village on 21 October 1879 and left us the follow- ing impressions:

Nachdem wir zwei Höhenzüge passirt, gelangten wir 2. 5 nach Sadad, einem grossen, von Jacobiti- schen Christen bewohnten Dorf. Ein stattliches Bächlein fliesst, von Bäumen umsäumt, auf der Westseite des Dorfes vorbei, und im Süden dessel- ben erhebt sich ein hoher, die Gegend dominiren- der , der aus Bautrümmern früherer Zeiten Pl. 1. Map of the Northeast Qalamun (from Google Earth) besteht, also wohl die Lage eines alten Castells ein- nimmt. Auch in Sadad befinden sich Baureste aus römisch-griechischer Zeit. Im Südost des Dorfes Chronicle of Michael the Syrian (1166-1199), who steht die Kirche des Mâr Djirdjîs, im Inneren relates the ordination of Bishop Athanasius of geschmückt mit rohen Heiligen-Darstellungen al Saddad in A.G. 1441/A.D. 11304. Its earlier his- fresco, die von Karschûnî-Inschriften begleitet sind. tory remains a mystery. In the past scholars have Diese Kirche ist zum Theil mit antikem Material tried to link Saddad to the Old Testament city gebaut, denn man sieht korinthische Capitäle und Zedad mentioned in Numbers 34:8 and Ezekiel andere unzweifelhaft antike Baureste theils in der 47:15, or to Roman cities on the road between Mauer eingemauert, theils vor der Kirche umher- Damascus and Palmyra, such as Danaba, or liegen. Ferner steht in der Mitte des Ortes ein nicht Danova5, and Salthata6. Since the village has never sehr hoher, runder Thurmbau, an dem ich Kenn- been the subject of archaeological research, none of zeichen seines Ursprungs nicht zu entdecken ver- these interpretations has yet been substantiated by mochte. In dem Kloster des Mâr Serkîs zeigte man mir auf dem Hof einen Brunnen, in den ein Stein mit sehr verwischten Schriftzeichen eingemauert ist. Es ist eine Griechische Inschrift, die auf dem 4 Chabot 1905, 478 (XLII), 483, 497 (Appendix III; ‘Çadad’ Kopfe steht8. in Chabot’s translation). From the sixteenth century onwards the names of several Syrian Orthodox bishops and scribes originating from Saddad have been recorded (Fiey Although Saddad is still waiting for systematic 1993, 261-262; Kaufhold 1995, passim). According to archaeological exploration, there can be little doubt Fiey, the foundation of a bishopric in Saddad goes back to about the old age of this settlement. The tell that the eleventh century. Sachau noticed to the south of the village is extant9, 5 Chapot 1907, 333. For Danaba/Danova, see: http://www. newadvent.org/cathen/04616a.htm. For the epigraphic evi- and, moreover, in Saddad’s street plan one vaguely dence of the identification of Qaryatain with Nezala, see recognizes the square layout of a Roman city (Pl. 2). Clermont-Ganneau 1897; Millar 1993, 299. The tower seen by Sachau in the village centre, 6 Dussaud 1927, 269. however, no longer exists. The building was photo- 7 For the fear of attacks near Saddad, see Wright 1895, 25-26. graphed by Johann Georg, Herzog zu Sachsen in 8 Sachau 1883, 54. 1927 (Pl. 36), and four more pictures of the tower 9 Al-Arab 1995, 275. are included in Habib al-Arab’s study about the

58

95300_ECA8(2011)_05.indd 58 27/02/13 15:20 Pl. 2. Saddad (from Google Earth)

history of Saddad, published in 1995 (see below)10. Georg, Herzog zu Sachsen, who arrived in Saddad The latter states that the building measured 10m on 29 March 192719. Johann Georg, who remem- long, 8m wide and 22m high, and recounts how bered the murals of Deir al-Surian, the Coptic part of the tower collapsed on 16 January 1919, monastery with a strong Syrian Orthodox tradition killing fourteen people. Fear of more casualties that he had visited on the eve of the First World resulted in its total demolition in 193511. It should War, did not hide his disappointment about the be noted that a Late Antique fort can still be found paintings in Mar Sarkis. This was not the quality in Hawarin, a former Roman city between Saddad he expected. The duke dated the murals to about and Qaryatain (Pl. 1)12. Perhaps these fortifications 1200 and was much displeased by the fairly recent were integrated into the defence system set up rough repainting of the representations, although under along the Strata Diocletiana13. he was more positive about the murals in Mar Girgis. He took photographs of the scenes, but was To return to the wall paintings, in 1900 an expedi- tion of the Russian Archaeological Institute in headed by the institute’s director 10 Al-Arab 1995, Ills 37-40; Herzog zum Sachsen 1927, 234, 14 Taf. III, Abb. 1. Fedor Uspensky , passed through Saddad. Two 11 Al-Arab 1995, 269, 274. The tower is briefly mentioned in years later Uspensky briefly described the decora- Chapot 1907, 333: “(…) une tour carrée haute de 20 tion of both churches in a published report includ- mètres et forte de 8”. ing a sketched plan of Mar Sarkis and several pho- 12 Sachau 1883, 53; Herzog zum Sachsen 241, Taf. VI, Abb. 1-4. tographs of the murals made by his wife Nadezhda 13 15 Millar 1993, 180-189. Uspenskaya . In 1905, Saddad was visited by the 14 Pyatnitski 2009, 99. Princeton University Archeological Expedition to 15 Uspensky 1902, 133-137, Fig. 26, Tables 17-21. 16 16 Butler et al. 1930, 42. Syria . A member of that team, the German 17 17 is the term applied for writings using scholar Enno Littmann, recorded the Garshuni Syriac script. inscriptions of Mar Sarkis but only published them 18 See also Littmann 1934, 56-62. as late as in 193018. The next visitor was Johann 19 Herzog zum Sachsen 1927, 234-238.

59

95300_ECA8(2011)_05.indd 59 27/02/13 15:20 honest enough to confess that only one of his shots East wall: in Mar Sarkis had come out well (see below)20. 1. Presentation in the Temple, consisting of the Despite the duke’s call for further investigation (es-sitt e†-†ahira al-‘adra) handing two of Saddad’s art21, the paintings have not attracted pigeons to the Priest Simeon, who holds the Child any systematic art historical interest as yet, and in (left; Sim‘an seÌ), and Joseph (right; Mari Joseph; more recent studies they are mentioned only Pls 3-4). briefly22. However, a full photographic documenta- 2. Prelate to the left: Mar Ignatius the Patriarch tion of the decoration in both churches is included (Mari Ignatios al-ba†rak; Pl. 5). in Habib al-Arab’s Arabic book about the history 3. Prelate to the right: Mar Demetrius (Mari of Saddad (1995). Although not a scholar in a Demetrios). proper sense, this native of Saddad adds much to the picture. Despite the bad printing quality, the Northeast pier inside the sanctuary: colour photographs give a good impression of the 4. Prelate: Mar Gregorius (Mari Gregorios; situation some twenty to thirty years ago. Together north surface). with the photographic material left by the Russian 5. Prelate to the left: Mar Dioscurus (Mari team and the Duke of Saxony, they form a priceless Dios kuros; east surface; Pl. 6). source on the process of repainting, deliberate 6. Prelate to the right: Bishop Sarohan (Usquf destruction, and decay in the course of the twenti- SaroÌan; east surface; Pl. 6). eth century. Southeast pier inside the sanctuary: THE CHURCH OF MAR SARKIS 7. Prelate: Mar Basilius the (Mari Basilios al-Mafriyan; south surface). Situated in the centre of the village, the Church of 8. Prelate to the left: Anba Antonius (Anba Mar Sarkis is a rectangular construction with a Antonios; east surface; Pl. 7). straight-backed east wall, featuring two cross-vaults 9. Prelate to the right: Anba Macarius tram- resting on three piers set against the two longitudi- pling a snake, with Anba Antonius (Anba Macarios; nal walls (Fig. 1). A stone screen with three east surface; Pl. 7). entrances separates the podium of the sanctuary from the nave. Since the screen is set against the South wall, upper zone of the elevation and piers: painted layer on the south wall, it is more recent. 10/11. Two mounted attacking a devil At least some of the small windows in the four and a snake. The horseman on the right is accom- walls are also later additions. panied by a small pillion rider holding a cup and In the present situation, wall paintings are found ewer. Uspensky and Littmann identify them as on the north, east, and south walls, as well as on Sts Bacchus and Sergius (Pl. 8)24. the piers. They include biblical scenes, standing 12. St Barsauma trampling a snake (Mari and mounted saints, and prelates, all with Garshuni BarÒauma; Pl. 9). inscriptions which are presented below according 13. Prelate: Mar Severus (Mari Severus), flanked to Littmann’s transcriptions23. to the left by a priest, and a flying angel, and to the right by Mar Dorotheus ‘the priest of Egypt’ (Dor- otheos al-arÌun al-miÒri; Pl. 10). 14. St Moses the Ethiopian on horseback, kill- ing a quadruped black demon (Mari Mose al- Îabasi; Pl. 11)25. 20 Herzog zum Sachsen 1927, 235. 15. The Last Judgement (Pl. 12). At the top is 21 “Das wäre eine schöne Aufgabe für einen jungen christli- chen Archäologen” (Herzog zum Sachsen 1927, 238). Christ Enthroned between the Virgin and a 22 Littmann 1930; Cruikshank Dodd 2001, 22, 24; Balicka- cherub, with trumpet-blowing angels. The Arch- Witakowska et al. 2001, Pls on 146-150; Immerzeel 2007, angel Michael, holding the Scales of Justice, is 85, Figs 17-18; idem 2009, 43. depicted between the twelve apostles ranged in two 23 Littmann 1930, nos 1-25. 24 Littmann 1930, 289, no. 5; Uspensky 1902, 134, nos rows. To the left, angels receive the righteous souls 11-12. in heaven, and to the right we find devils with 25 Balicka-Witakowska et al. 2001, Pl. on 147. chained souls.

60

95300_ECA8(2011)_05.indd 60 27/02/13 15:20 Fig. 1. Plan of the Church of Mar Sarkis (after Uspensky 1902, Fig. 26)

1. Presentation in the Temple 16. St Cyriacus 2. Patriarch Mar Ignatius 17. Jonah disgorged by the fish 3. Mar Demetrius 18. St George (modern painting) 4. Mar Gregorius 19. Nursing Virgin with St Joseph and St Ephraim; 5. Mar Dioscurus female donor 6. Bishop Sarohan 20. Mar Elian the Oriental; Mar Jacob 7. Maphrian Mar Basilius 21. Prophet Elijah 8. Anba Antonius 22. Virgin with Child between two angels and 9. Anba Macarius two saints 10/11. Sts Sergius and Bacchus 23. Sacrifice of Isaac? (vanished) 12. Mar Barsauma 24. St Behnam 13. Mar Severus; anonymous priest; Priest Dorotheus 25. St Theodore (vanished) 14. St Moses the Ethiopian 26. Nativity (vanished) 15. Last Judgement

61

95300_ECA8(2011)_05.indd 61 27/02/13 15:20 Pl. 3. Presentation in the Temple; Church of Mar Sarkis (1996; photograph Mat Immerzeel)

16. St Cyriacus on horseback, fighting a lion 19. The Virgin nursing the Child between (Mari Kyriakos; Pl. 13). St Joseph (left; Mari Joseph) and St Ephraim (right; 17. Jonah disgorged by the fish (Mari Yunan Mari Ephraim). A kneeling female, who must be a al-nabi fi ba†n al-Ìut; Pl. 14). donor, holds the left hand of the Child (Pls 15-16). 20. Prelates: St Elian the Oriental (Mari Elian North wall, upper zone of the elevation and piers: al-sharqi) with a griffon-like monster to the left, 18. St George Slaying the Dragon (Pl. 15). and a smaller Mar Jacob (Mari Jacob) to the right This painting is modern and replaces an earlier ver- (Pls 17-18). sion seen by Littmann, who also mentions a now 21. The Prophet Elijah, with a crow in a tree vanished inscription in red (Mar Giorgis)26. holding a loaf in its beak (Mari Elias; Pl. 18). 22. The Virgin Enthroned with the Child, between two angels and two male saints (Pls 18-19). 26 Littmann 1930, 290, no. 17. 24. St Behnam on horseback, hunting two deer 27 For the legend of Mar Behnam, see Snelders 2010, 260- with a female pillion rider, perhaps his sister Sarah 272. (Mari Behnam; Pl. 20)27.

62

95300_ECA8(2011)_05.indd 62 27/02/13 15:20 Pl. 4. Presentation in the Temple; Church of Mar Sarkis Pl. 5. Patriarch Ignatius; Church of Mar Sarkis (2004; photograph Mat Immerzeel) (1996; photograph Mat Immerzeel)

Pl. 6. Bishop Saruhan; Church of Mar Sarkis Pl. 7. Sts Antonius and Macarius; Church of Mar Sarkis (2004; photograph Mat Immerzeel) (2004; photograph Mat Immerzeel)

63

95300_ECA8(2011)_05.indd 63 27/02/13 15:20 Pl. 8. Sts Sergius and Bacchus; Church of Mar Sarkis (2004; photograph Mat Immerzeel)

Pl. 9. St Barsauma; Church of Mar Sarkis (2004; photograph Mat Immerzeel)

64

95300_ECA8(2011)_05.indd 64 27/02/13 15:20 Pl. 10. St Severus; Church of Mar Sarkis (2004; photograph Mat Immerzeel)

Pl. 11. St Moses the Ethiopian; Church of Mar Sarkis (2004; photograph Mat Immerzeel)

65

95300_ECA8(2011)_05.indd 65 27/02/13 15:20 Pl. 12. Last Judgement; Church of Mar Sarkis (2004; photograph Mat Immerzeel)

Pl. 13. St Cyriacus; Church of Mar Sarkis Pl. 14. Jonah; Church of Mar Sarkis (1996; photograph Mat Immerzeel) (2004; photograph Mat Immerzeel)

66

95300_ECA8(2011)_05.indd 66 27/02/13 15:20 Pl. 15. St George and nursing Virgin; Church of Mar Sarkis (2004; photograph Mat Immerzeel)

Pl. 16. Nursing Virgin, St Joseph, St Ephraim Pl. 17. Sts Elian and Jacob; Prophet Elijah; Church of and female donor; Church of Mar Sarkis Mar Sarkis (1996; photograph Mat Immerzeel) (1996; photograph Mat Immerzeel)

67

95300_ECA8(2011)_05.indd 67 27/02/13 15:20 Pl. 18. Prophet Elijah; Church of Mar Sarkis (2004; photograph Mat Immerzeel)

Pl. 19. Virgin Enthroned and the Child between two saints; Church of Mar Sarkis (2004; photograph Mat Immerzeel)

68

95300_ECA8(2011)_05.indd 68 27/02/13 15:20 Pl. 20. St Behnam; Church of Mar Sarkis (2004; photograph Mat Immerzeel)

Pl. 21. Last Judgement; Church of Mar Sarkis (1900; Uspensky 1902, Table 18)

69

95300_ECA8(2011)_05.indd 69 27/02/13 15:20 Pl. 22. St Severus; Church of Mar Sarkis (1900; Uspensky 1902, Table 20)

Pl. 23. Nativity and St Theodore on the west wall; Church of Mar Sarkis (1900; Uspensky 1902, Table 17)

70

95300_ECA8(2011)_05.indd 70 27/02/13 15:20 Even superficial observation reveals that the pre- the three Magi approaching from the right sent state of the paintings is not the original one: (nos 25-26 on Fig. 1; Pl. 23). The associated all backgrounds have been repainted in a disagree- inscriptions are included in Littmann’s overview able light-blue colour. Despite the later painter’s and read Mari Tadros al-masriki and al-ru‘yan (‘the efforts to carefully circumscribe all inscriptions and shepherds’) near the Nativity34. The window in the outlines of the figures – which were originally west wall is visible on Uspenskaya’s photograph painted against a slightly lighter blue background and must therefore be a nineteenth-century refur- –, some details were lost. Uspenskaya’s photo- bishment that resulted in the destruction of the graphs from 1900 clearly show the now-vanished heads of the rightmost two Magi35. For the later vegetation patterns near Sts Moses and Cyriacus, fate of these now headless figures, we have to turn the embellished thrones of Christ and the apostles to al-Arab’s colour plate of the scene: they, too, in the Last Judgement and that of Patriarch Severus were entirely covered with light-blue paint36. The (Pls 20-21)28. On closer inspection, however, these same applies to the background of St Theodore, seats are vaguely discernible through the new top but al-Arab’s picture of this scene also reveals that coat (Pls 10, 12). humidity had started to affect the pigments of the To judge by the Duke of Saxony’s documenta- ’s horse by the time this scene was photo- tion, the repainting must have been carried out at graphed37. Finally, according to Uspensky there some point between the field campaign of the was a representation of the Sacrifice of Isaac on the Princeton team in 1905 and his visit in 1927. He west surface of the southwest pier, to the right of was much displeased by the repainting around the St Behnam (no. 23)38. This scene is not mentioned outlines of the figures in the Last Judgement29, and by the other visitors or reproduced in al-Arab’s his only photograph, of the nursing Virgin, clearly book, and is no longer visible. shows this scene as it is today30. Furthermore, the present image of St George is partly visible on this The stylistic features of the murals in Mar Sarkis picture and must therefore have been applied on are expressed in primitive, unsteady linearity, with the same occasion. Littmann saw its predecessor, the application of bright colours, and to a certain but his observations were limited to a short notice extent a taste for detailed ornamentation. The (“Bild des hlg. Georg und des Drachen”) and a question immediately arises of where the artist, remark about how he had called in the help of a who, after all, was more or less working in geo- villager to read the barely legible red inscription graphical isolation, drew his inspiration from. mentioning the saint’s name31. This inscription, Given the local Syrian Orthodox context, our too, has disappeared under the light-blue layer. thoughts might dwell on the medieval murals in In the latter part of the twentieth century, the the church of Deir Mar Musa, which must have upper parts of the murals seem to have suffered due been partly visible in the eighteenth century39. to humidity. Though al-Arab’s book was only pub- Indeed there are some iconographic analogies: the lished in 1995, the photographs are older and show the paintings still in roughly the same condition as in 190032. On my visit in 1996, the heads of Christ, the Virgin, and St John in the Last Judge- 28 Uspensky 1902, Tables 18, 20. ment had almost entirely vanished (Pls 12, 21), 29 Herzog zum Sachsen 1927, 235. 30 Herzog zum Sachsen 1927, Taf. III, Abb. 3. whereas the image of St Behnam, which is also dis- 31 Littmann 1930, 290, no. 17. cernible to the extreme right on Uspenskaya’s pho- 32 Al-Arab 1995, Ills 82-106. tograph of the west wall (see below), had lost most 33 Uspensky 1902, Table 17; al-Arab 1995, Ills 95 and 99 of its colours (Pls 20, 23)33. show the representations of the Last Judgement and St Behnam in their state to the humidity damage. Perhaps in an effort to halt the infiltration of 34 Littmann 1930, 291, nos 23-24. leaking rain water, the west wall was entirely plas- 35 Uspensky 1902, Table 17. tered up with a layer of unpainted concrete before 36 Al-Arab 1995, Ill. 97. my visit in 1996. However, the photographs of 37 Al-Arab 1995, Ill. 98. 38 Uspensky 1902, 135, no. 22. Uspenskaya and al-Arab testify to the earlier pres- 39 For the murals in Deir Mar Musa, see Cruikshank Dodd ence of two scenes on this wall, namely St Theo- 2001; Immerzeel 2009, 56-67; idem 2010; and the contri- dore slaying the Dragon, and the Nativity, with butions in ECA 4 (2007).

71

95300_ECA8(2011)_05.indd 71 27/02/13 15:20 two decorative programmes have in common the invention is the remarkable pillion rider with cup prominent presence of mounted saints, the Last and ewer sitting behind St Sergius (Pl. 8). Tradi- Judgement, and the Presentation in the Temple. tion links this little figure to the story of St George On the other hand, without entering into details, Rescuing the Youth44, and appears as though the the many differences are no less striking. Stylisti- artist has simply mixed up the iconography of dif- cally speaking, too, there is not the slightest link ferent mounted saints. with the formal language of Deir Mar Musa or any In one respect, however, the artist was a child other medieval murals in the Qalamun40. In other of his time. The scene of the Virgin Enthroned words, it is improbable that our artist copied earlier with the Child, on the north wall, was directly or wall paintings. indirectly inspired by a model popular in the As far as these points are concerned one also Middle East (no. 19; Pl. 19). It is easy to recognize detects little affinity to contemporary ecclesiastical the traditional Hodegetria, which has a long tradi- art in Syria, such as the more or less neo-Byzantine tion in Syria45, but what makes the difference is painted in on behalf of Syrian Greek the Virgin’s blue maphorion, decorated with white Orthodox and Greek communities41. stars. The source of this particular iconography is Given the many iconographic and formal singu- the known as Salus Populi Romani, in the larities, one cannot escape the impression that the Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome46. Believed ‘Saddad Painter’ was an individualist who based his to be painted by St Luke, this Byzantine piece designs on written sources and oral tradition, or was the most renowned image of the Virgin in perhaps manuscript illustrations42, and whose for centuries. In Europe it was copied knowledge of iconographic conventions was super- countless times, and Middle Eastern painters ficial at the most. The detail of the Virgin with the became acquainted with this image through prints pigeons in the Presentation in the Temple, for distributed by Jesuits from the seventeenth century instance, diverges from the widespread tradition of onwards. The ‘Saddad Painter’ may have seen one St Joseph holding the birds (Pl. 3)43. Another of these prints, or perhaps a copy made by a fellow artist in Palestine or Syria. It should be noted that the white-starred blue maphorion recurs in the Presentation in the Temple (Pl. 3) and the Virgin 40 See Immerzeel 2009, 41-47. 41 Agémian 1991; idem 1993; de la Croix 2006, 29-157; Nursing the Child (Pls 3, 16). Immerzeel 1997, 24-27, with further references. 42 For illustrated Syriac manuscripts from the seventeenth All in all, our artist invented his own, unique, century, see Leroy 1964, no. XXXII (404-408), and nos expressions of Syrian Orthodox identity, which 20-25 (422-427). 43 For this scene in Deir Mar Musa, see Immerzeel 2009, 63, comes to the fore in the inclusion of Miaphysite Pl. 30; Westphalen 2007, 108, no. 46, Taf. 16. At some Church authorities and genuine Syrian Orthodox point the Presentation in the Temple of Deir Mar Musa saints. The presence of saints such as Mar Behnam was covered up with plaster, and has only been brought to and Mar Barsauma marks the Syrian Orthodox light relatively recently. 44 Immerzeel 2009, 155-156, with further references. For flavour of the decoration, not to mention the inclu- examples of the many later icons of St George showing a sion of Sts Moses the Ethiopian and Elian the Ori- combination of the dragon and youth themes, see Immer- ental, the patron saints of neighbouring Deir Mar zeel 1997, nos 40 and 44. Musa and Deir Mar Elian, respectively47. In this 45 See, for example, the thirteenth-century icon in the Monastery of Kaftun in Lebanon and a similar piece in the respect, the art of Mar Sarkis is more Syrian Ortho- Monastery of St Catherine at Mount Sinai (Immerzeel dox than the medieval decorations of Deir Mar 2009, 123-142, Pls 105, 107, with further references). Musa, which are demonstrably connected with the 46 Skalova/Gabra 2003, 129, Ill. 51. 47 embellishment of contemporary Melkite and Immerzeel 2010, 36; Kaufhold 1995, 95. The iconography 48 of St Moses the Ethiopian on horseback killing a demon Maronite churches . may have been an eighteenth-century invention. This scene Although the depicted prelates should evidently is rendered on an icon in the Syrian Catholic Cathedral of be sought in Syrian Orthodox circles, establishing St Paul in Damascus, painted by a Palestinian artist in their identity is a problem in itself, the more so around 1870. The hand of the same painter is also recog- nizable in an icon of mounted St Behnam in the cathedral since none of them is haloed like the other saints. (Haji-Athanasiou 2002, 316). Uspensky identifies Mar Jacob as Jacob Baradeus, 48 Immerzeel 2009, 143-145. the founder of the Miaphysite Church in Syria

72

95300_ECA8(2011)_05.indd 72 27/02/13 15:20 (Pl. 17)49, and the depictions of Severus and suggests that he is addressing his prayers to her. Dioscurus can be regarded as in the same order of Yet he is certainly not looking towards the oppo- importance (Pl. 10). They must be the patriarchs site scene, which, moreover, is placed at a much Severus of and Dioscurus of Alexandria, higher level. Besides, he is not the only prelate who stood at the cradle of the Miaphysite Churches with prayer beads; Anba Macarius and the Priest of Syria and Egypt, respectively. Additional allu- Dorotheus carry a similar attribute (Pls 7, 10). A sions to the Egyptian sister Church include the point arguing against the theory of a donor por- desert fathers Antonius and Macarius, indicated trait is Saruhan’s upright position, in which he with the Coptic adjective ‘Anba’ (Father), and the evidently differs from the female donor at the feet priest Dorotheus (Pls 7, 10). Tradition has it that of the Virgin (Pls 15-16); she is kneeling; with her the latter took care of Patriarch right hand she brings the Child’s left hand to her during his exile in Egypt, and eventually built his lips. Saruhan’s attitude also considerably contrasts tomb50. with that of Mar Ephraim, who is kneeling to the On the other hand, the identification of Patri- Virgin’s left, with his hands held against his chest, arch Ignatius and Maphrian Basilius requires as he gazes at her face. In conclusion, the hierar- an alternative approach. Following a centuries-old chical position of the bishop seems to be the same Syrian Orthodox custom, all patriarchs were called as that of the other prelates. However, in view of Ignatius and all Basilius. Perhaps these the uniqueness of these paintings, it would be too figures should be regarded as the embodiments of far-fetched to take 1769, the year of the bishop’s functions, thus as the patriarch and the maphrian, death, as a terminus post quem. For the time being, rather than as the portraits of the individuals who a rough dating of the murals in the eighteenth cen- held these positions at the time when the paintings tury is the most prudent option. were made, or any of their precursors. Concerning Bishop Sarohan, in 1905 the THE CHURCH OF MAR GIRGIS priest, Father Bulus, told Littmann that the por- trayed prelate was a bishop of Nebk who had died The Church of Mar Girgis is located to the south- some 150 years earlier and whose remains reposed east of Saddad (Pl. 2). Its basilical design with an in this church (no. 6; Pl. 6)51. Father Bulus was apse, and the application of spoils – such as a Late well informed: he was alluding to Bishop Dioscu- Antique capital set in the north wall – suggest that rus Saruhan of Nebk, Deir Mar Musa and Saddad, this building may have been erected in the Early who was born in Mardin, died at the hallowed age Byzantine period55. Further indications for the of 110 years on 11 February 1769, and was buried antiquity of Mar Girgis are traces of earlier, prob- in Mar Sarkis52. Saruhan’s first name may also ably medieval, paintings visible through gaps in the explain the depiction of Mar Dioscurus at his side. eighteenth-century layer on the north wall. Frag- ments of red border and a bluish background can A clue to the approximate age of the murals fol- be distinguished56. lows from the presence of Bishop Saruhan, but was The hand that decorated Mar Sarkis can also be the church embellished during Saruhan’s lifetime, recognized in the murals in the nave. Littmann perhaps even at his orders53, or, as Hubert Kauf- refers only briefly to these paintings, while Uspen- hold assumes, after his death in 176954? As a mat- sky’s interest, too, was superficial at the most. His ter of fact, the image does not furnish any solid article does not contain a plan or photographs, but clues for either of these alternatives, or for an inter- pretation as a donor portrait. The bishop is ren- dered in frontal position, holding his staff in his right hand and a prayer bead in his left. His head 49 Uspensky 1902, 137, Table 21. is slightly turned towards Mar Dioscurus to his 50 Farag 2008, [5]-[6], with further references. left, although his regard seems to be fixed on a 51 Littmann 1930, 290. point to the left of the beholder. Perhaps more 52 Kaufhold 1995, 80-81. 53 Cruikshank Dodd 2001, 22. significant is Saruhan’s position opposite the nurs- 54 Kaufhold 1995, 81 n. 161. ing Virgin (nos 6 and 19 on Fig. 1). In combina- 55 Herzog zum Sachsen 1927, 236. tion with the prayer beads, this remarkable design 56 Immerzeel 2009, 43.

73

95300_ECA8(2011)_05.indd 73 27/02/13 15:20 Fig. 2. Sketchy plan of the Church of Mar Girgis (Mat Immerzeel)

1. Dormition 7. Nativity 1a. St Thomas receiving the Virgin’s girdle 8. Prelate 2. King David 9. Prelate 3. Prelate 10. Beheading of St John the Baptist, and Salome 4. St Demetrius Dancing before King Herod 5. St Theodore 11. St Moses the Ethiopian 6. St George 12. Entry into

he did make a drawing of one scene, reproduced to the sanctuary (inscription: Tawma). Between here as Fig. 3 (see below). The Duke of Saxony’s them is a largely effaced representation of a sitting, publication furnishes valuable information57, and bearded figure with his hands crossed in front of his all scenes are reproduced in al-Arab’s book58. The chest, looking upwards to the Virgin. This attitude paintings are in a better condition than those in identifies him as a donor. In a niche below the Mar Sarkis, and the light-blue backgrounds have Virgin, two angels holding a balance are featured not been repainted. near a baldachin (Pl. 25; Fig. 3)59. 2. King David playing an oud (lute), with an South side: angel (west surface of the easternmost pier). 1. The easternmost scene is the Dormition of 3. Prelate trampling a snake, with an angel (east the Virgin (Pl. 24). Only St Joseph’s name is given, surface of the easternmost pier). in a Garshuni inscription (Mar Yawsep; in Arabic: 4. Mounted saint (Demetrius?) pushing a small al-Najar, ‘the carpenter’). adversary from his horse (south wall; Pl. 26). 1a. Connected to this representation is the 5. St Theodore Slaying the Dragon; this scene adjoining scene of St Thomas receiving the girdle resembles the lost St Theodore in Mar Sarkis (south from the Virgin, placed to the right of the entrance wall).

North side: 57 Uspensky 1902, 137; Herzog zum Sachsen 1927, 236-237, 6. To the left of the entrance to the sanctuary: Taf. IV, Abb. 1-4; V, Abb. 1. 58 Al-Arab 1995, Ills 51-63, 65. St George killing the Dragon, with a female pillion 59 Herzog zum Sachsen 1927, Taf. V, Abb. 1; Uspensky rider, perhaps the princess St George saved. She is 1902, 137, Fig. 27. depicted once again to the right. Her parents are

74

95300_ECA8(2011)_05.indd 74 27/02/13 15:20 Pl. 24. Dormition of the Virgin; Church of Mar Girgis (2004; photograph Mat Immerzeel)

represented on the vault to the right of the scene West wall: (Pl. 27)60. 12. Entry into Jerusalem; most of the apostles’ 7. Nativity (north wall; Pls 28-29). names are written in Syriac61. 8. Prelate (north wall). 9. Prelate with a dragon to his right (north wall). 10. Beheading of St John the Baptist, and Salome Dancing before King Herod (north wall; 60 Herzog zum Sachsen 1927, Taf IV, Abb. 3. Pl. 30). 61 Al-Arab 1995, Ill. 65; from left to right: Peter (no name), Andrew, John, James…., Matthew, Bartholomew, Thomas, 11. St Moses the Ethiopian slaying a dragon; Thaddeus, illegible, James…., Philip, and Simon…. (pro- the saint can be recognized from his darkish physi- visional reading from this photograph by Bas ter Haar ognomy (north wall; Pl. 31). Romeny).

75

95300_ECA8(2011)_05.indd 75 27/02/13 15:20 Pl. 25. St Thomas Receiving the Virgin’s Girdle; Church of Mar Girgis (1996; photograph Mat Immerzeel)

Pl. 26. St Demetrius (?); Church of Mar Girgis (2004; photograph Mat Immerzeel)

76

95300_ECA8(2011)_05.indd 76 27/02/13 15:20 Pl. 27. St George Slaying the Dragon; Church of Mar Girgis (2004; photograph Mat Immerzeel)

Pl. 28. Nativity, left part; Church of Mar Girgis (2004; photograph Mat Immerzeel)

77

95300_ECA8(2011)_05.indd 77 27/02/13 15:20 Pl. 29. Nativity, right part; Church of Mar Girgis (2004; photograph Mat Immerzeel)

Pl. 30. Beheading of St John the Baptist; Church of Mar Girgis (2004; photograph Mat Immerzeel)

78

95300_ECA8(2011)_05.indd 78 27/02/13 15:20 Pl. 31. St Moses the Ethiopian; Church of Mar Girgis (2004; photograph Mat Immerzeel)

Pl. 32. Dormition; Church of Mar Girgis Pl. 33. Nativity; Church of Mar Girgis (1927; Herzog zum Sachsen 1927, Taf. III, Abb. 3) (1927; Herzog zum Sachsen 1927, Taf. IV, Abb. 2)

79

95300_ECA8(2011)_05.indd 79 27/02/13 15:20 Unlike Mar Sarkis, little effort has been done to clarify the representations with inscriptions, which hampers the reliable identification of the depicted saints, in particular the prelates. The identity of the mounted saints derives from specific icono- graphic features or comparison with similar scenes in Mar Sarkis; they are recognizable as Sts Theo- dore, Demetrius, George, and Moses the Ethio- pian (Pls 26-27, 31). Although these paintings are in reasonably good condition, some details were lost on the construc- tion of windows in the side walls near the sanctu- ary. Below the Virgin’s bier in the Dormition on the south wall, one can still discern the upper bod- ies of two small angels, holding up a sword (Pl. 24). On the opposite wall, a little figure near the man- ger in the Nativity scene is now reduced to a beardless head with short hair, raised right hand and part of his blue dress (Pls 28-29). The missing parts can be reconstituted from photographs in the Duke of Saxony’s study. His picture of the Dormi- tion shows the angels grabbing the Jew Jephonias Fig. 3. St Thomas receiving the Virgin’s girdle to cut off his hands (Pl. 32)62. The figure attend- (after Uspensky 1902, Fig. 27) ing the Nativity was dressed in a long robe, and raised his/her hands in prayer, and therefore must be a donor (Pl. 33). Furthermore, the vertical and Renaissance art, this theme also occurs as a crack with plaster filling to the right of the manger minor detail on eighteenth-century Aleppine and did not exist at the time63. Palestinian icons of the Dormition64. By contrast, in Mar Girgis the girdle story occupies an unusu- The scene of the Virgin giving her girdle to ally prominent place. Perhaps this particular design St Thomas merits additional attention. This apoc- should be considered within the local Syrian Ortho- ryphal story recounts how Thomas, who was on a dox context. One of the most precious relics of mission in India at her death, was miraculously Christian Syria is a fragment of the Virgin’s girdle brought to Palestine just in time to receive the (Soonono) kept in the Syrian Orthodox Church of Virgin’s girdle at the moment of her assumption. Umm al-Zenar, or ‘Mother of the Girdle’, at Although mainly known from Western medieval Homs. Apparently, this relic disappeared from sight at some point. It was found inside the during the restoration of the building in 1852, and rediscovered yet again in 195365. Undoubtedly, the 62 Herzog zum Sachsen 1927, Taf. IV, Abb. 4. The story of painting in the church emphasizes the importance Jephonias is also depicted in the Dormition in the Church of Mar Charbel in Macad (Lebanon) from the mid-thir- of the girdle for the Syrian Orthodox living in this teenth century (Immerzeel 2009, 106, Pls 73-75, with fur- part of the country. ther references). 63 Herzog zum Sachsen 1927, Taf. IV, Abb. 2. EPILOGUE 64 E.g., on an icon painted by Nemeh al-Musawwir (collec- tion George Antaki), and another one by Girgis al-Musaw- wir (Greek Catholic Patriarchate, Beirut); Catalogue The most striking aspect of the murals in Saddad 2003, nos 16, 25; de la Croix 2006, 64-65. is their almost complete isolation from parallel 65 Kaufhold 2007, 199; Peña 2000, 124. For the story of the developments in other parts of Syria, which is unu- discovery, see http://margeorgechurch.com/V-Mary %20girdle.pdf. According to this text, the Church of the sual since there was a flourishing tradition of icon Girdle is mentioned in a number of manuscripts from the painting at that time, particularly in Aleppo. This eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. artist seems to have drawn his inspiration from oral

80

95300_ECA8(2011)_05.indd 80 27/02/13 15:20 Pl. 36. The Roman tower seen from the Church of Mar Sarkis (1927; Herzog zum Sachsen 1927, Taf. III, Abb. 1)

lower part of the east wall. Here, the plaster cover- ing had been stripped off and some niches, which had formerly served as cupboards for book storage (visible on Pls 3 and 5) had been filled with stones. The paintings had already suffered from the cutting of the niches, but now the lower border of the blu- ish background had suffered from further damage over its full length (partly visible on Pl. 4). How- Pl. 34. Church of Mar Sarkis: niche with reliquary in ever, not only did this temporary situation provide the east wall (photograph Mat Immerzeel) a fine view of the uncovered wall structures, there also turned out to be a niche at floor level behind the altar, in which a small Early Byzantine relic box made of Proconnesian marble was inserted (Pls 34-35)66. This new phase in the history of the church lays bare the shaky balance between the preservation of works of art and archaeological research on the one hand, and the requirements imposed by daily use of church buildings on the other. A systematic field campaign aiming at the documentation of the antiquities and the architecture of all churches in Saddad would undoubtedly prove very rewarding.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Pl. 35. Reliquary lid (photograph Mat Immerzeel) Agémian, S. 1991, ‘Necmeh al-Musawwir, peintre melkite, 1666-1724’, 39, 189-242. tradition or written sources unknown to us, and Agémian, S. 1993, ‘Les icônes melkites’, in: V. Cândea (ed.), occasionally, directly or not, from Western art, as Icônes Grecques, Melkite, Russes. Collection Abu Adal, Paris. in the example of the Virgin with the Child in Mar Al-Arab, H. 1995, Sadad in History, Damascus (in Arabic). Sarkis. The result is an art which has to be appreci- Balicka-Witakowska, E. et al. 2001, , II: The ated for its own value, and is ultimately perhaps Heirs of the Ancient Arameic Heritage, Rome. more Syrian Orthodox in character than the medi- eval paintings in Deir Mar Musa. When I returned to Saddad in 2004, the Church of Mar Sarkis was being renovated, in particular the 66 Immerzeel 2007, Pl. 18.

81

95300_ECA8(2011)_05.indd 81 27/02/13 15:20 Butler, H.C. et al. 1930, The Princeton University Archeological Kaufhold, H. (ed.) 2007, Kleines Lexikon des Christlichen Ori- Expedition to Syria in 1904-5 and 1909, Vol. I, Leiden. ents, Wiesbaden. Catalogue Paris 2003, Icônes Arabes. Art chrétien du , Kurisummoottil, G. 2006, ‘An Iconographic Explanation of (A.-M. de la Croix, F. Zabbal eds), Paris. the Mural Painting of the Paliekara Church, Thiruvalla; In Chabot, J.B. (ed. and transl.) 1905, Chronique de Michel le the Context of the Art History of the Syrian Church of Syrien, Patriarche jacobite d’Antioche (1166-1199), Vol. III, Kerala’, PdO 31, 327-348. Paris. Leroy, J. 1964, Les manuscrits syriaques à peintures conservés Chapot, V. 1907, La frontière de l’Euphrate de Pompée à la dans les bibliothèques d’Europe et d’Orient, 2 vols, Paris. conquête arabe, Paris. Littmann, E. 1930, ‘Die Gemälde der Serjios-kirche in Sadad’, Clermont-Ganneau, Ch. 1897, ‘Les inscriptions de Nazala’, in: OC, Ser. 3, 3-4, 288-291. Etudes d’archéologie orientale, Vol II, 93-102. Littmann, E. 1934, Syriac Inscriptions. Publications of the Cruikshank Dodd, E. 2001, The Frescoes of Mar Musa al- Princeton University archaeological expeditions to Syria in Habashi. A Study in Medieval Painting in Syria, Toronto. 1904-5 and 1909. Division IV, Semitic Inscriptions; Section de la Croix, A.-M. 2006, Icônes arabes, mystères de l’Orient, B, Leiden. [n.p.]. Millar, F. 1993, The Roman Near East 31 BC – AD 337, Cam- Dussaud, R. 1927, Topographie historique de la Syrie antique et bridge, MA/London. medievale, Paris. Peña, I. 2000, Lieux de pèlerinage en Syrie, Milan. Farag, L. 2008, ‘Coptic-Syriac Relations beyond Dogmatic Pyatnitsky, Yu. 2009, ‘A Byzantine Cloisonné Triptych in the Rhetoric’, Hugoye 11,1. State ; From the Monastery of Sayd- Fiey, J.-M. 1993, Pour un Oriens Christianus novus: répertoire naya to St Petersburg’, ECA 6, 87-118. des diocèses syriaques orientaux et occidentaux, Beyrouth. Sachau, E. 1883, Reise in Syrien und Mesopotamien, Leipzig. Haji-Athanasiou, M. 2002, Encyclopedia of Syrian Icons, Skalova, Z., G. Gabra 2003, Icons in the Valley, Cairo. Damascus (in Arabic). Snelders, B. 2010, Identity and Christian-Muslim Interaction. Herzog zu Sachsen, J.G. 1927, ‘Sadat, Karjeten und Harawim’, Medieval Art of the Syrian Orthodox from the Mosul Area, OC, Ser. 3, 2, 233-242. Leuven (OLA 198). Immerzeel, M. 1997, Syrische iconen/Syrian Icons, Gent. Uspensky, F.I. 1902, ‘Archeologiceskie pamjatniki Sirii’, Immerzeel, M. 2007, ‘Monasteries and Churches of the Qala- Izvestija Russkogo archeologiceskogo Instituta v Konstantino- mun (Syria): Art and Pilgrimage in the Middle Ages’, Jour- pole 7, 93-212. nal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 7, 74-98. Westphalen, S. 2007, ‘Deir Mar Musa: Die Malschichten Immerzeel, M. 2009, Identity Puzzles. Medieval Christian Art I – III’, ECA 4, 99-126. in Syria and Lebanon, Leuven (OLA 184). Wright, W. 1895, Palmyra and . With travels and Immerzeel, M. 2010, ‘A Representation of St Saba in adventures in and the desert, London/Edinburgh/ Deir Mar Musa’, ECA 7, 35-41. New York. Kaufhold, H. 1995, ‘Notizen über das Moseskloster bei Nabk und das Julianskloster bei Qaryatain in Syrien’, OC 79, 48-119.

82

95300_ECA8(2011)_05.indd 82 27/02/13 15:20