Ethnographic Analysis of Harare, Khayelitsha, and the Republic of South Africa

University of Denver 2016

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Table of Contents

History ...... 4 1. Introduction ...... 4 2. Methods ...... 5 3. Results ...... 5 a. Changes in Khayelitsha ...... 5 b. Changes in Siyakhathala Orphan Support ...... 6 c. Community Leaders and Decision Making ...... 6 d. History of South Africa ...... 7

Demographics ...... 8 1. Introduction ...... 8 2. Method ...... 8 3. Results ...... 8 a. General Information ...... 8 b. Population ...... 8 c. Demographics ...... 8 d. Education ...... 9 e. Employment ...... 9 f. Households ...... 10 4. Conclusion ...... 11

Community Mapping ...... 12 1. Introduction ...... 12 2. Methods ...... 12 a. Holiday Programme ...... 13 b. Rotary Camp ...... 13 3. Results ...... 13 a. Community ...... 13 b. Personal Reactions ...... 14 4. Conclusion ...... 14 5. Focus Group Questions ...... 14

Temporality ...... 16 1. Introduction ...... 16 2. Methods ...... 16 3. Results ...... 16 a. Hopes for the Future ...... 17 b. Ideal Community ...... 17 c. Pastimes ...... 18 4. Poems ...... 18 5. Conclusion ...... 20

Family Systems ...... 21 1. Introduction ...... 21 2. Methods...... 21 3. Results ...... 21 a. Nuclear Families ...... 21 3

b. Extended Family ...... 22 c. Family Challenges ...... 22 d. Challenges ...... 22 e. Solutions ...... 23 i. Trust and Safety ...... 24 4. Conclusion ...... 25 a. Limitations ...... 25

Housing ...... 27 1. Introduction ...... 27 2. Methods ...... 27 3. Results ...... 28 a. Type of Home ...... 28 b. Home Structure ...... 28 c. Furniture and Equipment ...... 29 d. Security ...... 29 e. Sense of Safety ...... 30 4. Conclusion ...... 31

Health ...... 32 1. Introduction ...... 32 2. Methods ...... 32 3. Results ...... 32 a. Hygiene/Medical Care ...... 32 b. Diet ...... 33 4. Conclusion ...... 35

Education and Cultural Traditions ...... 36 1. Introduction ...... 36 2. Methods ...... 36 3. Results ...... 37 a. Scholastic Education ...... 37 b. Cultural Traditions ...... 38 i. Birth ...... 38 ii. Rites of Passage ...... 38 iii. Marriage ...... 39 c. Teachers ...... 39 4. Conclusion ...... 40

Youth Activities and Responsibilities ...... 41 1. Introduction ...... 41 2. Methods ...... 41 3. Results ...... 42 a. Responsibilities ...... 42 b. Gender roles ...... 43 c. Activities and Play ...... 43 4. Conclusion ...... 44

References ...... 45 4

History Heidi Metroz

Introduction

The history of the Republic of South Africa and its townships is rich and diverse. It has only been a short time since citizens of all races were “born into freedom;” however, the new generation has their own perspective on what it means to live free. Despite their young age, the children of the townships of South Africa have had enough life experience to see the changes (both positive and negative) that have taken place in their community, and to learn to adapt to those changes.

Khayelitsha is a township in the Western Cape of South Africa that was established in 1983 when the Minister of Cooperation and Development, Dr. Piet Koornhof, declared that legal residents living in existing townships would be housed in a new site. The new site was named Khayelitsha, which is a Xhosa word meaning, “new home.” This township was established to accommodate settlement dwellers that were coming from Old Crossroads in an attempt to escape the violence of a vigilante group known as Witdoeke. When Khayelitsha was being built, the government enforced racial segregation, making it the second largest black township in South Africa, smaller only than the township of Soweto in Johannesburg (South African History Online, 2013).

Methods

Information was gathered from children who participated in the Siyakhathala Orphan Support 2016 Holiday Programme and Holiday Camp, although not all participants regularly receive services from Siyakhathala Orphan Support. The ages of the children ranged from five to 19 years, and the Programme included male and female participants. The majority of information came from older participants (aged 13 and older) due to the younger children speaking limited or broken English. Oftentimes, when information was gathered from younger children, an older participant or a Siyakhathala Orphan Support volunteer provided interpretation services.

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Results

Changes in Khayelitsha Many participants recognized that changes have occurred in their community within their life time, some good, and some bad. Participants gave a variety of responses; however, the overall consensus is that Khayelitsha has become more dangerous overall, due to increased crime, drug use, and gang activity.

Following are the negative changes that participants reported. First, one participant stated that Khayelitsha has gotten worse and “more dangerous” due to more gangs, drugs, rapes, and robberies. It was reported that law enforcement officers are scared of the gangs because the gang members have guns, and reportedly the gangs have made connections with some law enforcement officers to gain favors. Another participant confirmed that in “WE FACE MORE THINGS THAN OUR their lifetime there has been an increase PARENTS. WE ARE FORCED TO JOIN in drugs, gangs, and crime, and GANGS. THEY HAVE STONG WEAPONS Khayelitsha has become more dangerous AND POWER. MORE POWER THAN US for the youth. Furthermore, one IN THE COMMUNITY. IT GOES BY participant stated that they have seen a LUCK. BECAUSE WHEN THEY WANT decrease in recycling within the YOU, THEY GET YOU.” ~HOLIDAY community, which leads to more trash CAMP PARTICIPANT accumulating and being burned in public areas; which, in turn, leads to dogs and other animals becoming sick. Finally, a participant reported that the hardest thing about living in Khayelitsha is the large number of gangs and high prelevance of racism. According to one participant, “We face more things than our parents. We are forced to join gangs. They have strong weapons and power. More power than us in the community. It goes by luck. Because when they want you, they get you.”

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Not all participants viewed Khayelitsha as becoming more dangerous, though. A number of participants reported positive changes in their community. For instance, one participant noticed feeling safer in the community because children have been able to learn things, such as “drugs are bad,” and children feel as though they can trust their friends and tell them about dangerous situations. Another participant reported that the living conditions in Khayelitsha have improved, even though the government has not been providing free housing. Furthermore, one participant reported numerous positive changes, such as: lower rates of fighting, more plants in the community, increased provision of electricity (in a group of seven children, all participants reported having access to electricity in their home), more people in the community, and a new hospital being built (although it was reported that the hospital was built as a result of increased gang violence). Additionally, one participant reported a positive change in the economy, although no specific information was given as to how the economy has improved. Finally, another participant reported that fewer robberies occur. This participant acknowledged that there has been an increase in gang activity but reported that there appear to be “more gang-specific areas” of Khayelitsha.

Changes in Siyakhathala Orphan Support In addition to reporting positive and negative changes to Khayelitsha, participants reported positive and negative changes specifically to Siyakhathala Orphan Support. Reportedly, one of the negative changes to Siyakhathala Orphan Support is the transportation. Many participants reported that transportation has become less reliable, which results in participants having to walk to and from the Programme on their own, which can put them in danger. Additionally, one participant reported that the food parcels that children receive from Siyakhathala Orphan Support during the school year have decreased in quantity and quality. On the other hand, a positive change that was reported, was that Siyakhathala Orphan Support now provides clothing for school.

Community Leaders and Decision Making The change that has occurred in Khayelitsha could not have happened without someone taking the reins. According to reports and observations, there are designated leaders within the community. One participant reported that decisions in the community are made by an individual similar to a representative. This individual is typically in their 40s, and that person is responsible for taking the requests of the community members to officials after town meetings. This person is referred to as “Mr. Ngcali.” Reportedly, community/town meetings occur on a monthly basis to determine the needs of the community. In regard to the increased gang activity, it is reported that the community tries to fight back and that the community holds meetings to determine the best course of action. These meetings are typically run by the men of the community.

While on site, this author made observations as to how decisions were made within the Khayelitsha community. First, it was observed that certain children become natural leaders. For example, when tasked with coming up with a group name, only one teenage participant was willing to propose a name. Additionally, numerous informal conversations revealed that Khayelitshans have pride in having no corruption within the township, but did report that there is corruption at the government level, similar to the other townships in Cape Town. Finally, it was observed that at times it is difficult for decisions to be made. This appears to occur when there is a lack of organization, efficiency, and/or clear leadership. These deficiencies lead to decisions 7

getting changed last minute, and the changes are often not communicated well. These situations appear to be a case of “too many cooks in the kitchen.”

History of South Africa In addition to being perceptive of the changes that have occurred in Khayelitsha, participants were also knowledgeable about the history of South Africa. Many participants reported that history is a subject taught in schools in every grade level, and several participants stated that history was their favorite subject. When asked what they like to learn about in their history class, participants included topics such as: World War II, the industrial revolution – specifically how people used to do things with their own hands and now they do things with machines, ancient history, slavery, colonization, and indigenous peoples of South Africa. Some participants reported that in addition to learning about history in school, they also learn about South African history from their elders, specifically their grandparents. One participant reported that she was also taught the meaning of the South African national flag. She stated that the blue represents the sky, the green represents plants, the white represents peace, the yellow represents the sun, the red represents blood, and the black represents the people. It was reported that the cities and townships of South Africa do not have their own flags, there is only the national flag. Of note, according to World Atlas, the South African flag was adopted in 1994 and was meant to symbolize unity. The blue, white, and red colors are representative of the Boer Republics, while the green, black, and yellow colors are representative of the African National Congress (ANC). To the ANC, the black color represents the people, the green represents the fertility of the land, and the yellow represents the gold and mineral wealth of the land (World Atlas, 2015).

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Demographics Tyler Camaione

Introduction

The primary purpose of this paper is to provide a comprehensive description of the township Khayelitsha, in Cape Town, South Africa. The following sections contain information about Khayelitsha, population increases, general demographics, education, employment, living conditions, and household size.

Method

The information presented in this paper was gathered through a combination of literature review and personal experience while enrolled in CPSY 4600 Community Psychology in an International Setting: South Africa, from June – July 2016. Full citations of data presented can be found in the References section. All experiential data are presented within the “Call-out” graphics throughout the paper.

Results

Khayelitsha, established in the 1980s, is currently the largest, and possibly fastest growing, township in South Africa. As of the 2011 Census, Khayelitsha was comprised of 28 “sub-places” (Strategic Development Information and GIS, 2013). A sub-place is defined as “the second (lowest) level of the place name category, namely a suburb, section or zone of a (apartheid) township, smallholdings, village, sub-village, ward or informal settlement” by Statistics South Africa (Strategic Development Information and GIS, 2013).

Population The population of Khayelitsha has grown steadily since the initial census taken in 1996. In 1996, the population of Khayelitsha was 252,342 (Information and Knowledge Management Department, 2005). In 2001, census data showed a 5.3 % annual growth rate, resulting in a population size of 329,000 (Strategic Development Information and GIS, 2003). In 2005, the population of Khayelitsha increased to 406,779 (Maverick 358 cc, 2006). In 2011, the population of Khayelitsha decreased to 391,749 (Strategic Development Information and GIS, 2013). Despite these statistics, several sources report a major increase in the current population of Khayelitsha in the past five years. Although there is currently no formal census data for Khayelitsha as of 2016, several sources, reported that the current population being approximately 2.4 million (Beyond Our Borders, 2016; personal contact with residents, 2016).

Demographics The overall population of Khayelitsha (n = 391,749) is not racially diverse. The overwhelming majority of the population of Khayelitsha, approximately 99% (386,358), consists of Black Africans (Strategic Development Information and GIS, 2013). The remainder of the population consists of Coloured (0.6 %; 2,315), Asian (0.1 %; 271), White (0.1 %; 327), and Other (0.6 %; 2,477) populations (Strategic Development Information and GIS, 2013).

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Education In 2001, the number of adults over the age of 20 (n = 195,009), in Khayelitsha below matriculation level (e.g. completing the equivalent of high school) was approximately 80% (Strategic Development Information and GIS, 2003). The level of schooling that had the highest percentage achieved was between grades eight and 11 (40.6 % for males and 46.1% for females) (Information and Knowledge Management Department, 2005). Post matriculation study was the smallest percentage of educational level and was achieved at approximately 4% (Information and Knowledge Management Department, 2005).

Per 2011 census data, the number of adults over age 20 (n = 245,595), that were below matriculation level was approximately 64% (Strategic Development Information and GIS, 2013). Per 2011 data, similar to 2001 data, the highest level of schooling most often achieved was between grades eight and 11, at approximately 47%. Post matriculation was the lowest education level achieved at approximately 5 % (Strategic Development Information and GIS, 2013).

•Based on interactions with youth at Holiday Programme, 2016, and a retreat with Siyakthala, the importance of education was highly Call-out Aà emphasized. During a small group discussion, the youth explained that Importance of doing well in school was of the utmost importance for their respective Education families. When asked if they had part-time jobs either for personal gain or to help the family financially, if needed, the youth replied, “no, studying is the most important thing [for us].”

•During a discussion with a Siyakthala staff member, who had previously reached matriculation level and briefly attended post-matriculation schooling, he explained that there were multiple schools in the various wards within Khayelitsha. He explained that each ward had “at least one Call-out Bà primary and one secondary school,” and that some of the areas that had a Availability of higher population “had two of each [school].” Although there were Education multiple primary and secondary schools, there was only one college available in the township—False Bay College. This staff member further discussed the financial difficulties of attempting to receive schooling at False Bay College and explained that the reason he had to cease attendance was a result of financial distress.

Employment Unemployment rates have been a longstanding issue in Khayelitsha since the initial census data was gathered in 1996. In 1996, the rate of unemployment for individuals considered “economically active,” or seeking employment, was approximately 40% (Information and Knowledge Management Department, 2005). This unemployment rate increased to approximately 51% (~78,700) during the collection of 2001 census data (n = 154,313) (Strategic Development Information and GIS, 2003). Additionally, in 2001, it was found that females were more often unemployed than males at a rate of approximately 58% to 44% respectively (Information and Knowledge Management Department, 2005). Of those employed (n = 79,048), the highest percentage of the workforce was comprised of elementary, or “relatively unskilled,” occupations at 44% (Strategic Development Information and GIS, 2003). As a result, most of those employed (~78% or 61,527) received less than R1600 per month for household income, 10 which was considered “Below Household Subsistence Level” (Strategic Development Information and GIS, 2003).

In 2011, the unemployment rate of the economically active population of Khayelitsha (n = 179,235) was found to be 38% (Strategic Development Information and GIS, 2013). No gender differences in employment status were reported in the 2011 census data. Although the unemployment rate was found to decrease from 2001-2011, the average household income remained an issue with 74% of households receiving a monthly income of R3200 or less; furthermore, 49% of households received a monthly income of R1600 or less (Strategic Development Information and GIS, 2013).

•In order to better understand the average income of those in Khayelitsha, a comparison to the amount of rand provided to this author and his colleagues is helpful. From June – July 2016, we each were provided R3200 to account for meals that were not eaten as a group during this time period. Again, we were provided R3200 for meals alone during our month in South Africa; this amount was equal Call-out Cà Cost of to or greater than 74 % of annual households income in Khayelitsha. Living Granted, these funds allowed us to live and eat comfortably while in South Africa, but we were only required to budget costs for meals that were not served at our place of residence or eaten as a group. Unlike the individuals described above, we did not have to account for the cost of utilities, childcare, healthcare, or rent, in addition to the cost of food. In hindsight, this gross discrepancy is a humbling experience that we were sadly ignorant to throughout the month.

As previously stated, there is currently no census data more recent than 2011. In spite of this lack of data, Beyond Our Borders (2016), reported a large increase in unemployment rates from 38% in 2011 to 73% in 2016. Although this 35% increase in unemployment cannot be compared to official census data, such a potential increase should be noted.

Households In 1996, approximately 80% of the individuals in Khayelitsha resided in informal dwellings or shacks erected in informal settlement areas (Information and Knowledge Management Department, 2005). This percentage decreased to approximately 64% of individuals residing in shacks either in an informal settlement or in the backyard of a house (Strategic Development Information and GIS, 2003). In 2005, the percentage of individuals in Khayelitsha (n = 406,779) residing in shacks or other informal housing was estimated to be over 50% across all wards (Maverick 358 cc, 2006). In 2011, the percentage of people in Khayelitsha (n = 117,356) residing in shacks or informal dwellings was approximately 56% (Strategic Development Information and GIS, 2013). Although this decrease in informal dwellings from 1996 – 2011 is a positive statistic, it is important to note that the average household size of 11 approximately 64% of households in 2001 consisted of three or more people, resulting in cramped living conditions (Information and Knowledge Management Department, 2005).

•During discussions with youth at Holiday Programme, 2016, and during a retreat with Siyakthala, the youth often described that their households generally consisted of five or more individuals. Typically, there would be members of both their immediate and extended family living in the household. The youth also described times when family Call-out Dà members would reside in the household on a part-time basis for various Household Size reasons, often due to employment issues. Additionally, the youth explained that although some of their households consisted of five or more individuals, they did not have individual beds. As a result, two to three individuals often share a bed in Khayelitsha. It is also important to note that all of the youth from whom this information gathered reported residing in formal homes, not informal dwellings or shacks.

Beyond Our Borders (2016) reported statistics regarding individuals and families residing in informal housing similar to their data on the population size and unemployment rates. As of 2016, 70% of families in Khayelitsha were reported to be living in informal housing or shacks (Beyond Our Borders, 2016). Additionally, 89% of families in Khayelitsha were considered to have moderate or severe issues acquiring adequate food for the household (Beyond Our Borders, 2016).

Conclusion

The intent of this paper was not to paint a picture of unemployment, shacks, and inadequate living conditions, in post-apartheid Khayelitsha, but a realistic picture of the largest township in South Africa. Unfortunately, the realistic picture includes these unfortunate facts. Despite having had the opportunity to be a part of Holiday Programme, 2016, while working with Siyakthala, and interact with several hundred enthusiastic children, the reality of daily life in Khayelitsha, supported by the aforementioned statistics, is unsettling. Although not official census data, the information reported by Beyond Our Borders concerning the population boom in Khayelitsha from 2011 – 2016 raises concerns for adequate living of families within this township. Prior census data regarding monthly household income (see Call-out C for experiential comparison) and unemployment rates in 2011, in conjunction with an approximate current population of 2.4 million people, presents a pressing need for further attention to this township, and other townships in South Africa. Although prior census data presented a steady trend of improvement regarding employment, education, living conditions, and income, updated data to determine the need for further community planning is needed. Again, the purpose of this paper was to present a realistic picture of Khayelitsha, and, ideally, the information presented may assist is drawing attention to the aforementioned areas.

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Community Mapping Sybil Palace

Introduction

Children raised in Khayelitsha aren’t your everyday kids- six year olds are being taught how to say no to drugs, nine year olds are recruited by gangs, and 12 year olds are getting pregnant. These are the harsh realities which the youth face every day. As they form friendships and navigate the complexities of being a teenager they also have to parent younger siblings and watch their backs on the walk home from school. Even in the face of these challenges, however, they are very much so just kids. Give them a ball and they will start up a competitive soccer game. Play music and almost instantaneously a dance circle forms. Ask them about their hopes and dreams and you will get answers such as becoming a doctor, having a family, and graduating from college. In the face of all of these challenges, it is easy to forget how to just be a kid. These kids, however, have found a way to remember.

How do you establish a sense of community in a place where childhood is a fleeting memory? This question is at the heart of organizations such as Siyakhatala, Grassroots Soccer, and Rainbow Dreams Trust whose mission is to create a safe place for at risk youth in townships such as Khayelitsha. A culture is developing where gangs can take root because of young adults who recognize the opportunity to take advantage of the lack of community and recruit children who will follow them simply to fill the void and gain a sense of security. To combat this, these orphan support services work to provide a safe place, a sense of community, and basic necessities to children in need and their families.

Methods

To research the topic of community, I spent four weeks observing a small group of individuals in the township of Khayelitsha which is located in Cape Town, South Africa. The individuals I observed consisted of both males and females ages six to 21 who had been nominated by their teachers in order to take part in an outreach program for orphans run by the founders of an orphan support program known as Siyakhatala. Most these individuals were either born in Khayelitsha or moved there when they were very young with their parents in an attempt to find new opportunities. During my time in Khayelitsha, I used participant observation. The goal in choosing this method was to allow me to build relationships with the individuals within the community I hoped to gain to gain greater insight into the inner workings of that community. This entailed participation as a volunteer at two holiday programs which were held by the founders of Siyakhatala.

Holiday Programme The first program takes place for two weeks at the start of the winter holiday and includes approximately 300 children, all of whom were designated by teachers to be at risk or orphans. Daily activities at the Holiday Programme included serving breakfast, lunch, and dinner, as well as educational presentations, sports, games, and performances. Interaction with the individuals enrolled in the program was mostly casual and took place while engaging in activities. Each individual participated in one focus group which was held at the end of the program in order to 13 assess the success of the Holiday Programme. These focus groups were each led by two student volunteers and included 25-30 participants and lasted for about 30 minutes. An outline for the questions was established prior to the focus groups by the student leaders and will be included at the end of this section.

Rotary Camp After the two weeks of Holiday Programme, another program was held by the founders and volunteers at Siyakhatala called Rotary camp. This camp consisted of approximately 100 children ages nine to 17. These individuals participated in the Holiday Programme and were invited to then participate in the Rotary Camp. The camp lasted one week and allowed the children to stay overnight in cabins. During the day, meals were served and the individuals participated in group discussions about family difficulties, positivity, and life skills. There was also ample time for activities, sports, and performances. During the Rotary Camp, interaction with the individuals included smaller focus groups about the progress of Siyakhatala as an organization and about their community in general. These focus groups were led by two student volunteers and included eight to 10 participants. They lasted about 30 minutes and were loosely based on an outline of questions pre-established by the student leaders. The list of questions is included at the end of this section.

Results

Community In my interaction with the participants of both the Holiday Programme and the Rotary camp I focused on community. Specifically, I looked at the way the participants came to establish their own community, what its limitations were, and what assets were most beneficial to the participants within their community. In general, I found that most of the participants simply looked at Khayelitsha as a place where they live. They did not seem to have a strong emotional connection to this community and most children, when asked where they were from, would answer that they were from Eastern Cape. I believe this detachment has a major impact on the struggle to establish a strong feeling of community within Khayelitsha. In regard to the most important community assets, it is clear that organizations such as Siyakhatala are the most impactful elements for the children of these communities. The participants give the impression that these programs are one of few places where they can go, feel safe, play as children, and learn.

Khayelitsha is an enormous melting pot of individuals who, for the most part, have come together for one common goal- to find work. Most families come from the Eastern Cape, drawn by the promise of new opportunities offered by a nearby mine and a seemingly more successful job market then the one they left behind. Due to the great migration occurring and the enormity of the population growth in Khayelitsha, it can be extremely difficult for this group of individuals to feel connected as a community. When asked where home is, the majority of participants gave answers including Eastern Cape and Free State. Many participants still have family living in these areas.

Community assets in Khayelitsha include libraries, schools, after school programs, sports programs, and orphan support programs like Siyakhatala. When asked what assets are most 14 beneficial to the participant the response was resounding and nearly unanimous- orphan support programs such as Siyakhala. These organizations are made up of members of the community who volunteer their time with little to no compensation. They work tirelessly to provide clothes and food for children and families in need and provide services such as tutoring and holiday care. Fundamentally, these services provide a sense of security for the children.

Personal Reactions When asked about their feelings regarding Siyakhatala, one participant responded simply, “Siyakhatala is home.” When asked what makes a person trustworthy, many participants shared that they felt those who provided the children with their basic necessities and security were the most trustworthy. For many participants in these programs, those people aren’t necessarily the children’s family members. When a participant doesn’t have that security, they go to outside sources in order to get it which is when they can become involved in things such as gangs. By providing services and security to these children, Siyakhatala and other orphan support programs are able to step in and provide a feeling of home for those who might not be able to have it.

Another important feeling associated by the participants with these organizations is the sense of pride which was reported to be felt both by the children and by the community at large. Many participants shared that they felt proud to be involved with Siyakhatala and it is popular for the children to hang their certificates on their walls and share the information they learn from Siyakhatala with their friends. The participants also shared that the community in general looks extremely positively on those who participate in these programs. One participant explained the adults in the community often report that they can see an obvious change in the children involving things like improved time management, better temperament, and a more respectful demeanor. Participants also reported that adults in the community will turn to organizations such as Siyakhatala when faced with difficulties they are not capable of handling on their own.

Conclusion

A sense of community and cohesion are imperative to the foundation and success of any coexisting group of people. When these fundamentals are absent, individuals are not bound to one another and crime and quality of life inversely boom and plummet. In the case of Khayelitsha, a big township became an enormous township essentially overnight due to a great migration of people in search of better opportunities. The result is an overcrowded conglomeration of individuals who feel obligations only to close family or themselves. To combat this dissociative environment, orphan support service organizations such as Siyakhatala work to provide a safe and caring community where kids can learn, play, and grow. This allows the children to learn from each other and gain confidence in themselves to improve their own situations.

“You don’t have that moment when you are the only one. There are people around all of the time.” -Child from Khayelitsha

Focus Group Questions Holiday Programme 1. Has anyone received services from Siyakhatala? If so what? 15

2. How has Siyakhatala impacted you? 3. Are you satisfied with the programs presented? 4. What are your biggest concerns or obstacles within your community? 5. Is there a service you need but aren’t getting? 6. What is being done well? 7. What can be improved? 8. Is there a specific time Siyakhatala has helped you? How did you feel about it? 9. Do you see any positive changes in yourself or your community as a result of the services Siyakhatala offers?

Simon’s Town 1. What services have you received from Siyakhatala? For how long? 2. What does Siyakhatala do best? 3. How does Siyakhala impact the community? 4. Do you see changes in yourself because of Siyakhala? In your community? 5. Is there a specific time Siyakhatala has helped you? How did you feel about it? 6. How do you feel about being a part of Siyakhatala? 7. What can Siyakhala improve or do better? 8. How have you seen Khayelitsha and/or Siyakhatala change during your lifetime? 9. Who in your family do you trust the most? What makes them trustworthy? 10. Have you learned any Xhosa traditions? What are they? Who taught them to you? 11. When you get injured who do you go to? What happens? 12. Where in your home do you feel safe? Why? If home doesn’t feel safe, where do you feel safe? 13. What organization/group do you view as most important or beneficial to Khayelitsha? Why? 14. What responsibilities do you have inside of your home? Outside of your home? 15. Who lives in your house? What is their role? 16. What do you want as your role in your community in the future? 17. Who in your house talks to you about sex/protection/drugs? Are there resources available to you? 18. What is the biggest challenge you face in your life? Has Siyakhala helped? Could they do more?

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Temporality Leisha Chiles

Dreams Hold fast to dreams For if dreams die Life is a broken-winged bird That cannot fly.

Hold fast to dreams For when dreams go Life is a barren field Frozen with snow. -Langston Hughes Introduction

Students from the University of Denver travelled to Cape Town, South Africa to explore community psychology in an international context. The students volunteered to help with a holiday program hosted through Siyakhathala, a community organization that helps at-risk youth and their families who have been affected by HIV/AIDS. Each student was assigned an ethnographic topic to explore. This section is concerned with temporality, which is the concept of having a relationship with time. Time is a social construct. The perception of time varies between cultures and even between different stages of life. How a child perceives time is likely different than how an adult perceives time. This paper seeks to explore how children, mostly Xhosa, from the township Khayelitsha in Cape Town, relate to time. Specifically, the author inquired about their understanding of past, present, and future; hopes for the future; their ideal community and the role they would like to play in it; and how much control they feel they have over the past, present, or future. There was also an activity conducted to explore pastimes of the children.

Methods

The information gathered for this paper was acquired primarily through interviews and observations. The author conducted semi-structured interviews with groups of approximately seven to 10 children on two separate occasions. The author also had many informal conversations with adolescents and one volunteer regarding the subjects related to time that are listed above. During the group interviews, older children interpreted for the younger children. An interpreter was not needed during the conversations with the older adolescents. The questions asked of the children were: “What is your understanding of the past, present, and future?” “What are your hopes for the future?” “Please describe your ideal community; what role would you like to play in it?” “How much control do you feel you have over the past, present, and future?”

Results

There was a frequent phrase volunteers said in a joking manner when things did not go according to schedule, which was “African Time.” This suggests that African time is something 17 that is different than Western time, that somehow time has been imposed upon the culture. This is a phrase this author has frequently heard among people in the African diaspora in the United States. Interestingly, this phrase is also used in other cultures, such as “Native Time” or in the tropics as “Island Time.” Ultimately it seems that this concept of time is in opposition to a Western concept of time that is regimented. Below are the results from the questions for each of the topics related to temporality.

Understanding of past, present and future and how much control they feel they have over the past, present, or future: The traditional concept of time for Xhosa has likely changed due to Western influence. The children mentioned tradition when asked about the past, such as providing beer to the ancestors. They also said that they do not think about the past a lot, or allow it to affect them because they cannot control what has already happened. One of the volunteers said, “I do not want to waste my tomorrows crying over yesterday.” A child said, “I do not care about the past.” Many of these children have experienced trauma or multiple traumas, and there appeared to be a de-emphasis on the past that may be a coping strategy to contend with the abuse and violence they have experienced. Conversely, the children believed that they had a lot of control over the present and the future. However, sometimes the future was next week, for example, one girl said, “My future is happy because I’ll be at camp.” Another said her future was, “bright because of all the opportunities I have from going to camp.” One child said, “The present and future is up to me.” Someone else said, “I have to be good” for the future. This author witnessed the idea of control over the future being instilled in the children by volunteers over and over again. With great odds stacked against these children, the effort to instill a belief that they have control over the future is an attempt at empowerment to combat the powerlessness some have in their home environments and neighborhoods.

Hopes for the future The children were full of hopes and dreams for the future and this was evident every time the question was asked. There was a repetitive theme that education was the key for them to achieve their dreams. Children said they want to be doctors, teachers, social workers, computer engineers, engineers, Social Workers, an actress, electrical engineer, policeman, nurses, a psychologist, a lawyer, an astronomer, and an entertainer/presenter. A couple kids said, “I am still confused,” meaning they were unsure what they would like to do in the future but this was the exception. Most expressed clear hopes and dreams. It is interesting to note that many of the professions the children are interested in are helping professions. More of these professions are needed within the community and the youth appear to realize this.

Ideal community The ideal community was typically expressed as one that was without violence, gangs, and drugs. The children cared very much about this topic and had wonderful ideas about how to make their community better. One idea was to host a town hall for the youth on Youth Day so that they could discuss solutions to the challenges they face in their community. The youth expressed lots of ways they would like to play a positive role in their community in the future. One 15-year-old girl said she would like to close the bars down due to the abundance of underage drinking, and that she would also like to feed those who do not have enough food. A 13-year-old girl said she wants to open a lot of hair salons to employ people and so others can 18

get their hair done. A 12-year-old boy said he wants to open his own rehab facility to address addiction issues in his community. Another child also said they would like to help prevent substance abuse. A 14-year-old boy said he wants to “change the buildings” to make better houses for people to live in. Some of the roles children wished to play were more general, such as to “help others, encourage people,” and to have shows/performances to help young people.

Pastimes One child said, “I like being alone. On my spare time, I like to write what I want to do in my life, my ideas and my views, how do I see or do things and bring solutions into it. I like writing stories of poems.” An adolescent said, “When I have a free time I go to church to also express my feeling to god, and ask to be strong from him.” Another child said they like to play soccer, watch t.v., write stories and poems, dance, swim, and do art. Someone said they like to sing, play netball, cook, and play girls soccer. Another said they liked to play cards, sports, and watch television. Another said they like to play, play netball, and go to church. Like children everywhere, play was a central theme of how children pass time. Religion also plays a central role in the lives of many children and families, and attending church was another way children identified passing time. One adolescent became especially close with this author. The poems below were written by her and given to this author. These poems reflect this adolescent’s musings on the present and future, as well as her aspirations. (I am a dreamer) Tomorrow My dream is my passion I am proud of my dream I may be useless today My dream can take me places. But you might need me tomorrow My dream is my dream no one I may be what you don’t need today Can take it away from me. But tomorrow I might be exactly what you need Don’t underestimate me today I am a dreamer, I dream beyond Don’t tear me down today Mountains, oceans, and the sky above No, I can’t stop dreaming, I keep on dreaming. There is a thing called Karma No, I can’t let go of my dream. You might need me tomorrow Dreaming is my habit, I am a dreamer You might cry to me tomorrow If you not a dreamer, then I might say you Nobody knows their tomorrow Are not a person (human being). Everything you do you must think about Your tomorrow, your tomorrow might be a I keep on dreaming day and night Fairytale, dream come true, horror, and even thriller I keep on seeing myself making a Difference in this world. Be careful who you underestimate today I keep on seeing myself going places Be careful who you tear down today I am a dreamer, and I do believe dreams Pray for a kind heart that sees the Do come true, you can win if you want to. Best in other people’s lives. I see myself shining like a You might know your today but not your Rainbow, shining up above the sky. I am a dreamer Tomorrow, you don’t know what it may bring. And I am proud of being that.

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A sign pointing to Khayelitsha.

The trailer that serves as the main office for the organization Siyakhathala.

This is the elementary school the University of Denver students worked at for the first two weeks.

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This picture was taken while on the playground at the school. One child is dancing and in the distance, there are children engaged in a game of soccer.

A neighborhood in Khayelitsha can be seen in the background.

Conclusion

According to the youth, their understanding of temporality appears to be similar to definitions of temporality elsewhere in the world. Khayelitsha is a place filled with many challenges for the youth and yet there is so much hope among the youth and youth leaders. The youth wish to be active members within their community and to help to improve it. They believe they have control over their future and can achieve their dreams for the future through education.

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Family Systems Whitney Wilson

Introduction

The topic of Family Systems examined the students’ nuclear families, the students’ extended families, and which family members lived in the students’ homes. Students were also asked which family members do not live in their homes, why these family members live in a different location, and if and if they have transient relatives. While many of the questions asked researched family in a literal sense, the students were also asked about people outside of their biological families who provide the closeness of family. Questions that examined non-biological relationships sought to gain a sense of who these students trust, who is kind to them, and who makes them feel safe.

Methods

The majority of the data was collected through casual conversations had during the Holiday Programme. The researchers interacted with the students for an average of six hours each day for a total of 12 days. During the students’ free time, a group of Holiday Programme students came together and the University of Denver students would ask a questions to the Holiday Programme students, and Holiday Programme students would then ask the University of Denver students questions. This back-and-forth provided a range of data about a number of students’ families.

Over the course of the program, two focus groups were held to ask specific, organized questions. These focus groups were made up of six to 12 students, ages nine to 19. There were no official translators during these focus groups, but the older students served as translators for the younger students. The younger students would answer each question in Xhosa, and the older students would translate their responses back to English for the interviewers. The focus groups lasted between 30-60 minutes.

Students from the Holiday Programme were also sent home with surveys for their parents to complete. The survey included information about how many people under 20 years and over 20 years lived in the home. This also gave the researchers insight into what home life is like for students in Khayelitsha.

During the final week of the program, students broke up into small groups and were assigned to discuss issues faced in the community. One of the discussions covered challenges faced in the home and within the family. Photographs of the presentations were taken and were included as part of the research.

Results

Nuclear Families Of the nearly 300 students who attended the program, only one student reported having no siblings. When this student stated he had no siblings, the other students appeared to be 22 shocked, saying, “No siblings?!” These other students stated that it is unusual for a family in Khayelitsha to have only one child. Most of the students reported having between four and seven siblings. The family surveys said that as many as 15 people under the age of 20 and 22 people over the age of 20 lived in a home, but whether or not there was only one family in the home was unclear.

When asked who was in their families, most of the students interviewed first responded with “my mother.” It was noted that several students did not include their fathers in the list of people who is in their families, but when asked, “Does your father live in your home?” these students responded that their fathers did live in their homes.

Extended Family Students often reported that their grandparents either lived in their homes or within walking distance. Many students noted that their aunts were the most trustworthy person in their lives, and that their aunts also either lived with them or lived in close proximity. Students explained that their grandparents moved from the Eastern Cape to Khayelitsha when the students’ families moved to look for work. This proved to be the explanation for why many of the students have transient family members. The family members who still reside in the Eastern Cape will often come and stay in Khayelitsha to visit or search for employment. The family members most often reported as being transient were aunts and uncles.

While some students have their entire family residing in Khayelitsha, others have the majority of their family still living in the Eastern Cape. One student reported having never met several of his siblings because they stayed in the Eastern Cape and he was born in Khayelitsha. When asked why families chose to move from the Eastern Cape, students explained that there were no jobs available in the Eastern Cape which forced families to move west. It appears that those families who were born in Khayelitsha have rarely moved which is why the extended families are in such close proximity and often live together in one home.

Family Challenges The poverty in Khayelitsha appears to have been a catalyst for a number of other issues found in the community, including challenges families face at home. The students from the Holiday Programme were asked to present on challenges they faced in their family and solutions to these challenges. Although the presentations were given in Xhosa, the posters each group used to present were written in English. Below are photographs of several of the presentations that best reflect the general themes given in each of the presentations.

Challenges The most common challenges acknowledged by the students were physical abuse, drug and alcohol abuse, safety concerns in the home, and challenges surrounding finances.

The students specifically mentioned child abuse in the form of sexual abuse and domestic abuse in the homes. Students wrote that “some of our stepfathers are abusive and demand more time to our mothers than children.” Some of the students disclosed that their mothers were abused by their fathers and stepfathers. In the family surveys, one parent noted that the Holiday Programme was important because it protected the children from the abusive members of the 23 community by preventing the children from being home alone during the school break. This same group stated that, “In our homes we have gangsters so when they are drunk and smoked they just be violent.” With how frequently the students mentioned the need to feel safe in their survey responses, it appears that violence in the home and in the community, has had an effect on every student who attended the program.

Drug use and alcohol use appear to be prevalent in the community. When asked about drugs and alcohol, each student could name someone they know who uses drugs and someone who uses alcohol. According to the students, the drugs are they reason why many people steal. The students stated that people will steal in order to pay for these drugs. Family members will also steal from each other to support their drug habit.

Financial challenges are also prevalent for families in Khayelitsha. In the below photographs, the student groups wrote “poverty” and “some of us in our homes we depend in a social grant so we struggling on getting our needs.” A number of students stated that Siyakhathala (the organization running the Holiday Programme) assisted their families in applying for these grants. Through group research, it is now understood that the more children a family has, the more money they will receive, which may explain why some families are so large.

Common challenges listed by students included different forms of abuse, lack of financial resources, and alcohol and drug use.

Solutions The student group presented on solutions to their listed family challenges. Concerning drug use, students wrote that, “Community members must be honest when they found someone who sell drugs and they must report to the police.” Others suggested that those who use drugs and alcohol be sent to rehab “in order to keep them away from alcohol.” In casual conversation, students stated that they did not want to start using drugs or drinking alcohol in order to keep the problem from being passed down to future generations. Another group of students also suggested rehab for those abusing drugs and alcohol, but added that rehab would give “advice and encourage them.”

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Regarding safety, students suggested the installation of video cameras outside of the home to prevent theft. Students wrote about being able to speak to someone they trust in the case of physical and domestic abuse. One group of students included “seek help from local organizations” in their list of solutions. Siyakhathala was often mentioned as one of the organizations that the students could trust. When the abuse is within the family, students noted that finding someone to trust can be harder because of not knowing many people outside of the family and because of the strain that reporting domestic abuse can have on the family. Further education about local organizations and who to approach and trust with issues of abuse appeared to be important to many the students.

Suggested solutions to challenges faced by families in Khayelitsha.

The students had more diverse suggestions for financial challenges. One group suggested that the government “must create more jobs and increase social grant.” Others suggested education was the key to securing jobs. “They must study hard and get qualifications in order for them to get jobs,” one group noted. This same group suggested that family members “spend money wisely.” Education on budgeting and necessary expenses may be helpful for these families who are facing financial challenges. Another group suggested that agriculture could be key to helping with these challenges. This group wrote that farming would prevent excessive spending on food. While this is a logical idea, finding the space to create sustainable farming may be difficult because of the large population in Khayelitsha that has left little land to be developed.

Trust and Safety In the focus groups, students were asked who they trusted most and why. The most common responses were grandmother, sister, aunt, and mother. Other responses included teachers, Siyakhathala volunteers, female cousins, and their fathers. It is interesting to note that few students listed male figures as trustworthy.

The rationale behind what makes a person trustworthy often included an individual’s ability to provide wants and needs for the students. A trustworthy person is one who is also able to keep shared information “a secret.” One student who most trusts her aunt said that she trusts her aunt because she “can tell her aunt and she won’t tell others.” A male student also stated that 25 his aunt is the most trustworthy person in his life because she “acts as a mother” to him. Other reasons given for what makes an individual trustworthy is their ability to keep the students safe, a person’s ability to give gifts, provide support, and give advice.

Conclusion

Families in Khayelitsha are typically large, and the extended families often live closely to one another. The family unit appears important to how an individual functions in the larger community. Many of the students in the Holiday Programme had a number of siblings and cousins also attending the program. Most students reported living with their mothers, but students also reported living with grandparents and aunts and uncles.

The challenges faced in the community in Khayelitsha have become challenges faced by the family system. Abuse, theft, distrust, and substance abuse are common trials that these families face. Finding individuals to trust in the family appears to be difficult, but because of the size of the families, the students were typically able to find someone in their family they trust. When there is not a person in the family who the students feel they can trust, they often turn to teachers or volunteers in community programs.

Limitations and Further Research

Research was gathered through two focus groups with a number of children in the program, but the researchers were not able to speak to all of the students. Casual conversations were held, but speaking to the students was often difficult because the time to talk to the students was during students’ free time. They often preferred playing games and interacting with their friends to speaking with the researchers.

Interacting with the students only at the Holiday Programme limited observational research. To understand the family interactions and observe how the family functions as a unit would require the researcher to go to the students’ homes. Expanding the research beyond the Holiday Programme would provide a much larger picture. Engaging with the larger community would also allow the researcher to observe how a family functions within itself compared to how it functions within the community of Khayelitsha.

Language barriers also limited the research. Students often gave answers in a manner that appeared they were trying to give the researchers answers that the researchers wanted to hear. Being unable to observe the family unit, the researchers had to take the students’ words as truth. When questions were translated to Xhosa, and the answers were translated back into English, some details may have been lost.

There also may have been misunderstandings in the answers received from the surveys. One parent stated that 22 children over the age of 20 lived in the home. This, for example, could be the age of a single person over the age of 20 living in the home. The researchers were unable to clarify since there was no interaction with the parents. Small misunderstandings or miscommunications may have interfered with the research.

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For future studies, using translators may be helpful. Being able to clarify a question or follow up with another question would provide more accurate answers and better understanding. Expanding the research beyond the students would also be helpful for future research. To get a more well-rounded understanding of families in Khayelitsha, or of Khayelitsha as a whole, researchers will need to observe and interact with members of the larger community.

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Housing Deanna Metropoulos

“The ache for home lives in all of us, the safe place where we can go as we are and not be questioned.” Maya Angelou

Introduction

Often as Americans, we tend to generalize situations and assume that most people have similar experiences and beliefs. If people believe that most other Americans enjoy being home and consider it a safe place, then it is likely that they generalize this belief to other cultures, as well. This paper is not to generalize on that belief, but to dig deep into the meaning of one word, home, for a group of kids who attended Siyakhathala Orphan Support Holiday Programme 2016 and Siyakhathala Holiday Camp from June 27, 2016 to July 15, 2016.

The purpose of this study was to obtain a deeper understanding of the meaning of home and what that theoretical image looks like for the kids at Siyakhathala located in Kuyasa, Khayelitsha, which is an area of a township in Cape Town, South Africa. The kids selected to participate in one or both Siyakhathala programs have been through a traumatic experience during their lives or are at a high-risk to experiencing something traumatic and possibly debilitating. Many of the traumatic experiences occur when the kids are at home, at the homes of their family members, or in transit.

Driving through the city of Cape Town you would notice many different concrete homes. These homes vary from single-family houses to multi-family apartments, from one bedroom to five bedrooms, and from common colored homes to brightly colored homes. When driving through Khayelitsha, you only notice two types of homes. These homes tend to be two to three bedroom cement houses or one to two bedroom metal shacks. In addition to finding out about the Siyakhathala kid’s homes, obtaining information on furniture in the home, building material, house security, as well as the kid’s sense of their own safety.

Methods

The information collected was obtained through individual interviews, observation, focus groups, and through activities during educational presentations. Various partnerships of researchers conducted group interviews, which included questions related to each ethnography topic including housing and infrastructure. The information was then compiled into a document and the notes were shared amongst the rest of the nine researchers.

More specifically, nine individual interviews and seven focus groups were conducted during the three weeks of Holiday Programme and Camp. In multiple focus groups, other Siyakhathala kids volunteered themselves as interpreters for the kids that could not answer the questions in English. During one of the educational presentations, all of the 300 kids that attended the holiday programme were asked to draw their homes and what the structure of their house is. They were also asked to place a star in their home where they felt safest. The kid’s 28 drawings were then collected and the majority of them were given to the researcher in charge of this specific ethnography topic. The instructions were told to them in a large auditorium through a translator then reiterated to them after they were broken up into groups of 20 to 30 kids. The second time the instructions were told to them was purely in English.

Results

Type of Home From driving around Khayelitsha, it was perceived that most, possibly 70% to 80%, of the homes are the metal shack-type homes. From pure observations, it appears that the shacks are connected to one another and had only one room. It was not understood how they stood upright or where one house started and the last one ended. The homes were all clustered together in areas larger than city blocks. Dirt patches, no bigger than 10 feet, divided some areas of homes instead of streets. Therefore, to gain access to the majority of the homes, one would have to walk to the homes, not drive. Some of the homes appeared to be painted and some were left bare, yet this did not assist researchers in knowing the length of each home. It was assumed that the metal shacks did not have restrooms inside since there were various outdoor restroom areas, this understanding turned out to be false after interviewing various Siyakhathala kids.

The remaining percentage of the township had single-family cement homes. Each home had roughly five to ten square feet of grass on each side of the house, some having a security fence surrounding them. The cement homes were usually next to other cement homes and divided into city block areas by streets. From observations, it appeared that the homes were larger than one bedrooms and had restrooms located inside.

The image below represents what Siyakhathala kids see walking back to their homes through Khayelitsha each and every day.

Home Structure Through individual interviews, it was concluded that the metal shacks could have multiple rooms in one home and some had up to three rooms. None of the kids asked could explain in English how the metal frames remained in an upward position or how long they usually remained standing. The rooms were usually separated into a bedroom, shared area, toilet, 29 and kitchen. The kitchen was understood to be the smallest area of the entire home. The metal frames that were used in to build the shack could be bought at the side of the street.

The concrete homes were divided into usually two or three bedrooms, a restroom, a lounge area, and a kitchen. One of the Siyakhathala kids drew the image below of her home after everyone was asked to provide a drawing. One 9-year-old girl described the size of her two- bedroom home by explaining that there was “not enough room to do spins inside the house,” spins meaning cartwheels. She explained to the researcher that even though she lived in a house and there were multiple bedrooms, many of her family members lived with her, leaving minimal space in the home. This same girl laughed when she was asked if she had a garage, responding that only people with more money have garages. Below is an example of the layout drawing of a Siyakhathala kid’s cement house.

Furniture and Equipment Understanding what type of furniture was in the home was difficult for researchers due to the language barrier. Many kids were able to share that they had a television and couch in their lounge area, a small dining table in the kitchen, and a refrigerator and oven in the kitchen. The cable dish was observed on the majority of the homes in Khayelitsha connected to the roof. Half of the kids interviewed described their bedroom as having a mattress without a bed frame and a dresser. The amount of furniture depended on the size of the houses and the money available to spend on furniture. The furniture was often older and purchased or given used. The most important items that multiple boys in Siyakhathala mentioned were their televisions and the cable dish. The drawing below displays one girl’s representation of the furniture in her home.

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Security Through individual interview and group interviews, there appeared to be two beliefs about security. The majority belief stated that people in Khayelitsha should protect themselves and their homes by locking their doors, closing their windows when they are not home, and placing a security fence around homes if they are able to afford that. The other belief was that security fences around homes block off neighbors from each other. A Siyakhathala volunteer discussed with researchers that by having neighbors fear each other instead of enjoying each other’s company, more unreported crimes occur because neighbors are not watching out for each other. Neighborhood security not only had to be maintained by the police, but also by the neighborhood members since it is the neighborhood in danger.

Sense of Safety It was understood that half of the Siyakhathala kids did not feel safe in their own homes. When researchers asked groups of kids where they felt safest in their own homes, half of them could not think of an answer. The kids that could not come up with an answer to where they felt safest at home often stated that they only feel safe at their school, their public library, their family member’s homes, Siyakhathala, soup kitchens, Rainbow Dream Trust, and at restaurants. The consensus for why these locations were considered safe was that they were in public, where if an incident occurred, others would be able to step in and stop the crime from occurring.

From the kids that stated that home was where they felt safe, many could not identify which part of their home they felt safest. One 10-year-old girl described to the researcher that she did not feel safe in one particular place at home, just home in general. She stated that her home was too crowded with other family members that she did not have any place she could call her own, but she often would find the most isolated place in her home and block herself off from the world there. One Siyakhathala staff member described her process of making her home as a safe place for her three children. She strived to make the entire home safe for them by keeping their security gate locked at all times and not allowing two individuals of the opposite sex alone in her home. This included not allowing her daughter alone with her son’s best friend or even her son alone with her daughter’s friend. During an individual interview, an 11-year-old girl mentioned that the only way she felt safe was when she locked herself in her bedroom, closed the windows, 31 blocked the doors with her dresser and a chair, and played music very loudly to not hear anything outside of the bedroom.

Conclusion

Overall, it was concluded that home, for many of the kids in Khayelitsha, is not the place they can go to feel safe, feel included, and feel loved. Home is the opposite of that to many of these kids. The cement and metal walls around them are only physical barriers between them and the outside world, no more or less. The feeling of safety was either temporarily allowed when surrounded by others or when completely isolated. This idea of polar oppositeness appeared multiple times in our research. Either you live in a metal shack or a home, either you believe security fences minimizes crime or minimizes human connections, allowing crime to continue to occur without consequence. Overall, it was understood that there is no happy median between the black-and-white thinking beliefs.

As a note to future researchers, there could have been more information obtained. There seemed to be many obstacles placed in our way, as researchers we were not prepared for. It appeared counter-productive to have a position as a researcher and as a volunteer with the group. The volunteer position often took priority, and if not prioritized, then researchers were looked down on by the staff members as not being helpful. More research should have been done about the current culture, language of the people we were working with, and the environment we were working in prior to beginning the research project. If we as researchers prepared ourselves more with knowing how many kids we would be working with and the school that the program was located in, we would know that it would be very difficult to have a private individual interview due to lack of privacy, overwhelming noises coming from the rest of the kids, and lack of structure. More education around the language barrier should have been considered because many of the kids we were working with had not learned English yet. The kids that did speak the language often did not speak it at a fluent level, making it very difficult for researchers to interpret. When translators were used, the translation was not always exact or even understood. If the culture was more understood before starting our research, we would have understood more about the gender dynamics of the group we were studying. Females primarily will only discuss certain topics with other females, as would males with other males. This made the research difficult for our group of researchers because eight out of nine researchers were in fact female. Overall, make sure to fully research the culture, situation, and surroundings before beginning research.

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Health Samantha Horkott

Introduction

While in Khayelitsha, health standards and practices were observed while participating in a Holiday Club ran by Siyakhathala, which provides support to orphans as well as at risk children in Khayelitsha. Questions and groups ran during this Club were geared towards gaining a clearer understanding of what health looks like in the context of Siyakhathala and for the children living in Khayelitsha. To narrow the wide range of subtopics which fall under health, the specific areas addressed are hygiene, medical care, and diet.

Methods

The majority of the information in this report was collected by observing standards at various times throughout the Holiday Club over the course of several weeks. Some information, regarding specific medical needs and medical visits, was derived from interviews with various children participants from Siyakhathala. Some of these conversations were held individually while others were held in small groups ranging from five to 20 children. Within the larger groups, ages ranged from eight to 16. As there were different levels of fluency in English, several older teenagers were used as translators to help with translating from Xhosa to English. These conversations and small groups were held over a period of several weeks. Conversations were held not only with the children at Siyakhathala, but also with the volunteers of Siyakhathala, some of whom had participated in the Holiday Club previously. Volunteers ranged in age from 19 to 26. No translators were needed when speaking with the volunteers as they were fluent in English.

Results

Hygiene/Medical Care When approaching hygiene, most children who were asked about their daily routines included the washing of their body as part of their morning rituals. Cleanliness in Khayelitsha is taken seriously, in fact many of the children mentioned that in their daily chores, they were expected to clean and sweep the floor of their homes. However, it was not uncommon to use a commode and find that toilet paper was unavailable or that there was no soap to use in the washing of hands. In addition to the lack of soap, the water from the faucets was ice cold, doing little to kill germs. Despite the seemingly unsanitary conditions in the restrooms, most children present at the Holiday Club were vehemently opposed to sitting down on the floor because it was “dirty.” They also would not sit on the grass outdoors.

When asked about illness and becoming sick, most children stated that they had been to a clinic or hospital at least once in their lives for when they were “seriously sick,” but mostly illness was taken care of by local herbs and medicines or by ignoring the illness and “waiting for it to end.” During the course of the Holiday Club, many children had runny noses and coughs and rarely would the children cover their mouths when coughing. Once it was asked if it was rude to cough in someone’s face in the focus groups and it appeared as though most children 33 were confused by the question despite aid with translation. One of the children, a nine-year-old girl, had developed an earache by the second week of Holiday Club. She was told by camp leaders to simply “cover her hurting ear” and that this would help it to get better. After her pain persisted for a few days, she was finally taken to a doctor and given ear drops.

When looking around at the children in the Holiday Club, it appeared that none of the kids or volunteers were wearing glasses. Out of the focus groups, when the children were asked if they had gone to an eye doctor all of them denied ever seeing an optometrist. When one of the students from University of Denver dropped her one of her contacts outside on the ground, a few children were aiding in the search for the missing lens. An 11-year-old girl who was helping in the search, was overheard explaining to the child next to her that contacts were “pieces of glass to change the color of the eye,” implying that contacts were known and recognized in Khayelitsha, however for a purely cosmetic purpose as opposed to vision correction.

Diet

In working with the kitchen staff at the holiday club, it became evident that there is a different approach to food preparation than what is deemed “sanitary” in America. If food would fall off of a plate or off the counter and onto the floor, staff would simply pick it up, dust it off, and then place it back on the plate. Onions and other vegetables were not cut on cutting boards but directly on countertop space that was not cleaned beforehand. Those prepping the food did not wash their hands before handling the food or utensils.

Pictured to the right are, students working with the cooks to prepare steamed butternut squash. There was only one fully functioning knife and no cutting boards, yet the staff was able to prepare meals for 100+ children and staff volunteers.

When speaking with some of the locals in Cape Town, it became evident that sugar is very popular in South Africa. Several comments were made regarding how odd Americans were for not taking sugar in their coffee. This was reflected in Khayelitsha as well. Sugar was added to nearly everything; the morning porridge, the Ricoffy (served to both children and adults), in the mashed pumpkin and butternut squash, as well as majority of the sauces used on the pasta and rice dishes. When porridge was not served in the morning, breakfast was a variation of sugar cereal topped with some warm sugar vanilla milk. In speaking with one of the Cape Town locals outside of Khayelitsha, as well as some of the volunteers at Siyakhathala, it was mentioned that diabetes is a problem in South Africa.

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Pictured to the left are children playing net ball, a variation of basketball. Several of the girls pictured are not wearing shoes. The courts were old, and uneven, with loose gravel and rocks covering the ground. It was not uncommon for children to wear flip flops or run on these courts with bare feet. Sports and activities such as dancing are taken very seriously. Children, both boys and girls in Khayelitsha, are encouraged to be active.

Sugar aside, nutrition did seem to be the ultimate goal for the group leaders in Khayelitsha. At the site of the Siyakhathala school, there were several gardens being maintained and fertilized, sprouting spinach, cabbage, lettuce, beets, and peppers. These foods were incorporated into the meals the school offered in their various support programs. At the Holiday Club, while fruits and vegetables were never the sole focus of a meal, they were always included in the lunch that was served to the children. For meals with pasta, the sauce would contain a blend of tomatoes, peppers, and beans. Apples, pears, oranges, and bananas were served as snacks either after breakfast or for an accompaniment to lunch. Gourds and bulbs such as carrots or onions were used liberally in meal preparation. Most dishes for the meals served were scraped clean, if not after the first serving, then after the second. There was one exception to this as one day, the cooks prepared brown rice with a vegetable based gravy to go on top of it. The children in Khayelitsha were not used to the texture and toughness of the brown rice and most plates returned to the washing station nearly full.

Pictured to the left is a group of students serving a breakfast comprised of hot vegetable and bean stew with bread. At times, the stew or porridge would be so hot, the plastic cups would melt and become too flexible to use as serving mediums.

In Khayelitsha, sharing is expected. Throughout the Holiday Club, children would be given lollipops which they called “sweets.” It was customary for several children to share one sweet and for them to offer a taste of the sweet to any of the volunteers. This sharing was also applied to the use of plastic ware during meal times. There were not enough plates, cups, or spoons, for all 300 children and volunteers, so after children were finished eating, they would return their plates to the washing station. Here, the plates would be scraped clean, briefly submerged in warm soapy water, wiped dry, and then served again. It was not uncommon for plates to have suds or still be wet when being refilled and served out to other kids.

To the right is the garden at the Siyakhathala school site. Pictured here are rows of spinach and lettuce.

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Conclusion

The standards for health in Khayelitsha differ from that of other communities, especially when compared against western culture. What is defined as “clean” and “dirty” seem to be rooted in a more cultural concept than anything else; for instance, not using water or soap to wash hands after using the restroom but refusing to sit on the ground outdoors.

A more in depth look at health would be beneficial, especially if it were to extend into individual homes for a longer period of time. Broadening the topic of health to subtopics beyond hygiene/medical care and diet would invite a more circumspect analysis. It would be interesting to explore what grocery shopping and meal preparation look like for various families throughout the week, or perhaps considering air pollution and some of the more communal aspects of health.

It would also be of interest to look more closely at the daily routines of children, younger adults, and adults. Most children in the small groups included “washing their body” as part of their daily routine. Knowing with what kind of soap and what the temperature of the water is would be interesting. The way these habits get passed down, whether it is by verbal instruction or via social observation of how older family members take care of themselves, would also be important to note. For future research, speaking with doctors and other medical practitioners in Khayelitsha would provide a more thorough understanding of what health and medical care look like from the professional perspective. In summary, more time and more in depth investigation are crucial to completing a well-rounded understanding of what health is to the township of Khayelitsha.

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Education and Cultural Traditions Lauren Chiaravalloti

"Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world." - Nelson Mandela

Introduction

In the post-apartheid era, Mandela frequently discussed the power of education and how necessary it was that all children, no matter their color, receive equal quality education. He explained, "The power of education extends beyond the development of skills we need for economic success. It can contribute to nation-building and reconciliation." The years of apartheid made it extremely difficult for children who were not white to receive quality education or any education at all. This had devastating rippling effects, which are still present today, 22 years after apartheid ended. An ethnographic research study was conducted over a three-week period in hopes to better understand the way of life of the Xhosa people of South Africa. The particular age group of the people involved in the study were from ages five to 18 and there were nine different researchers, each of whom were assigned a different topic on which to focus. The specific research topic discussed in this paper is "Education."

This topic not only delves into the academic and scholastic areas of education, but it looks into the passing on of heritage and traditions, as well as the potential effects of assimilation and acculturation. The research questions in this section targeted the types of Xhosa traditions the children have learned and in which they participate, from whom they have learned these traditions, the degree to which they feel connected to the Xhosa culture, the value placed on receiving an education, and how far they intend to pursue their education. Overall, most children expressed education is highly valued for them, they learn most of their cultural traditions from their elders (grandparents), and the traditions that are still most widely practiced occur at birth, when boys come of age (turn 18), and when two people are married. Methods

The information gathered in this portion of the research study was obtained mainly through various types of interviews and observation of the children over a three-week period during their Holiday Program in Khayleitsha, and at their Rotary camp in Glencairn, Cape Town. The Holiday Program consisted of 300 students aged five to 18, whereas the Rotary camp was for approximately 110 students who excelled at the Holiday Program through their attendance and participation, with an age range of nine to 18. This coveted spot at a sleep away camp allowed these particular students to travel to a new place outside of Khayelitsha and do excursion activities, such as going to the beach and hiking in the mountains.

At the two-week Holiday Program, individual, group, and focus group interviews were conducted. This researcher along with her colleagues spent approximately six hours a day at the program with the children, which allowed time to form relationships with them. This made individual and group interviews easier on both the children and the researchers as the children felt more comfortable sharing their thoughts and ideas. The nine researchers developed a list of questions together that were asked during the first focus group at the Holiday Program. Due to the 37 vast amount of students, these groups were anywhere from 25-30 males and females that were separated based on their age. This particular focus group provided some information, but it was difficult to ensure everyone had a chance to speak. At the Holiday Program, the richer and more detailed information was gathered from individual and smaller group interviews.

The smaller amount of students at the weeklong Rotary camp made it possible to break down focus groups into groups of five to six students. There was also more time allotted at this camp for the focus groups because the students were sleeping at that location. Due to the varying levels of English proficiency between the children, occasionally, a more advanced student translated some of the other students' responses during a group interview. Other times, when speaking with a student individually, if he or she was struggling, he or she did not hesitate to ask someone for clarification regarding a question or how to pronounce what they wanted to say. Finally, these smaller groups allowed for each of the students in the group to respond to all of the research questions. These smaller groups transformed into more of a group discussion as opposed to a standard "question asked, answer provided" format. The children were invited to ask any questions they had of the researchers as well, which they seemed to enjoy as evidenced by the abundance of questions they had regarding what it was like to grow up in America.

Finally, internet research is incorporated throughout this paper to enrich and clarify some of the meanings and descriptions of the cultural traditions discussed by the youth.

Results

Scholastic Education In Khayleitsha, South Africa, both Xhosa girls and boys attend school during which all classes, except English, are taught in the Xhosa language until the fourth grade. The children explained that at home, they speak strictly Xhosa as none of their older relatives can speak English. But once they reach fourth grade, the main classroom instructional language switches to English, with only the Xhosa class taught in Xhosa. Some of the classes taught in these schools include: Xhosa, English, Mathematics, Technology, Natural Science, Social Science, Geography, and History. Another class taught is called Life Organization, which primarily focuses on puberty and the challenges they may face on a daily basis, such as gang involvement and drugs. The children stated they receive grades (As, Bs, Fs, etc.) three times a year, and they are required to pass all of their classes in order to graduate to the next grade. As the children progress into high school, they are given more freedom to choose the classes they would like to take based on their interests and future aspirations. An example of an elective class is called "EMS", which combines Engineering, Mathematics, and Science.

In terms of the workload and homework at the different schools, there were various opinions. For instance, two children in the 9th grade that attend the same school disagreed about homework, with one exclaiming they are given "too much" while the other said she "gets [hers] done in school". When asked whether or not they enjoy school almost all of the children revealed that they do like school because they get to "see friends" and "learn new things".

Many of the children at the Holiday Program expressed desires to attend University, which is a four-year institution similar to that which exists in the United States. However, in South Africa, 38 the term "college" refers to a two-year school, which does not require a high school diploma to attend. This type of school is similar to a trade school and is for professions such as police officers and builders. When asked, many of the children declared they want to attend University because they aspire to be professionals who require that type of degree, such as doctors, lawyers, social workers, astronauts, and educators. Of the students asked, both males and females shared similar job aspirations with only social work being more heavily weighted as a female aspiration. For example, a 14-year-old female, explained how she plans to be a mechanical engineer as she enjoys science and math and has been enrolled in the advanced EMS class. One 12-year-old male stated he wanted to be a teacher so he could "help kids learn not to join gangs." While several females stated they wanted to be a social worker so they could "help others", one male disclosed he wanted to be a social worker so he could open his own drug rehabilitation center to help those struggling with addiction "get back on their feet."

Cultural Traditions The Xhosa are a South African cultural group who emphasize traditional practices and customs inherited from their forefathers (Pieres, 1981). Starting from birth, a Xhosa person goes through graduation stages which recognize his or her growth. Each stage is marked by a specific ritual aimed at introducing the individual to their counterparts and hence to the ancestors (Mhlahlo, 2009). Starting from imbeleko, a ritual performed to introduce a new born to the ancestors, to umphumo, from inkwenkwe (a boy) to indoda (a man) (Kaschula, 1997). These rituals and ceremonies are still practiced today, but many urbanized Xhosa people do not follow them rigidly (Kaschula, 1997).

Birth While none of the children at the Holiday Program or Rotary camp remember their own imbeleko ceremony, some have witnessed others or have been told what it was like by their elders. During this traditional practice, a goat is slaughtered as a sign of sacrifice to the ancestors. The elders of the family normally speak and ask the ancestors to accept, guide, and protect the child. Incense is burned to connect to the ancestors, beer is made as a drink for the dead, and candles are lit to ask for good luck and fortune. The skin of the goat then becomes a sacred item for the baby, who will sleep on it in the future in times of trouble, signifying a desire for connection with the ancestors (Pieres, 1981). None of the children who were interviewed had a goat skin blanket or remembered having one, nor did they know of anyone that did.

Rites of Passage An ancient Xhosa tradition that remains in practice today is the initiation ritual of a boy to a man. When the boys turn 18, they are taken into the forest or mountains for 30-60 days, during which time they are tested physically and mentally by elders in their community. At some point during this time period they are also circumcised by a traditional healer from the Xhosa community. Part of the physical test is surviving this circumcision without help from developed medicine, such as those found in hospitals. In fact, a man who has undergone hospital circumcision is more likely to experience humiliation and disrespect from the orthodox Xhosa-speakers because he is considered only "half a man" (Mhalo, 2009). When asked of his feelings surrounding this tradition, one boy said, "I'm very scared, but I will do it." Other boys expressed they were "excited" to begin their journey to becoming a man. It is tradition that once the boys return from this journey, 39 their age is erased and they start again from age one. For instance, if it has been three years since a man returned from the forest, he would be considered three years old in the Xhosa tradition.

There was some confusion as to whether girls receive a similar rite of passage when they reach puberty or turn 18. The language barrier made it difficult to tease apart whether girls misunderstood the question or simply did not engage in any such ritual. When two adults, more fluent in English, were asked, they explained they participated in a wedding ceremony, but not a ritual in any way similar to the boy's transition to manhood. Research shows there is a female ritual, intonjane, during which the female is secluded for about a week, but the specifics of what occurs during that week were inconsistent. Pauw (2002) states this ceremony takes place during a girl's first menstruation. Throughout this time, the female is taught the proper and important aspects of womanhood, as well as prepared for a life of marriage and responsibilities of being a wife, mother, and leader. Additionally, there are dances, ritual sacrifices of animals, the woman must hide herself from view, and observe food restrictions (Paux, 2002).

Marriage A tradition that is rarely practiced anymore is called, "Ukuthwala". This is where girls who are still in school are forced to marry old, rich, powerful men for a variety of reasons. The act of Ukuthwala traditionally required the culprit to pay one or more head of cattle to the father or legal guardian of the girl (Soucie, 2011). Unsuspecting girls who had not consented usually did not object to its purpose and usually girls were conditioned from childhood to look forward to the day, and to believe that marriage and childbearing are the fulfillment of life (Souci, 2011). The females interviewed in this study discussed how they feel free to choose who they would like to marry. They stated at weddings there is usually a big feast and traditional clothing is worn. It is also custom for the groom to pay the father of the bride in cattle.

The Teachers Through talking with the children, it became evident that most males learn from males older than themselves, such as brothers, fathers, uncles, and grandfathers, and the females learn from older females. The word "learn" in this context is used to describe mostly nonscholastic learning, such as the cultural traditions discussed above, as well as how to perform the "duties" that they have to their family and to their communities. Their duties include chores and living the role in the family that one must be, which varies depending on gender and age. A 13-year-old girl disclosed her grandmother is "most precious" to her because of her "teachings and wisdom." As she elaborated she described her grandmother as raising her, showing her how to do chores, but most importantly, in this child's opinion, she taught her values and how to "stand up for [her]self." This girl revealed she "hangs out" with younger children because the girls her age are too "caught up in sex and drugs." She wants "nothing to do" with any of that because she is very focused on her studies, and aspires to go to University in a few years. She said, "my grandmother taught me that my inner worth does not come from how many people, especially boys, like me. It comes from how much I like myself, how much I care for my family, and how hard I work at school." She also described her grandmother as the person that taught her the Xhosa traditions and frequently tells her stories of her grandmother's childhood.

Several children said they also learn about their culture at school when volunteers come to speak to the school and through days such as, Heritage Day, which is a national holiday. During 40

Heritage Day, many described the traditional clothes they wear, the dances performed, and the drama acted out. Both males and females explained they feel most connected to the Xhosa culture through dancing and dramas, which they often perform at school, not just on Heritage Day. They stated Xhosa culture and traditions are emphasized at school. Out of the many children interviewed by all nine researchers, only one claimed he did not "believe" or take part in any traditional ceremonies. When asked to further elaborate, he was unable to provide an explanation.

Conclusion

In summary, the majority of the Xhosa children that were interviewed during this particular research study expressed that education is highly valued for them, they learn most of their cultural traditions from their elders (grandparents), and the traditions that are still most widely practiced occur at birth, when boys come of age (turn 18) and when two people are married.

This study had several limitations. First, while many of the children were well-versed English speakers, the language barrier occasionally made questions and concepts difficult to understand from both sides. The concepts of acculturation and assimilation are difficult for some children in this age range to understand in English, let alone when English is their second or third language. Even for the children that could understand these concepts, it was difficult to discuss as they were all born after the apartheid era. Second, although many children were able to be interviewed, there was not enough time or researchers to speak to each one, which limited the sample size. Finally, the population used was limited to youth under the age of 18. For this particular topic, it would be beneficial to speak with teachers and elders in the community. Further research should attempt to grasp the perspectives of the adults in the Xhosa community. The elders of the community will have lived through apartheid and could better articulate the traditions they were forced to leave behind, or parts of their culture they chose to leave behind. Further research should compare and contrast the values and beliefs of the elders and next generation of the Xhosa people to achieve a better understanding of the effect of apartheid and South Africa developing as a country.

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Activities and Responsibilities of Youths Kailee Feldman

Introduction

“Children need the freedom and time to play. Play is not a luxury. Play is a necessity” (Jamison). Kay Redfield Jamison coined this quote in what some would interpret is meant for all children in all walks of life. In theory, this is what children should do; children are meant to play. Play allows kids to learn about the world, themselves, and others by being creative and gaining lifelong skills in the process.

After spending three weeks working, learning, and interacting with children in Khayelitsha, South Africa this saying became more surreal to me as I tried to separate American youth culture from South African youth culture. More specifically, I focused on learning and understanding the responsibilities and activities of what the children did on a day to day basis. These forms of work and play included their responsibilities within and outside of the home, what they did for fun, who they spent most of their time with, when, where, and what their favorite parts of each activity were. I also tried to gain insight into what a typical day was like and why they enjoyed or disliked different parts of each day. I attempted to differentiate what was play and whether play was considered a luxury or necessity.

All of these questions, thoughts, and cultural differences were experienced firsthand during a three-week Holiday Programme Camp. During this camp, approximately 300 students from ages five to 18 gathered together to learn, eat, play, and perform. My immersion into this culture seemed fairly short, but for the chances that I was given, I made the most of it by spending time and learning from different students throughout the three weeks. This was not just for the sole purpose of answering the above questions, but also about spending time with the students and showing each one of them that their thoughts, ideas, and beliefs were important as well. During my time spent around these children and young adults, I not only gathered information formally, but I gathered inward information and allowed it to affect my interactions with the students. My objective in engaging with the students was to help myself gain a full understanding of what responsibilities and activities looked like for them, as well as prove to them they were important as individuals and people, no matter the circumstances.

Methods

During those three weeks, I interacted, interviewed, and observed children from as young as age eight to as old as age 15. My colleagues and I conducted multiple rounds of focus group interviews which allowed for most of my data to be collected. This process was a trial and error during the first two weeks of the camp. For the first focus group, a partner and I had a mixed group of approximately 25-30 boys and girls, all 11 years of age. This system was quite a challenge. It seemed the students were too shy to speak in such a large crowd. Translators were also used; however, the effectiveness of their help still did not allow for much data gathered.

The third and final week of camp was spent in a different location than the first, with about one-third of the original students. This camp was specifically designated for 110 students 42 who were able to stay the night and learn through a four day away from home experience. This last week of camp was critical in gathering data about the responsibilities and activities that students maintained during their day to day lives in Khayelitsha. We were able to break down focus groups into three groups of five to six students which also allowed for more in depth conversations. As interviewers, we were in groups of three which opened space for us to bounce ideas off of one another and fill in the gaps when one was at a loss for words. For these group interviews, we had some questions laid out specifically, but we were also allowing room for added questions or conversations to emerge. Each of these students were able to speak English so there was no outside translator needed. However, there were times when the older group of students would translate from English to Xhosa back to English again to help us with gathering more in depth details.

Outside of gathering data from the focus groups, I spent time interacting and having discussions with other students throughout all three weeks of the Holiday Programme Camp. During the first two weeks, I was captured by a few students each day. Throughout our time of enjoying the outdoors, we were able to talk and discuss about life in Khaylitsha, life in America, our hopes, dreams, and plans for the future. I was fortunate enough to interact with students who were able to speak English fluently and they would then translate for those around who could not understand English. My time with each of these groups of students informed my research in numerous ways.

Results

Responsibilities Throughout my discussions with the students at both camps, their responsibilities and activities seemed to be similar in all aspects. It was easy to begin the discussion by asking, “What are your responsibilities at home?” The commonality lied in the fact that no matter the age of the child, the chores seemed to be similar amongst all: make [their] bed, sweep the floors, and clean the dishes. I was told by six students, each of a different age, it did not make a difference if you were a boy or a girl because the chores at home needed to be done; gender roles were “the old days.”

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It may have been the age of the children, but I did not encounter any student who had to work outside of the home. “School” was their typical answer when I asked what other jobs or responsibilities they had. Earning “good marks” and doing homework each night seemed high on the priority list. This also depended on the family structure. For example, one 13-year-old female stated, “I spent lot of time cooking and it too late for school.” She had to do the cooking and cleaning after school for her siblings and parents that by the time everything was complete, it was too late for her to finish her schoolwork. This, however, did not stop her from continuing her education or pursuing good grades.

Gender Roles The lack of gender roles in the household seemed shocking to me based on what I had experienced at the camp. A few times I went to carry the heavy pots of food and was told that manual labor was for men only. Therefore, I was expecting to hear house work was reserved specifically for the women and girls and other work was taken care of by the men and boys.

Some of the girls noted it was their responsibility to cook, especially at night. The female young adults shared with me that they cooked for their younger siblings while their parents were still at work or on their way home. One 12-year-old female stated, “I am learning how to cook, but so far I enjoy it much.” Another girl told me she began learning how to cook at age six. Though gender roles were not a stereotypical distinction, women were meant to be in the kitchen cooking. It seemed as though the young ladies I interacted with did not mind the cooking. Most seemed to enjoy the process as well as learning new recipes. After I had asked, one 14-year-old mentioned sometimes it can be difficult to cook for her family, but the smile on her face indicated she took pride in helping out and doing her part around the house.

Activities and Play Not only did the family responsibilities fascinate me, but their ideas of activities and play intrigued me quite a bit. Each day, there was an allotted hour and half to two hours for the students to go outside and play. This time was filled with students of all ages running around the school courtyard. Unlike the older boys (15-18) who played soccer daily, the younger boys, ages nine to 12, seemed interested in playing netball, soccer, and “playing with friends.” The girls on the other hand, loved to sing and dance. Some enjoyed playing netball as well, but naturally they would run off with a group talking and laughing during their “outside time” at the camp. Just as in the American culture, many of the students had their common group of friends and each day they drifted off with the same group. It was enjoyable to tag along in some of these cliques because they were willing to share and let us join in with their discussion. These moments opened room to build relationships and learn more about them as people just as they had learned about us as Americans.

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It was clear that, just as any other individual between the ages of eight and 18, these kids had set routines and participated in events they enjoyed each day. I probed about their typical day and it seemed closed to any other student. One 11-year-old boy stated, “shower, prepare for school, eat, go to school, come home, clean, do my homework, see friends, go to sleep.” His day seemed the same as a few of the other students I talked too. As much as I tried, the children would rarely mention things they did not enjoy. Their smiling faces refused to let in the boring or negative aspects of day to day life.

In any notion, after three weeks of interaction, observation, and interviews it seemed clear to me that outside of the Holiday Programme Camp, play seemed to be more of a luxury because the duties of home life took over. Play was only a necessity for those under the age of 10 and even then it is relevant to specifics of home, family, and school priorities. I was engulfed by their love of activities that simply watching them play allowed me to realize just as Kay Redfield Jamison quoted, “play is a necessity.”

Conclusion

The journey of the five-week course in South Africa is one that words cannot fully express and I have yet to grasp all that I had experienced. Gathering information and data from the students not only benefited me as a researcher, but also as a person. I learned the positives of being open minded. By learning from the students, my heart was also transformed.

Learning about their ideas of life, adventure, responsibilities, and activities opened my eyes. The thoughts that there is more out in this large world than I could possible grasp in my mind is quite shocking. Nonetheless, the impact the students of Khaylitsha left on my heart will be forever remembered and cherished. Each day brought a new challenge, a new surprise, and a new smile. And for that, I will be forever thankful.

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