KERMAN XV.—XVI. LANGUAGES 301
968. Robert Joseph Dillon, “Carpet Capitalism and the Trade of the Kerman Consular District for the Year Craft Involution in Kirman. Iran: A Study in Economic 1902-03 by Major P. Sykes, His Majesty’s Consul,” Anthropology,” Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1976. House of Commons Pari iamentary Papers, Annual Series Arthur Cecil Edwards, The Persian Carpet: A Survey of o f Trade Reports, Cd.1386, 1903. Idem, “Report for the the Carpet-Weaving Industry of Persia, London, 1975. Year 1905-06 on the Trade of the Kerman Consular Dis A. H. Gleadowe-Newcomen, Report on the Commercial trict,” House of Commons Parliamentary Papers, Annual Mission to South-Eastern Persia During 1904-1905, Series of Trade Reports, Cd.2682, 1906. Ahmad-'Ali Calcutta, 1906. James Gustafson, “Opium, Carpets, and Khan Waziri Kermani, Jografia-ye Kerman, ed. Moham- Constitutionalists: A Social History of the Elite House mad-Ebrahim Bastani Parizi, 2nd ed., Tehran, 1974. holds of Kirman, 1859-1914,” Ph.D. diss., University of Hans E. Wulff, The Traditional Crafts of Persia: Their Washington, 2010. Leonard Michael Helfgott, Ties that Development, Technology, and Influence on Eastern and Bind: A Social History o f the Iranian Carpet, Washing Western Civilization, London, 1966. ton, D.C., 1 994. L. Haworth, “Diary for the Week Ending (J a m e s M. G u s t a f s o n ) November 12 1905,” U. K. National Archives, Kew, F.O. 248/846. International Monetary Fund, Islamic Republic of Iran—Statistical Appendix, IMF Country Report No. 04/307, September, 2004. x v i. L a n g u a g e s Annette Ittig, “The Kirmani Boom: A Study in Carpet Entrepreneurship,” Oriental Carpet and Textile Studies The province of Kerman is characterized by two indige 1, 1985, pp. 111-23. Idem, “Ziegler’s Sultanabad Car nous, “Southwest” Iranian languages, Persian in the moun pet Enterprise,” Iranian Studies 25/1-2, 1992, pp. 103- tainous north and Garmsiri in the lowland south (Figure 35. Engelbert Kaempfer, Amoenitates exoticae (bk. 1), supplemented by the Median-type dialects spoken by 1), ed and tr. Walther Hinz as Am Hofe des Persischen the Zoroastrian and Jewish residents of the city of Ker Grosskônigs (1684-85), Leipzig, 1940. 'Adrà Kazâ’eli, man, and possibly by Turkish residues in western-central “Barrasi-e sanâye'-e nassâji-e Kerman,” in Si goftar dar districts. bara-ye Kerman, Kerman, 1978, pp. 417-55. Charles This article is divided into four sections: (1) Histori Kurzman, “Weaving Iran into the Tree of Nations,” cal perspective; (2) varieties of Persian; (3) Garmsiri; (4) IJMES 37, 2005, pp. 137-66. James Henry Linton, Per Abbreviations, sources. sian Sketches, London, 1923. Rudi Matthee, “The East India Company Trade in Kerman Wool, 1658-1730,” HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE in Jean Calmard, ed., Études Safavides: Motâla’ât-e Unlike the three historical super-provinces of Iran, Fars, Safawi, Paris and Tehran, 1993, pp. 343-83. Mirzâ Rezâ Media, and Khorasan, whose language histories are rela Mohandes, “Safar-nâma-ye Mirzâ Rezâ Mohandes: tively well known, at least in outline, the language his Kermân, Yazd, Sirâz, BuiSehr 1322 hejri qamari,” in tory of Kerman can only be conjectured on account of the Majid Nikpur, ed., Mallahân-e kak va Sayyàhân-e aflâk, paucity of documentation. The pre-historic civilization of Kerman, 2007. Nâzem-al-Eslâm Kermâni, Tarik-e Jiroft (q. v.), one of the oldest on the Iranian plateau, left no bidâri-e Iranian, ed. 'Ali-Akbar Sa'idi Sirjâni, 5 vols, in written record, yet may have left a substratum in toponymy 2, Tehran, 1983. and flora, which calls for detailed studies. It is known, how SirUs Parhâm, NamâyeSgâh-e naqsa-ye qàli-e Kermân, ever, that the Carmania (q .v .) of Classical authors was well Tehran, 1977. Idem, “NaqSahâ-ye qâli-e Kermân,” integrated into the Iranian-speaking domain, to the extent Râhnemâ-ye ketâb 21, 1978, pp. 339-45. Marco Polo, that its people had customs and language similar to those The Travels o f Marco Polo, 3rd ed., ed. Hugh Murray, of the Persians and Medes. The reports on Carmania point Edinburgh, 1845. J. R. Preece, “Report of a Journey to the southern, hot climate region of Kerman adjoining the Made to Yezd, Kerman, and Shiraz, and on the Trade, Strait of Hormuz (q.v.), within the “date palm zone” (for &c., of the Consular District of Ispahan” (27 Feb. 1894), references, see Brunner), as does a Darius inscription (DSf House of Commons Parliamentary Papers, Reports 34-35; Kent, pp. 143-44) in citing Karmana as a source of from H. M. Diplomatic and Consular Officers Abroad yaka. a timber identified by Ilya Gershevitch (1957) with on Trade and Finance, C.7293, 1894. A. Seyf, “Car jag “sissoo tree,” which is native to the southern districts pet Manufactures of Iran in the Nineteenth Century,” of Kerman, from Jiroft to BaSakerd. Classical authors Middle Eastern Studies 26/2, 1990, pp. 204-13. Georg further observe that “the Persians” already had settled on Stôber, “The Nomads of Kerman: On the Economy of littoral Carmania (cf. Brunner). Within this context, one Nomadism,” in Richard Tapper and Jon Thompson, eds.. may surmise an ancient time-depth for language contiguity The Nomadic Peoples o f Iran, London, 2002, pp. 252- that exists today between the Garmsiri dialects of southern 59. Percy Molesworth Sykes, "Report on the Trade and Kerman (see section 3, below) and the Larestani group of Commerce of the Consular Districts of Kerman and Per dialects in southern Fars. sian Beluchistan from March, 1894 to March, 1895,” The Arabic geographies of the 10th century provide brief House of Commons Parliamentary Papers, Reports but useful information regarding the languages spoken in from H. M. Diplomatic and Consular Officers Abroad the province of Kerman. They describe the Kuffis (see on Trade and Finance, C.7919, 1896. Idem, "Report on q o f s ) as inhabitants of the region between Jabal Barez Figure 1. Map of the area populated by speakers of Kermani Persian (north) and Garmsiri (south), separated by the curve in between. (The base map is from Google Earth) KERMAN XVI. LANGUAGES 303 and the Gulf of Oman, and associate their language with to Fars, where the QaSqa’i tribal confederation remained that of the Baluch (Bosworth). As the Kufci habitat nearly intact until recently, and to Azerbaijan, which has fully matches Kerman’s lowland south, their language could be shifted to Turkish. the precursor of the current Garmsiri dialects, which also The last but not the least historical paradox poses itself in share significant phonological features with Baluchi. This the languages of the Zoroastrian and Jewish communities conjecture, however, becomes quite improbable, consider of Kerman. The city had, until lately, sizable quarters pop ing that the warlike Kufcis could only be adversary to the ulated by the two religious minorities, who spoke Median intensive agricultural and commercial economy practiced languages of the Central-Plateau type not otherwise indig in the Halilrud valley, centered at Jiroft (cf. Le Strange, enous to Kerman. The striking similarity between the pp. 314-16). On the other hand, the Kufcis may only have Kermani and Yazdi Zoroastrian dialects (see b e h d in a n left a trace in the dialect named South Baükardi by Ilya d ia l e c t ) and between the Kermani and Yazdi Jewish dia Gershevitch (1959). lects (Lazard, 1981; Borjian, sec. 6.5 and Table 7) leaves The early Islamic geographers further state that the little doubt about the recentness of linguistic exchanges inhabitants of Kerman spoke an intelligible Persian that between the two cities. Historical records suggest a Jew was close to Khorasani (Estakri; Moqaddasi, apud Kanlari, ish population flow from Yazd to Kerman (Yeroushalmi, I, p. 286). These statements are of utmost importance, for p. 200; English, p. 42; cf. xiv, above), with the implica Kermani Persian remains otherwise undescribed, much tion that their Median dialect followed the same path. This less documented, down to the 20th century. Subsequently, justification does not seem to hold for the Zoroastrians. we face a dark millennium between (1) the 10th century, While there was an influx of Zoroastrians into Kerman, in when, according to the geographers, New Persian had the early 18th century, it was not particularly from central already become indigenized in highland Kerman, as it was Iran, but from Sistan, whose Zoroastrian community were in Khorasan, from which a standard, literary New Persian either native to the city or recent immigrants from southern was emerging, and (2) the 20th century, when the gram Khorasan. On the other hand, there existed in the late 16th mar of Kermani Persian, even in distant districts, is hardly century a deep-rooted Zoroastrian community in Kerman, distinguishable from that of Tehran, and many other urban comparable in size with that of Yazd, the other Zoroastrian centers of Iran for that matter. These two ends of the time stronghold in Iran (Ghereghlou). Accordingly, we are left spectrum leave us with little explanation about the period in the dark about the original language of Kermani Zoro in between: neither do the current Kermani vernaculars astrians and the way they adopted their current Median resemble those of Greater Khorasan and Transoxiana in language. A comparative study with Kermani Persian will the latters’ remarkable idiosyncrasies vis-à-vis standard elucidate how early the Behdinan dialect could have been modern Persian, nor does there exist in Persophonic parts implanted in Kerman. of Kerman any residue of pre-Persian languages, as is the case with the Perside dialects in Fárs and the Median dia VARIETIES OF PERSIAN lects in central Iran, the urban centers of which had not The varieties of Persian spoken in the northern parts of given up their Median until after the Mongol period (for Kerman province, from Sahr-e-Babak eastward to Fahraj Isfahan, see Borjian, 2014). The Persian varieties of Ker and from Kuhbanan southward to Baft, are sufficiently man also show little trace of the “southern” varieties of coherent to be perceived by the natives as a single Ker Early New Persian that Gilbert Lazard (1990) hypoth mani accent (lahja), yet sufficiently close to standard spo esizes to have once spread from Khuzestan in the west to ken Persian to be effortlessly intelligible to Persophones Sistan in the east. at large. The individuality of Kermani comes not from its Kerman’s north is linguistically far less diverse than grammar, which is nearly identical to the standard mod either Fars or central and western Iran, not only in lacking em Persian, but from its characteristic sound system and, non-Persian languages of Iranian stock within a Persian to a lesser degree, to its native vocabulary, which shows milieu, but also in assimilating the Turkic dialects that considerable uniformity across the Persophonic districts have been introduced to the province at different stages in of the province. history. Beginning with the coming of the Gozz (q.v.) in The distribution of Kermani varieties may bear certain the 11 th century, much of the history of the province saw areal patterns. One that surfaced in this study is fronting Turkic-speaking ruling classes and influx of various Turkic of u/ow to i/ew in the northern and southern districts but tribes (Lambton). The A tsar s (q.v.), whose migrations to their retention along the Rafsanjan-Kerman-Bam trade the western parts of the province began in the 16th century artery, which cuts through the province, and in the town and who were reported to have been speaking Turkish in of Sirjan, which is located on the old caravan route to Hor the mid-19th century (de Rochechouart, p. 28), have now muz. Nevertheless, as Hamed Mowla’i demonstrates in virtually lost their language to Persian (personal com his microanalysis, the northernmost district of Kuhbanan munication with residents of Sirjàn, Baft, and Bardsir). itself is bisected on this sound development. Moreover, In Kuhbanan, at the northwestern corner of the province, the urban variety known as mahalla-sahri (Bastani-Parizi, Turkish speakers are unremarkable (interviews), and the 1996), spoken in the inner city of Kerman, seems to be a Kalu tribe of Rabor and Baft allegedly spoke “a mixture of koine, in contradistinction to lahja-ye dehati, the appella Persian and Turkish” (see k à l u ). Overall, the presence of tion given to the rural or provincial vernaculars by urban Turkish in Kerman shows an opposite effect with respect dwellers. 304 KERMAN XVI. LANGUAGES
Documentation and studies. The earliest known docu Ne'matzada has argued that the shift a > e is regular in open mentation of Kermani Persian is found in the works of syllables in underived contexts (e.g., bedan “body, saltenat Mirzâ Qâsem Adib Kermani, later known as Qâsemi “monarchy,” tebeqe “floor”) as well as derived contexts, Kermani, written in the early 20th century. His best known where a coda has been resyllabified as an onset due to suf- works are Neyestdn, a satirical manzuma of 800 couplets, fixation: yax “ice,” yéxe “is icy,” in parper-e merg-e “this and Kârestàn, which challenges the celebrated Golestàn, feather is hen’s feather." Her argument may be generalized both in the book title (kàr “thorn” vs. gol “rose”) and in to include the reverse shift e > a when an open syllable indigenizing Sa'di’s melodic prose with a vocabulary becomes closed: Ker., Sir. xune “house” vs. xunaS “his specific to Kerman. The main themes of these works are house.” The syllabic process holds in other varieties as criticism of the exploitation of the textile workers (Sâlbâf) well, e.g., Zar. sar, kar, kal, Sol yielding sarà “heads,” kart and sympathy with folk culture, including the vernacular “deafness,” kalu “the bald one,” Sale “it is soft.” of Kerman. The diphthongal sequence /ow/ (often heard as [o:]) While serving as British Consul in Kerman during 1912- in certain varieties (see Historical phonology, below, for 14, Colonel David L. R. Lorimer (q.v.) and his wife Emily distribution) corresponds to /ew/ in other varieties, e.g., collected lullabies, children’s rhymes, games, riddles, Raf. jow, gow, Zar., Gug .jew, gew for “barley” and “cow.” folk medicine, folksongs, and folktales of Kerman. The /ew/ may be analyzed as a long central mid-high round collected data was published in 1919 with English trans vowel [e:], considering the need for the epenthesis v in lation, and was further edited and translated into Persian prevocalic positions: Zar. gewvà [ge: va] “cows,” Sewvi “a by Fereydoun Vahman (see Bâstâni-Pârizi, 1984, pp. 149- night,” ne'wve/newye “it is new.” 70). Probably inspired by Lorimer, Hosayn Kuhi Kermani Noun phrase. The suffix -u, found in most dialects of documented hundreds of songs, mostly dobaytis (1931, southern Iran, is multifunctional in Kermani Persian: (1) 1938, and multiple editions since) and stories (1935), it is a definite marker: Ker. ketàbu “the book, Raf. sag mainly from Kerman province, but also from elsewhere, “dog,” segu “the dog”; (2) it forms adjectives from nouns: without specifying their provenances for the most part. His Ker. koriu “wrinkled,” jetku “sticky” (from jetk “resin”), editions suffer from inaccuracy and lack of authenticity gelu “muddy,” Bard, geleku “clay brazier,” reSku “lousy” (Bâstâni-Pârizi, 1984, pp. 159-60). (from reSk “nit”), gulu “baby’s dummy, pacifier”; (3) it Contributions by Iranian scholars include the lexicon forms nouns from nouns: Bard, drusa “ladybug,” Sir. Farhang-e kermani (1957, repr. 1966) by Manucehr teterku “smallpox" (from teterk “hail”), Kuhb. zoretu Sotuda, who compiled words collected by local pundits, “hail” (allegedly due to resemblance to iorrat “corn”); perhaps from various localities in the province, as well as (4) it forms adjectives from adjectives: haftu “seven the items gleaned from the works of Mirzâ Qâsem (ca. 400 months pregnant”; (5) it forms nouns from adjectives: items, with much textile and agriculture terminology) and Gug. àbàdu “wedding songs”; (6) it forms verbal nouns: Kuhi Kermâni. Nâser Baqâ’i published a series of articles Ker. xdbu “one who sleeps excessively,” Zar. cesguru on the Persian spoken in the city of Kerman (1963-70) and (< gir-?) “hide-and-seek”; (7) it forms toponyms: Rav. a volume on proverbs (2002). In the last two decades, the Cenàlu (from cenai “plain tree”), Àduru (àdur “a thorn Markaz-e Kermân-Senâsi has published glossaries, typi bush”), Suru “the salty,” Ew-kuru “the little-water”; (8) cally appended with a list of idioms and expressions, for it is a diminutive marker: Ker. doxt(ar)u “little girl,” Zar. several dialects throughout the province. Irân Kalbâsi kafteru “pigeon,” telezgu (Pers. telesk) “smaller bunch (2009) has a short text transcribed in several Kermani vari attached to a whole bunch (of grapes),” Bard, raxtu eties (see more in section 4, below). “newborn’s dress”; proper names: Gib. Malu “Moham Phonology. The consonant inventory of Kermani largely mad," Màsu “MaSa’allàh,” Mehru “Mehri,” Margamu agrees with standard modern Persian. A salient distinc “Maryam,” Ker. Fàteku/Fàtelu “Fatima," Requ “Roqiya,” tiveness, shared with Yazdi Persian, is the phonemic dis Sek(ol)u “Sakina,” Peru “ParivaS, Parvana.” The novel tinction between /q/ and /g/ [y], as demonstrated in Ker., ist HuSang Moràdi Kermani employs diminutives such as Bard., Zar. qâl “noise”* gâl “cave, nest” and qam “funnel” Hu5u, Màsu, Nameku, Rezvu, and Kobru in his children’s * gam “sorrow.” /k/ is conditionally palatalized before stories. front vowels; hence that variant is not phonemic, /z/ is An areal preposition (extended to the garmsir and central rarely encountered. Zarandi nasals, unless onset, fade and Iran) is xod(e) “w i t h xoda ham “together.” Other preposi make the preceding vowel nasalized, e.g., ma “I” vs. man- tions are little different from those of common Persian: a (< o-to “I and you.” az) “from, to, for”; var “for” (Ker. varxodet “for yourself,” The vowels, /a e i â o u/, are compatible with those of S-B var-em, Sir., Bam. var ma “for me”); var “by” (Ker. standard Persian. Some varieties have a mid vowel, [a], yek sàl-e ke var-piS-e ma nowmade “it has been a year that conditioned to certain syllabic patterns (see the following he hasn’t come by us,” Gib. àb var dteS rex “he poured paragraph). There are morphonological rules in play, such water on fire”); S-B ve(r), Goruhi (Ker.) và “to” (with the as the loss of final vowel in the plural: Ker. kuie “lane” verb “say”). — The epenthetic -5- appears with enclitic kuiâ “lanes.” pronouns: Bard. var-S-am, Bam. va-s-am, Kahnsahri (Sir.) A noticeable feature of the Kermani accent is the prev berey-s-am “for me,” Lalazari (Bard.) va-S-eS, Zar. be-S-eS alence of the vowel e ([a], according to Baqâ’i, 1963, “to him,” Gib., Sir. ve-S-et “for you,” Gug. bei-S-et, Zar. pp. 214, 240) corresponding to a in formal Persian. Sahin ba-S-et “to you,” a-S-et (Pers. az-at) “from/for you.” KERMAN XVI. LANGUAGES 305
Verbs. The stems tend to shorten in the final position: bic origin the historical agreement is fuzzy, both within Zar. ra “he went” vs. rafte “he has gone"; ru f“he swept” and across dialectal boundaries: Ker. gorur “pride,” Ker., vs. rufte “he has swept." All affixes and endings are similar Bam., Gug. qele “castle, quarter,” but Ker., Raf., Zar., Bft. to standard Persian. However, the epenthesis -t- or -k- is logme “bite,” Ker. gows “Taurus,” Kuh. aql vs. Ker., Gug. inserted between the second and third singular endings agl “intellect.” Hence, Kermani is not comparable to the and the direct object clitics: Ker. bord-i-t-am “you took entirely etymological Tajik orthography in transmitting me,” did-0-at-es “he saw him,” ferestad-et-es “he sent Arabic q and g. A high degree of randomness exists in Tur him,” Kuhb. borditam “you took me,” Zar. did-i-t-es “you kic loanwords: Ker., Bard., Gug. qui vs. Zar., Kuhb., Bft. saw him”; Gug. dida-k-om, dida-k-et, dida-k-eS “he saw g u i“ram” (
“ripe”), but oN in the southern varieties (extending into Jir., Rudn., Min. kalpak', Jir., Rudn., Min. karäs (cf. Lär. Garmsiri dialects): Gug., nom “name,” xone “house,” Bft. kalpok', Pers. lexicography karpäsu, Sädeqi, 1985, p. 156) gone “brush,” xom “raw,” Goruhi qeron “qeran,” sone “lizard, chameleon”; Ker., Bard., Golb., Bft., Sir. kas(e) “shoulder.” Note ai) > on in Ker. dong (< dang) “one-sixth,” epos(t) (= Min., Lär.) “turtle”; Ker., Kuhb. sixor, Bard. Bard, bong “voice, call” (hence q should be analyzed as a sixur, Gib., Gug., Kah. sikor “hedgehog, porcupine”; historically distinct phoneme), am > om in Zar. obor “pli Ker., Gib., Bft., Sir. öeguk, Gug. ioguk, Kah. iokuk, Zar., ers,” pobe “cotton,” Bft. ombor, po.me (cf. Gug. pamme). Sir. cegut, Kuhb. cogut, Ker. cugut “sparrow”; Ker., Gib., Fronting of u is exemplified in the gloss “chick”: Zar., Kuhb. nekk, Bard. neSg; Ker., Zar., Gib., Bft., Sir., Min. S-B, Bard., KahnSahri (Sir.) ciri, Lalazari (Bard.) cirik, öeng “beak”; Ker., Gib., Bard., Bft.. Gug., Kuhb., Jir., Kisekani (Bft.) ierik vs. Ker., Raf., Sir., Kuhb., Gib., Bam. Min. pot “hair, wool.” curi (cf. Jir. curek, Min., Rudn. curak, Bal. curl). A similar Human body. Ker., Sir. mojeng, Gib., Bard, mejeng “eye areal distribution governs fronting of ow (< aw or labials, lash”; Ker., Kuhb., Gib., Bft., Gug. n äß (Jir., Kah., Min. see above) to ew. nak) “navel”; Ker., Gib., Gug. goväf, Sir., Bard, gaväf; Colloquialisms. Even more curious than idiosyncrasies Kuhb. afäk “yawn” (cf. Jir. äjahk, see section 3, below); of Kermani Persian is the universality of its colloquial Ker., Bard., Gib. xok; Kuhb. solfe “cough, hack”; Ker., ism nationwide. These included modern vulgarisms such Gib., Gug., Sir. sabr(i) (zadan) “(to) sneeze”; Ker., Bard., as Zar. t&ski “taxi,” vask “wax, shoe polish” ask “pho Sir., Kuhb. ruti (Jir. rutiC) “intestine”; Raf., Sir., Bard., tograph” (-ks > sk), solg “profession,” salt “bucket”—a Bft., Gug. (Jir., Min., mud, Horm. mix'd, Band, miid, Balo- national consistency among the uneducated that is remark chi mud), but Ker. mu “hair”; Ker., Sir., Gib., Bard, oves(t), able, given that they are not disseminated via mass media Ker., Sir. also äbest “pregnant.” or books. There are also age-old colloquialisms such as Kinship. Ker. dädä, Bard., Gib. dädu , Gug. dädu, dede Zar. qolf"lock,” harzat “saint,” vaxm “endowment,” Ker. “sister” (not in Kuhb.); Ker., Bft. käkä (as in Garmsir of zaft “gathering,” mofteld “afflicted,” widely used else Kerman, and Färs), Gib., Gug. käku “brother” (not in where throughout Iran. A diachronic investigation of such Kuhb.); Ker., Bard, hamris (as in Garmsir of Kerman and terms can be useful in understanding the history of the Fars) “wife’s sister’s husband”; Sir., Kuhb. hamärus, Gug. development of spoken Persian. homarus; Kuhb. hamgodu “husband’s brother’s wife.” Lexis. We find a fairly uniform lexical distribution Verbs. Ker., Bft., Gug., Sir., Jir., Min. jekid- “jump”; among the varieties of Kermani Persian. Following is a Ker., Gib. rekid-, Zar. rokid- “itch,” Sir. rekund- “scratch”; list of words not otherwise typical to common Persian of Ker., Sir., Bft., Gug. Jir., Min. kotid- (Bal. kot-, kutt-) Iran, with allusion to partial contiguity between Persian “pound, crush"; Sir., Gug. palmäsidan “to touch,” Ker., and Garmsiri of Kerman. Bard. polmäs kerdan “to grope”; Ker.. Gib. tombid-, Gug. Material culture. General Kermani kahn, ha:n “subter tommid- “implode” vs. tombond- “demolish”; Zar., Gug., ranean aqueduct, kariz (q.v.),” with the derivatives Sir. Sir,feres(s)id- “send”; Ker., Raf. oftäd vs. other varieties kahkin, Zar., Gib. ka:kin “master of digging and dredg oftid- “fall”; all varieties me:lam/milem “I will put,” hest ing underground irrigation systems,” kahni “pool at the “he put”; Ker., Sir., Bft., Bard., Min. nest-, Zar. noses- “sit.” outlet of a kariz”', there are dozens of related toponyms Miscellaneous. Ker., Gib. dinsab, Kuhb. din(e)sew, Kahn, Kahnu, Kahnuj, and Kahnak throughout the prov disew, dinesab “last night”; Gug. meyrjon, Sir., Bard. ince (Razmara, pp. 340-45); lard “outside; plains” (also mehrjun (Jir. mehrejon) “Mehragän, autumn”; Ker. gohort volard, valard) (common through Kerman province, (=Min., B5.). Bard, gohark (Jir., Kah., Bs. gozer) “big” including Garmsir, and Larestan; cf. Khuri. Yazdi lard (see Gershevitch, 1964); Ker., Sir., Zar., Gib., Bard., Gug., “plaza”); Ker., Sir., Zar. (also Min., Lar., Khuri) sabat Kuhb. park “half, piece”; Ker., Sir., Bard., Gug., Kuhb. “covered alley”; Bard.. Rab. xerasm, Gug. hsrasm, “roof kot “(blind) hole” (= Jir., Kah., Min.); Ker., Gib., Bard. purlin”; Gug. tegesk “rafter”; Ker., Gib., Bard., Bft., Raf.. teterk(u), Zar. tatark, Bard., Gug. tegerse. Sir. teqarse Sir. garjin “threshing machine”; Ker., Kuhb., Jir., Man. (Mid. Pers. tadarg) “hail”; Sir. estun, Jir. ostun; Ker., Zar., owsin, Bard., Sir. os in, Zar., Gug. ewsin (Pers. afsan) Gib., päye “thunder,” Sir., Kuhb., Jir. - “shower.” “winnowing fork” (for the root, see Asatrian, p. 323); Ker., Gib., Bard, esten(bil), Zar. e:sa “spade handle”; Ker.. Zar.. GARMSIRI DIALECTS Sir., Bft., Gug., Kuhb.jugan, Gib. jigan (Min.jogan, Bal. Garmsiri is a continuum of closely related dialects jogin, jogin; Pers. havan) “mortar”; Ker., Sir., Gib.. Bard., extending from the Halilrud river valley in the north down Bft., Gug. nasar “gutter.” to the Strait of Hormuz in the south. This study focuses on Flora and fauna. Ker., Bard., Gug. Jir., Man., Min. adur the dialects spoken in the Halilrud valley, namely Jirofti, “a thorny bush”; Ker., Gib., Bard, espidal “poplar tree”; Kahnuji, and Rudbäri, while comparing them to those spo Gen. Ker. mok (Min. mog, Bal. muk, Khuri mog “date ken in southern districts, i.e., Manujäni, Minäbi, Bandari, palm”); Ker., Bard, morik, Ker., Raf., Kuhb. murik, S-B and Baskardi. Abbreviations and sources are listed in sec muri, Gib. meri, Gug. moruce (Jir. murik, Min. miiruk, tion 4, below. Bal. morink) “ant”; Ker., Zar., Bard., Bft., Gug., Kuhb. Geography. The Halilrud valley is separated from Ker karbafu; Gib. kartunu “spider”; Ker., Bard. gip\ Kuhb. man highlands by the imposing mountain chains Jebäl/ tark “moth”; Ker., Gib. madu, Sir. modu/medu “cock Jabal Bärez and Sardu’iya, the latter giving rise to the roach”; Zar., Kuhb. kerpu, Gib. kerpu, kalpak, Bard., Bft., Halilrud. The river drains into the Jäz Muriän basin, form- KERMAN XVI. LANGUAGES 307
ing a natural barrier between Kerman Garmsir and Balu for the hot climate region of historical Kerman, but also chistan. The major districts (and towns) of the valley are perfectly matches the entire dialect area under study, from Jiroft in the north and Kahnuj in the south. More recently, the Halilrud valley to the southern littoral plains. Subse the new district of Rudbar (“river valley,” named after a quently, since the same term has been in use for the related local designation of the Halilrud valley) has been carved dialects spoken in Larestan of Fars (Sadeqi, 1985), it would out of Kahnuj. be possible to designate the entire band of the dialects A series of small mountain chains to the south of Kahnuj stretching along an upward-facing crescent from Larestan gives rise to the southerly Manujan and Rudan rivers, to Halilrud as the Garmsiri languages of Kerman and Fars, which join to form the river Minab, which drains into the in lieu of the verbose terminology used to this date. Sea of Oman. Belonging to this basin are the districts of Dialect groups. As this study reveals, the Garmsiri dia Rudan, Manujan, and Minab, which share a Garmsiri dia lects of Kerman can clearly be bundled into two main lect, even if divided by the administrative border between groups: (1) the mutually intelligible dialects of the Halil Kerman and Hormozgan provinces. rud valley, or Halilrudi, consisting of Jirofti, Kahnuji, and Further southwest on the Strait of Hormuz stands Ban Rudbari, and (2) the dialects spoken along the Minab river dar 'Abbas overlooking the islands of Hormuz, Qesm, and and its tributaries, i.e., Minabi, Rudani, and Manujani, as Larak (qq.v.), all of which have dialects of the Garmsiri well as Bandari, that is, the coastal dialects spoken in and type. A kindred but isolate dialect is spoken on the south around Bandar 'Abbas. The degree of intelligibility among side of the strait in Kumzar, which belongs to the Sultan the Garmsiri groups has not been studied; my informants ate of Oman. stated that Halilrudi and Minabi are mutually intelligible. The Jaz Murian basin is flanked on its southern side by North BaSkardi shows striking resemblance to both Minabi Baskard (or Basakerd, q.v.) mountain chain. Baskard as a and Halilrudi, while the status of South BaSkardi remains sub-district was centered at Angohran (now Gowharan) obscure due to paucity of data. and belonged to Kahnuj (Razmara, p. 49). The Baskardi Table 1 outlines selective phonological (nos. 1-3), gram dialect spoken in northern Baskard, as far to the east as matical (nos. 4-15), and lexical (nos. 16-22) features in the Ramesk, is closely related to those spoken in the rest of major Garmsiri dialects of Kerman and Larestani of south Kerman Garmsir. ern Fars. The features that unite these two language groups Classification and designations. The dialects investigated vis-à-vis Persian are bud- as the past stem of “become” here as Garmsiri had long been known as (outer) Baskardi, (no. 16; for Pers. sod-) and e(t)- as imperfective marker a designation Ilya Gershevitch gave to the vernaculars (no. 8; for Pers. mi-)\ South BaSkardi employs be- for pres outside of Baskard proper (which he divided into North ent progressive. A notable split of Làrestàni from Kerman and South BaSkardi) to include the dialects spoken by the Garmsiri occurs in the development of Middle West Iranian Jusi and Dinar Bor tribes (in Rudbar proper?), Bandari (the consonant w at initial positions (no. 1), the second person Evazi dialect of Bandar 'Abbas), Minabi, and Rudani of singular ending (no. 6), and the perfective verb formants Berentin(see Skjsrvp, 1988, 1989). The first major step to (nos: 12-15). The distinctive features separating the Halil draw together the kindred dialects of the region was taken rud valley from its southern Garmsiri relatives are the past by P. O. Skjtervp, who had collected additional data from progressive construction (no. 11) and several significant Minab and Hormuz (Skjtervp, 1975). His work appeared lexical items (nos. 18-22). An interesting overlap between in Compendium Linguarum Iranicarum as “languages of the two major Garmsiri groups occurs in Rudbar, where Southeast Iran: Larestanl, Kumzari, Baskardi" (SkjiErvp, the present progressive is optionally expressed in two par 1989); it treats Bandari, Hormuzi, and Minabi under the allel structures (no. 10). These features are explained in general umbrella of ‘Baskardi’ and makes due comparison more detail in the respective topics that follow. with the related dialects of Greater Larestan in southern In the Halilrud valley, the configuration of language vari Fars province. The same classification is presented under ation is far from clear, and the delineation between Jirofti, “Baskardi group of dialects” by V. V. Moshkalo (1997) in Kahnuji, and Rudbari is poorly defined. The population the Russian compendium Iranskieyazyki. Moreover, in his structure is primarily tribal, rather than village-based, such introductory chapter to The Iranian Languages, Gernot as is otherwise prevalent on the Iranian Plateau, resulting Windfuhr groups together Larestani and ‘Gulf’ (Bandari, in the speech of a given Halirudi district or even village Minabi, Baskardi, Kumzari) as the “non-Perside group” of being noticeably different among various clans. The com the Southwest Iranian language family (Windfuhr, p. 13). plexity increases due to the seasonal migrations of the None of the aforementioned references incorporate the nomads, who summer in the highlands of Jebal Barez dialects spoken in the Halilrud valley. and Sardu’iya (Safa, pp. 6-7). The presence of the Baluch The significant amount of new data from the last two has been conspicuous in the valley, but probably many of decades (see sources in section 4, below) reveals that the them, known as baluckara (seasonal workers), as well as dialect group designated as (outer) BaSkardi or Gulf actu the Siahbab (black people) are largely assimilated (Safa, ally extends as far north as Jiroft, which is located in the pp. 149-50). interior river valley of Halilrud and sufficiently distant from A case in the point of areal intrusion is Mohmedi, a dia the southern coastal plains to render the previous designa lect spoken by a clan of the same name in the piedmont tions untenable. The term ‘Garmsiri’ adopted in this study Kusk Mur rural district, in Jebal Bàrez to the east of Jiroft. not only accords with the longstanding appellation garmsir Mohmedis believe that they originated from a Lor tribe that 308 KERMAN XVI. LANGUAGES migrated to their current habitat during the Zand dynastic To the ever increasing Persophonic population of the val rule (Kordestani, 2010). Their language, however, demon ley, Garmsiri is a language of aram-naram, contrasting to strates an anomalous dialect but still within the Garmsiri Persian miraiva)m—nemira{va)rn “1 go-I don’t go.” group. It agrees with Minabi and Bandari in certain fea The language loss parallels the vanishing of the indig tures, such as the stems gin- : did- "see" (Table 1, nos. 18 enous culture, as echoed in nostalgic poems recently and 19) and the ending for the third person singular, as in written by the locals (collected by Niknafs, pp. 387-454). anin-t “he sits” (no. 8), but disagree with all dialects in the The poverty-stricken districts of southern Kerman, which enclitic pronoun, third person singular -el-r (no. 5) and largely remain underdeveloped and rural, have been a sub plural -nonl-ron, and the verb stems omes- “come" and ject of disdain, not only from the provincial capital, but rafs- “go,” among others. also in the national media. Following the debut of the tele Sociolinguistics. Garmsiri is rapidly losing its ground vision series Sahr-e Daqyanus (an old epithet for Jiroft) in to Persian, the language of mass media and education. September 2011, a mass demonstration erupted in Jiroft, Towards the northern end of the Halilrud valley, in the protesting misrepresentation of their language (as Kermani district of Jiroft, the language is already moribund, while Persian) and deriding their culture. This was followed by it is far better preserved in the eastern, piedmont districts formal objections expressed by academics, Jiroft’s repre Amjaz and Gavkan of the Jebal Barez, and in the southern sentative in the Majles, and Jiroft’s emam-e jomca (q.v.). parts of the Halilrud valley. A hybrid patois has developed, The protests had a wide repercussion in electronic social especially in Jiroft proper, which blends the Garmsiri lex media (DAE; Bozorg; 'Adeli; Raja News), but were played emes into Persian grammar, as in the following example down by national media (IRNA; Ettela'at, 23 Sept. 2011, (cf. Niknafs, p. 18): p. 5) in an effort to curtail a growing array of complaints in recent years against the belittling of local cultures in the Jirofti sarkot-i a-dah-am Islamic Republic media. hybrid sarkot-eS mi-d-am Historical phonology. SW Iranian pedigree. The sound Persian sarzanes-as mi-kon-am changes typified as “Southwest” Iranian normally occur “scold”-3sg IMPF-“give”/“do".PRES-1 sg in the Garmsiri dialects (examples are from Halilrudi “I scold him” unless specified): OIr. *dz > d: don- “know,” dom(m)
Table 1 SELECTED FEATURES OF GARMSIRI DIALECTS Larestani Bandari Minabi Rudbari Kahnuji, N. BaSkerdi S. BaSkerdi Jirofti PHONOLOGICAL
i *w- b- g(w)- g(w)- g(w)- g(w)- V- g(w)- 2 *xw- X- xw- xw- xw- xw- xw- xw- 3 send ferest-, rest- ferest- rast- rast- rast-
GRAMMATICAL
4 plural -ea, -iya -a, un -an -on -on -on, -a -an 5 enclitic 3 sg. -o§ -(e)g, i- -i, -¡5 -i, -es -i, -e5 -i/-e/-h -i/-e/-h, -eS 6 ending 2 sg. -eS -i -i -i -i -1 -e(x) 7 ending 1 pi. -am -im, iq -im, -ing -in -in -In, -im -om 8 ending 3 sg., pres. -e (-t) -(e)t -(e)t -e/-a -e/-a -e, -et(i) -et 9 imperfective a-, at- a(0- a- a- a- a- -a, be- 10 stem in pres. prog. past past past past | pres. pres. past past 11 auxil. with past prog. “be” “be” "be” “have” “have” 12 perfect, intr. -st- -e-? -0- -h- -h- -h- -X- 13 perfect, tr. -est- -en- -e(n) -e -en 14 plup., intr. -est-on(d)- -ar- -ar- -ar- -ar- -ar- -at-? 15 plup., tr. -est-od- -a -a -ar -ar -at-
LEXICAL
16 become, past bod- bud- bud- bud- bud- bud/t- 17 sit, pres. ni nin- nin-/nik- nend- nend- nen- 18 see, pres. bin-/ben- gin- gin- did- did- 19 see, past ded-, bened- did- did- dist- dist- dist- dlt- 20 com e, past (h)ond- hond- hond- yaht- yaht- yaht- 21 big got, gap gap gap goze(r) gozer(g) gozer gozer 22 w ith , to xod va va xwey vey, xwey va KERMAN XVI. LANGUAGES 309
d “son-in-law,” dusi/dusne “yesterday,” bahug “arm,” "house lady” and kazxoda “village headman.” Rhotaciza- Min., Bs. gohort “big” (< *va8rta-, but Halilrudi gozer(g) tion of intervocalic t (common in North BaSkardi, Minabi, < vazr-ka?; see Gershevitch 1965; Stilo), BS. domes tan Hormozi, Kumzari) has a limited reflex in the Halilrud val “winter” (cf. NW zemeston in other dialects). — *tsw ley: the morpheme ar- “was” (< *at); Kah., Rdb. barazar yields SW Min., Horm. soS, Laraki sis “louse” (cf. Lar. (Min. berazar) “niece.” One also finds rutil “intestine” heS; but NW espes in Halilrudi). — *9r > s: dsow “mill,” (< *rautaka-) and espiyt “white,” with probable retention Kah. pos “son,” avos “pregnant.” — *§t > st: most “fist” of the Old Iranian stop otherwise particular to Balochi (Mid. Pers. must, Bal. must, OIr. *musti-), lest- “lick” (OIr. (and South BaSkardi by extension). Correspondingly, *riSta-, Vraiz- < proto-Indo-European leigh-), rest- “spin,” *-d- is found in mud “hair” (also in Min., Horm. mix'd, rast- “send,” gasten (giyz-) “to bite.” — Old Pers. *j, *-c- > Band, mild, Bal. mud; cf. Lari mil < *mauda-) and mude z: zan “woman,” ruz “day.” *dw- > d: dar “door.” *y > j: ( k, a Balochi trait, is found only in Halil 1957). Salient Southwest lexical items include kan- “do,” rudi korus “rooster,” as is the case in Min., Horm. (korus). gu- “say,” gariv- “cry, weep.” — q > k is the rule in Kahnuji (as well as in Minabi and SE areal features. The Garmsiri dialects of Kerman dis Bandari): kand “sugar-cubes,” kabul “accepted,” karz tinguish themselves from those of Fars in two historical “credit,” kali “carpet,” kale “fort,” kolf “lock,” kalami developments found in the southeastern Iranian Plateau: “formal Persian” (< qalam “pen”), kahom (< qa’em) * w- > g(w)- (best known in Baluchi but existing also in the “sturdy,” rakam “type,” rafik “friend,” xdlek “creator,” isolate Paraci-Ormuri and Biabanaki; see fa r v i d ia l e c t ) caku “knife.” Rudbari changes q to either k or x (Mohmedi and the retention of *xw- (for Baluchi w-). (1) g(w)- has to x) quite regularly. — Kahnuji/Rudbari have g (for Jirofti a strong presence in the area: Jir., Kah., Rdb. g(o)wask g), as in rugen/ruegen “ghee,” dorug/dorueg “lie,” lerag “calf” (Min., Band., Horm. gwask < *wasaka) “calf,” g(o) “light,” morg “hen,” cagal “throw,” sagul “plumb,” mazg wak “frog” (Moh., Min., Ban. gwak; archaic Pers. bak), “brain.” — Mid. Ir. -ag normally yields -e in Jirofti (e.g., g(o)war (Moh., Min. gwar; Pers. bar, var) “(be)side,” g(o) xone “house”) but -eg in Kahnuji mohreg “bead,” dereg waSeg “child,” gozer(g) (Min., BS. gohert) “big,” giystel “gorge,” poleg “ashes,” resteg “noodles,” gordeg “back,” gieste “more,” g(w)azi “game,” gaft- “weave,” gi(e)c- and possibly gortik “kidney,” murik “ant,” or with omis “sift,” Jir., Kah. guzik, guder (Min. gouz, Band, giiz, Bal. sion of the vowel: pag (Pers. paya) “wooden leg,” sag gwabz; Mid. Pers. wabz) “wasp, hornet,” garug (Min. “shade,” mosk “mouse,” nisk “fang,” neyg “reed,” zeberk gow(g)) “bride,” gowalm (Min., Rudn. gwalm, unknown “rough” (cf. Skjaervp, 1975, no. 17). etymon) “deep,” gowast “dried river” (id.). Note counter Clusters. *xt > ht governs Kah. doht “daughter,” reht- examples barre “lamb,” bad “wind,” bong “call,” bohne “pour, spill,"foruht- “sell,” duht- “sew” (Rdb., Man., Min. “pretext.” (2) *xw- persists in Jir., Kah., Rdb. x(o)was have similar forms; cf. Jir. rext-,foroxt-, doxt-, Moh. next-, (Rudn. Min. Band, xwas; Lar. xas) “good, pleasant,” x(o) etc.). — Likewise, *ft softens in past stems: Kah., Rdb., wah (Min. xwah!xwah, Band, xwah, Horm. xwah) “sister,” Man. xowt- “sleep,” raw/- “go,” kowt- “fall,” Rdb. goht- x(o)wad- (but Min. xod-, Band xo) “self,” x(o)war- (Min. “say,” Kah., Min. padoht- “swell” (cf. raft-, kaft-, geft-, xwar-, Band, xor-) “eat,” x(o)was- “sleep,” xowaser(e)k padoft- in Jirofti, as well as in the very toponym Jiroft; a “father-in-law,” Rdb. xowasuk (Jir. xasug, Band, xasu, Bal. counterexample is found in sarkot “scold” < sar-koft). — wassi(g)) “mother-in-law.” (A notable exception is xond- *-xr and *fr- yield Kah. sohr “red,” rastad- (Min., Horm. “read, sing.”) This areal feature, which includes Baskardi, rast-; Band, ferest-) “send.” — 5m remains in Jir. cesm, contrasts the w- outcome in Balochi. Subsequently, a buf but reduces in Min., Bs. lehm, Band, cehem, Laraki cum, fer zone phenomenon may be inferred in these overlapping Kumz. £dm “eye.” — Old initial clusters receive epenthe- isoglosses of the Halilrud basin: xoway/xey/vey (Min. wa, sis, as in eSkam “belly,” estal “star,” etc. Band, va, Moh. hey) “with” and veyt-lvast-lxast- (Min. The presence of ht in verb stems is most likely a late xast-lwdst-, Band, vast- “want”). development of an original st, considering the multiplic Labials. Weakening of postvocalic labials is evident in ity of the morphological bases at the earlier stages: Rdb. Jir., Kah. sow “night,” owr “cloud,” sowz “green,” kowg geriehten (pres, geriev-) “to weep” (Pers. geristan, with “partridge,” kows, powzar “shoe,” owsin (Pers. afsan) nominal griy suffixed with -ist), sekahten (trans. and intr.) “winnowing fork”; (intervocalic) tavar “axe,” ruvah “to break” (cf. Mid. Pers. skih- “be broken”); note also “fox,” avddi “settlement.” On the other hand, OIr. suffix Kah. pohiden “to decay, rot” (Min., Pers. pusidan < incho *-pana- yielding -pon in gowpon “herdsman,” asowpon ative stem of the root *pauH), Jir. amah “injured” (cf. Pers. “miller,” baxpon “gardener,” geripon “collar” (for the amas inflated < *a-masa-, inchoative stem). expected form *gerivon, etc.) is an oddity. Other consonant changes. Persian participle suffix -es (< Dentals. OIr. *-t- shows some peculiar developments. It Mid. Pers. -isn) emerges as -est in Jir., Kah. barest “pre may elide or lenite, as in Jir. barar “brother,” ka “game,” cipitation,” pareit “jump,” uzmast “test,” dahest “catching dom(m)a “bridegroom,” Ruebdr, Ruowbar “Rudbar” (cf. a cold,” girayeSt “attraction,” gap-del-ranjekti “annoying “Reobarles” in Marco Polo), -iy (2 pi. ending), but not in talk.” — There is an active tendency for postvocalic r > verb stems: peymid- “weigh,” £ok-id- “kiss.” Note the het 1 in all dialects: nalges “narcissus,” hasil “straw mat,” erogeneous development of *kadag “house” in keybonuk taraktol “tractor.” — Random developments include 310 KERMAN XVI. LANGUAGES nemis- : nemest- “write,” nesm (from nesf) “half, saxm Examples (Jir. when unmarked): (1) del-om bey-s-et (from saqf) “ceiling,” among others. tang-e “I miss you (lit. my heart is tight for you),” Rdb. ey Vowels. *a is raised to o before nasals systematically to adaham “I will give you,” zan gwaceg ey mo ayare “the (pahnom “hidden,” harom “forbidden,” done “grain”), wife will bring me children,” Dmi>. dazan be me cuk ataret but not in xan “khan” and koran "Qur’an.” — /Lower/ “id.” (2) (comitative) xeyxowh-i raft-ar “he had gone with vowels receive prostheses in initial position: Jir., Kah., his sister,” vey He rafti (Pers. ba ce) “what did you take?” Man. yart “flour,” yavorde “brought,” you' “water” (as in (with “say”) A-S a xey/vey mard gofti “he told the man,” B§.; cf. Min. how, Laraki haw “water”); homru “today,” Rdb. xwey-s-i agom “I will tell him.” (3) (ablative) ey itiy homsow “tonight,” homsdl “this year” (cf. Min. hosal, ta Kahnuo “from here to Kahnuj”; (abstraction) ey bayom NB1 homsdl, SBs. homsar “this year”). — The old majhul ta vaxte ivdr “from dusk to dawn,” derip ey yow-ar “it was vowels stay or diphthongize: Jir., Kah. hec “none,” dege full of water”; ey-s-i bepors “ask him!”; (comparative) ye “other, ” giyste “more,” hameyke “always,” Haliyl “Halel ey home jonter-en “this is better than all”; (possession) a (river),” Rdb. tier “under,” ruez “day.” Jirofti in particular bagon-iy ke dist-et, ey mon-en “those orchards that you has systematically preserved the majhuls in verb stems: saw—they are mine”; (adverbial) ey-tah (< az-tah) “never, ger- “seize,” dost- “milk,” amoxte “learned.” Rudbari fur certainly not,” ey-rad to yah “he came after you did.” (4) ther differentiates transitivity by means of diphthongiza- (locative) var koja rafte “where did he go to?” Kah. cis-i tion: intr. soz- : soht-, tr. Suez- : sueht- “burn,” intr. riez- : var rugen gow ko “his eye fell on the cow ghee,” Rdb. reht-, tr. riez- : rieht- “pour” (Motallebi, 2006). xorma gowar-e gosne aziz-e “dates are dear to a hungry Noun phrase. Nouns. The plural marker is -on for all person.” (5) in behel kasa a “put this beside that!” Rdb. nouns, e.g., Jir. sayinon “shirts,” Kahn, mogon “palm kel ham aren “they were together.” (6) mo tu bag arom “I trees,” Rdb. parokon “calves.” The indefinite is marked was in the orchard." with -iy/ie, as Kah. doht jon-iy-n “she is a pretty girl,” Verb phrase. Verb stems. As in other Iranian languages, Rdb. cok xdb-ie “a good boy.” Direct object noun phrases the Garmsiri verb has a pair of stems, which, as [present remain normally unmarked: Jir. ye bede bey bava-t “give : past] nen(d)- : nest- “sit,” afford no obvious synchronic this to your father!” A-S a kuze vorgen “pick up that jar!” relationship. The past stems derivable from the present Rdb. nom-i Novasti hes-son-ar “they had named him N.”; stem take in the formant -id-, as jek- : jekid- “jump.” Pres Pers. -ra can be traced seldom: iu-ow bedey mo “give me ent stems regularly absorb the causative formant -an-/-on-\ the wood!” The ezafa (q.v.) is largely absent in the Halil- the past causative stem receives an additional suffix -t or rudi dialects, hence its sporadic presence might be stimu -d, e.g., Jir. gariv-an-t- “make cry,” beriyz-on-d- “roast.” lated by Persian: Jir. pot-0 sag “dog’s hair,” gozer doht Nominal forms constitute the past stem suffixed by -e or “elder daughter,” seng telow “big stone,” harfon hasabi -en: gaste “bitten,” gasten “to bite.” Stems may shorten “sensible talk,” bibiak iesm “pupil of the eye,” but xone-y at word final or when making up a tripartite consonant ma “our house,” xorma-y jon “good dates.” sequence; for example, the pair did- : dist- yields be-did Pronouns and deixis. Personal pronouns are the free “see!” dis'monen “we have seen.” The present stem forms standing sg. mo(n), to, a, pi. ma, soma/toma, avon and the present indicative and subjunctive and the imperative; the enclitic sg. -(o)m, -(e)t, -US, pi. -mon, -ton, -son. The the past stem forms the preterit, the imperfect, and the singular clitics vary depending on the preceding sound: perfect tenses, as shown in Table 3. Rudbari, Minabi, and Jir. ketab-oml-et-l-i “my/your/his book,” but (for xone) Bandari have a present progressive built on the infinitive. xonam! xonat/ xonas “my/your/his house”; the third sin Affixes. The imperfective a- marks the present and the gular -i may also succeed vowels, e.g., nane-i, nanas “his imperfect, as explained below, under respective sections. mother.” The epenthetic -S- (a Kermani feature) appears The prefix be- marks the imperative and the subjunctive, with prepositions: bey-s-et “for you,” ey-S-i “from him,” as in Rdb. bopors “ask!” boporsi “that you ask.” Preva va-s-om “with me.” The enclitics may act as (1) posses lent preverbs are var-lvor- and vey- as in Jir. varagarde sive: Jir. mudon-i “his hair”; (2) object: deh-iy-S “clob “it returns,” vorgeften “to pick up,” vorestaden “to stand ber him!” var-i-gen “pick it up!” Rdb. hamtie-kon dist-in up,” veystaden “to stop moving.” Note also Jir. gowar “they saw us right here”; (3) reflexive with the base xwad-, naxowarde (Pers. bar-nak'orda) “he hasn’t encountered,” e.g., xwad-i “himself”; (4) agent in ergative construction Kah., Rdb. xoru(e) rowten (Pers.foru raftan) “to dip.” The (see Fronting, below), as in ketab-om xari I bought a/the preverb ha-, absent in Halilrud, is used in the Minabi and book.” Bandari verb ha-daden “have.” Demonstratives are proximate ye “this” and yovon (Rdb. The infixes -Vh- and -ar- mark the intransitive pres yewon) “these” and remote (cf. 3rd sg.) a “that” and avon ent perfect and pluperfect respectively (see Table 3). In a “those”; hamiy “this very,” hama “that very." Other deic- broader, comparative perspective, we may analyze them tics are etiy/itiy “here,” atiy “there,” isun/ibal "this side,” as h- and ar- (< *at), the present and past stems of “be,” asun/dbal “that side,” imaja “this time, right now.” corresponding to Pers. h- and bud-. Prepositions. The language is entirely prepositional, Person marking. The personal endings are listed in Table with major Halilrudi prepositions (1) bey, ey “to, for”; 2. The second singular imperative and third singular past (2) vey, xwey, xey, Min. va “with, to”; (3) ey “from, for”; are zero. In the third person singular, the dialects of Halil (4) var (Rdb., Man. gowar) “to, on”; (5) kas, Rudb. kel rud (with -e/-a) differ from the rest of Garmsir (with -(e)t), “beside”; (6) tu “in.” e.g., Min. bo-kon-t “that he do,” Dms. a-nos-et “he puts.” KERMAN XVI. LANGUAGES 311
Rudbari optionally adds a diphthong to the final conso Table 2 nant, e.g., 1st pl.-in(ie). VERBAL ENDINGS AND The transitive past tenses employ an ergative construc PRONOMINAL SUFFIXES IN JIROFTI, tion with pronominal clitics (Table 2) acting as the agent. KAHNUJI, AND RUDBÀRI The clitics take various positions: final in simple verb Endings Enclitic Pronouns forms; between the stem and the third singular of verb Pronominal Verbal “be” in periphrastic forms; optionally fronted (see Front -o m -o m ing, below). In Bandari, the clitics are prefixed to the verb. S g . I - o m , -m e n - 2 -i -e t - e t, - te n - The third singular clitic is -i (also -ie in Kahnuji) in tran 3 - e /- a - i, -e§ -i, -§en-, -S sitive preterit and imperfect, -sen- in perfect and pluper fect: Jir. disti “he saw,” adisti “he would see,” dissenen PI. 1 -in -m o n - m o n ( - ) “he has seen,” dissenar “he had seen." Either -i or -S (espe 2 -iy -to n - to n ( -) cially in Rdb.) may be used when the agent is fronted. 3 -e n -so n -S o n (-) Conjugations. Verb forms are summarized in Tables 3,4, and 5. See also Fronting, below. Present. Both the present-future and the progressive well"; har-ci garma-vo mehrejon aye-vo aru, na-did-om- present are built on the present stem in Jirofti and Kahnuji, et / Xodabaxs-om, ke xowi del-om va’de-ye sal a-kerden- e.g., Jir. a-did-om “I see,” a-rez-i “you pour,” a-nend-e om “no matter how many summers and autumns come and guse-i “he is sitting in a corner,” darmaski a-rez-e “it is go, I don’t see you / lam Kodabaks, I take vows to my pouring (raining) hard.” Southern dialects, on the other heart [yet another] year” (verse by Kodabaks Deliri of cer hand, categorically distinguish the present progressive by tain 'Aliabad in Jiroft district). employing the form with the infinitive (i.e., past stem + Past. Commensurate with transitivity, the past tenses -en): Min., NBs. a-kerden-om, SBs. be-kert(en)-in “I am employ either the endings or the enclitic pronouns, as in doing.” Rudbari makes compromises between the two Jir. yaht-i “you (sg.) came” vs. bord-et “you (sg.) carried,” Garmsiri groups, as well as with colloquial Persian, by with the possibility of fronting for the latter. The imperfect holding three interchangeable constructions for the pres further receives the aspectual marker: a-yaht-i, a-bord-et. ent progressive: dar-om a-kah-om = a-kowten-om = darom Halilrudi past progressive has adopted the analytical Per akowtenom “I am falling” (Motallebi, 2006). sian construction with the auxiliary “have,” e.g., Jir. daSti Note that the form with the infinitive is occasionally a-yaht-i, whereas Minabi agglutinates with the past cop encountered in Jurofti proverbs and verses, but without ula: second person singular of “go” and “do”: imperfect aspectual distinction: espes kal akerdene ruz be kuh beru a-rowt-i, a-kerd-ef, past progressive a-rowt-ar-i, a-kerd- “he (habitually) buries lice [until] the day is over” (proverb et-a,” where -a is the third singular copula. Bandari fronts on futility); iupon age del-i bexa boduse, nar-i a-doSten-e the agent to the verb-initial position, except in intransitive “if the shepherd want to milk, he will milk the male as preterit: first person singular of “go” and “see”: preterit
Table 3 BASIC VERB STRUCTURE IN GARMSIRI1
Im p e r a tiv e = b e - + p r e s , s te m + e n d in g Pres. subj. = b e - + p re s , s te m + e n d in g Present-future = a - + p re s , s te m + e n d in g Pres, prog.2 = a - + in fin itiv e + e n d in g Im p e r fe c t in tr. = a - + p a s t s te m + e n d in g tra n s . = a - + p a s t s te m + e n d . p ro n . Past prog.3 in tr. = a - + p a s t s te m + - a r - + e n d in g tra n s . = a - + p a s t s te m + end. pron. + -a P re te r it in tr. = p a s t s te m + e n d in g tra n s . = p a s t s te m + e n d . p ro n . P e rfe c t in tr. = p a s t s te m + - e h - 4 + e n d in g tra n s . = p a s t s te m + end. pron. + -(n ) e n P lu p e rf e c t in tr. = p a s t s te m + - a r - + e n d in g tra n s . = p a s t s te m + end. pron. + -(n )a r*
In Bandari, the enclitic pronouns are prefixed to the verb in all transitive past tenses and in the intransitive imperfect. Not in Jirofti and Kahnuji. In Minabi; Halilrudi dialects employ analytical forms. In Halilrudi; corresponding to zero in Minabi and -e- in Bandari. In Halilrudi; corresponding to -a- in Minabi and Bandari. 312 KERMAN XVI. LANGUAGES
raft-um, um-di, imperfect: m-a-ra. m-a-di. Past progres Table 4 sive forms are not attested in Bandari. PAST TENSES OF "POUR" IN JIROFTI* Perfect. The transitive present perfect in the Halilrudi Preterit Perfect Pluperfect group formally employs the formative -eh- (first person singular -oh-) (comparable to NBs. -eh-, SBs. x-) between Sg. 1 arextom rexmenen rexmenar the past stem and the ending. The underlying construction, 2 arextet rextenen rextenar however, could be the past participle + the copula with li 3 arexti rexsenen rexsenar
sterai, e.g., neste-hi (for Pers. nesasta-i) “you are sitting.” p i. i arexmon rexmonen rexmonar The paradigm for “jump” is: jekid-ohom, -ehi, -e, -ehin, 2 arexton rextonen rextonar -ehiyl-ehie, -ehen. Note the third person singular is sim 3 arexson rexsonen rexsonar plified, yet remains distinctive from the preterit jekid-0 “he *Kahnuji differs only in the stem (reht-) and Rudbari in the stem (rieht-) jumped.” Minäbi and Bandari agree with Halilrudi in the and in having -e, instead of -en, for the perfect suffix. perfect, but employ the plain copulative verb, e.g., Min. rowtam, rowtey, rowten “I have gone, etc.” (cf. rowtom, rowti, row “I went, etc.”).
As to the transitive perfect, the underlying construction T a b le 5 may be inferred as the past stem suffixed by the enclitic VERB FORMS IN JIROFTI1 pronouns (probably with no option of fronting) and the Intransitive Transitive Compound trans. third person singular of the copula, -en in Jirofti and “fall”2 “throw”2 “tear”2 Kahnuji, but normally -e in Rudbäri. However, in this set ting the enclitic pronouns take the singular forms -me-, Present' a-kah-in a-giyz-in sit-a-dah-in -te-, -Se- followed by a nasal, but still distinguished from Subjunctive be-kah-in be-giyz-in sit be-dah-in the plural forms by the vowel, e.g., dissenen “he has seen” Preterit kaft-in ges-mon sit-mon dà vs. dissonen “they have seen.” See Table 4 for a full para Imperfect a-kaft-in a-ges-mon sit-mon-a-dâ digm. The forms are simplified when the agent is fronted: Perfect kafte-h-in ges-mon-en sit-mon dâd-e Pluperfect kaft-ar-in ges-m on-ar sit-mon dâd-ar Jir. däh-iy kafte tu-son “a rumor has spread (fallen) among Infinitive kaft-en gest-en sit dâd-en them,” bey to-s ce yavorde? “what has he brought for you?” Rdb. ä-m geste “I have thrown it.” Minäbi follows 1 Kahnuji and Rudbâri differ in the simple verbs only in the stems kowt- similar pattern, only better graded: sg. kerd-om/et/is-en, “fall” and giez- “throw,” and in Rdb. ges-mon-e “we have thrown." pi. ker-män/tän/sän-en “I have done, etc.,” with fronted 21st person plural form. 3 Rudbâri has distinct forms for the progressive present, e.g., a-kowten-in forms: -om kerd-en, etc. “we are falling.” A progressive perfect is noticed in Rudbäri, limited for the third person, e.g., “fall” sg. a-kowt-e, pi. a-kowte-hetv, “throw” sg. a-ges-sen-e, pi. a-ges-son-e (Motallebi, 2006, p. 123). to}-m sar dar nayavo “I don’t make sense of what you Pluperfect. Intransitive verbs are formed from the past do” — agent on adverb: Rdb. hamtie-mon gest “we threw stem and endings, infixed with -ar-, the past stem of “be,” [it] right here” — agent on the subject: Rdb. toma-ton gieci e.g., Jir. “fall”: kaft-ar-om, kaftari, kaftar, kaftarin, kaf- “you sifted,” Jir. akadariy to-tavey, nadarom “I don’t have tariy, kafiaren; cf. Min. rowt-ar-i, Band, raft-ar-um “I had the amount you want” — across the clause boundary: Jir. gone,” NBs. bast-ar-en “they have been bound.” Halilrudi le karon-om, ke bey to nake “what favors I did not for transitive pluperfect follows the model of its transitive you!” (see also Negation; Modals, below). perfect, including the adjustments in the singular forms, Negation. The negative marker na- merges with the but terminating in -ar “it was” (see Table 4). Similar mor imperfective a- to form -na-. Examples: Jir. rag-om nabas- phology is found in Minäbi kerd-et-a with the agent-initial menen “I haven’t had my breakfast,” naram “I don’t go,” option et-kerd-a “you had done,” where -a is the third sin Kah. narawtom “I didn’t used to go,” Rdb. dost nagerini gular copula. The option in Bandari is narrowed down to “we don’t hold.” The agent fronts in the transitive past: na- agent-initial forms: et-seid-a “you had picked up.” t-porsi “you didn’t ask,” Rdb. na-son-pusi “they wouldn’t Fronting. In the transitive past, the agent either stays on wear.” The prohibitive is marked with ma-, as in Jir. the verb or is optionally fronted to the nominal component manend “don’t sit!” of the verb (Table 5), or to a preceding noun phrase in the Be, become. The clitic copula differs from the personal sentence. In Rudbäri, the agent may additionally be pre endings only in the third person singular -(e)n. The stem fixed to the imperfective marker: ketäb-om agest = ketäb h- is used with the negative and optionally with the loca m-agest “I used to throw the book." tive-existential verb. Examples: Jir. ye bahayi-n? “is this Examples: agent on direct object: Jir. ketabiy-m beys-et for sale?”; cok soma kucekter-en “your child is younger”; xari “I bought a book for you”; Rdb. ce-kar-et kerdar? (locative) xonamon atiy-n “our house is there”; tu Jirofl “what had you done?”; A-S (sar kuzej-yi ge “he took dohton xobiy ha “there are good girls in Jiroft”; (negative) the jar by the rim” ; Rdb. Isar kuza/S ge “id.”; A-S, Rdb. itow ne-h-en, atowr-en “it’s not this way, it’s that way”; fmaston mon)-et bey-ce reh? “why did you spill my Rdb. ne-h-e aslan be yad-e muvo bavu “he does not recall yogurt?” — agent on indirect object: Jir. heci {ey käron mother and father.” KERMAN XVI. LANGUAGES 313
The past stem of “be” is ar- (yar- after vowels), hastar-, Gug. (Guger), see Bft. or har-, without a clear differentiation between the copula Horm. (Hormoz Island): Skjiervp, 1975. tive and locative senses. Examples: Jir. mo tu bag ar-om Jir. (Jiroft): Niknafs, 1998; Raf'ati, 2000 ('Anbaräbäd); “1 was in the orchard,” sobhi kojà yar-il “where were you Kalbasi, 2009 (Allähäbäd-e Sa'idi). this morning?” hastar-om mo Sdd-e Md “I was rejoic Kah. (Kahnuj): Niknafs, 1998; Kalbasi, 2009; Rezäyati ing,” Rdb. xos-astar à zamàn “those days were happy.” andBotläb, 2013. The stem hast- serves to express possession, from Minab Ker. (Kerman): Baqa’i, 1963-69, 2002; Sotuda, southward, e.g., Doms. yatd jahld hast-is-a “he had ajar.” 1957; Wa'ez-Taqawi, 1984; Ziä’-Ebrähimi, 1987; "Become” is conjugated regularly with the stems bah- Ne'matzäda, 1990; Purhosayni, 1991; Sarräfi, 1996. (present) and bud(ar)- (past), e.g., pres. Jir. a-bah-am, Kuhb. (Kuhbanän): Ruh-al-Amini, 1979, pp. 87-91; abahi, abu “I, you, he becomes,” Rdb. gozer abahan “they Mowlä’i, 2011. become big,” Jir. bo-bu “that he become,” xob abu (Pers. Lär. (Greater Lärestän): Eqtedäri, 1965; Kamioka et ah, xub misod) “it would be great,” age budar mariz “if he 1986; Skjairvn, 1989; Molchanova, 1997. became sick.” The passive is constructed analytically with Lärak: Anonby and Yousefian, 2011. past participle and “become” as the auxiliary: Jir. diste Man. (Manujän): Niknafs, 1998; Barbera, 2005; budom “I was seen,” meline budi “you got soaked," baias Yazdänfarr, 2011. gom bude “his child is lost.” Min. (Minäb): Skjsrvp, 1975; Barbera, 2005; Mohebbi, Modals. “Want" is expressed by two interchangeable sets 2006; Motallebi and 'Abbäsi, 2010 (Domsahr). of stems, vey- : veyt-Ivdst- and xd- : xdst- in the Halilrud Moh. (Mohmedi, spoken in Kusk Mur): Kordestäni, 2010; valley. For this verb the ergative is extended to the present, Motallebi and Kordestäni, 2014. e.g., Jir. kodom t-a-vey? “which one do you want?” na-s- NBS. (North Baskardi), see B5. vey "he doesn't want." Rdb. d seyin gozer m-a-vey “I want Räb. (Räbor), see Bft. that big shirt." Other modal verbs are tdh-est- “can" and Raf. (Rafsanjän): Kalbäsi. 2009. màh-est- “dare,” e.g., Rdb. tàhestom berram “I was able to Räv. (Rävar): Karbäsi, 1986; Kärbaks, 1996. go." "Must” is the invariable bdyad. Rdb. (Rudbär): Niknafs, 1998, pp. 387-407; Motallebi. Lexicon. The following is a selection of Garmsiri lexical 2006. items to supplement those already mentioned in the body Rudn. (Rudän, aka Dehbärez): Mo'tamedi, 2002; Barbera. of this entry as well as those introduced in section 2, on 2005. Kermani Persian: Jir. anedr “sightless” and antohte “frail $-B (Sahr-e-Bäbak): Hosayni, 2009. (old person)” (with the negative prefix an-); Kah. (diminu SBs. (South Baäkardi), see B§. tive) bddoh(t) “girl,” bdmard “man,” bdzan “woman” Sir. (Sirjän): Saryazdi, 2001; Mo’ayyad-Mohseni, 2002; (with similar forms in Rdb., Min., B§.); Jir.. Kah., Rdb. Kalbäsi, 2009 (Kahnäahr); Yusofiän and 'Abbäslu. cok, Min.. Horm. cuk, Band, iiik “child, son” (also in Balu 2010. chi): Jir., Kah. nowk, Min., Horm. no"k, Band, niik, B5. Zar. (Zarand): Bäbak. 1996; Sädeqi, 2000; Kalbäsi, 2009. nauk "grandchild": Jir., Kah.. Min. Horm., Bah. Lar. mask "mouse": Jir.. Kah., Rdb., Min., Horm., Lar. mas “fly”; Bibliography (online resources accessed 9 March Jir. xomin “wheat harvest season, summer," Làraki hdmin. 2016): Mehdi 'Ädeli, “Seriäl-e $ahr-e Daqyänus: tow- Bah hdmen “date harvest season” (Mid. Pers. hdmin “sum hin-e äskär be farhang-e mardom va tamaddon-e Jiroft,” mer”); Kah. (vd)bayom “dawn,” va-pegdh “daybreak,” Jiroft-e zibä, ostän-e Sabzavärdm. 10 September 2011; vd-pasi "dusk”; Jir. djahk, Rudn. djdhk “yawn” (Asatrian, available online at http://jirooftma.parsiblog.com/ p. 320. proposes the Old Iranian roots *dhan- “mouth" Posts/466. Wali-Alläh Ä’ina-Negini, Negin-e sabz-e + *yds- “yawn”); closest to Khuri dvofk, Shirazi hdkak. Kermdn. Farhang-e guyeS-e Rdbor-e Bdft, 2nd ed., Lori az-azaki); Jir. padom “swell” (similar forms in Rudn., Kerman, 2003. Mohammad Anjom-so'ä', Räyejtarin-e Min., Laraki, Lar.); Jir. xuncdvosdm "drug applied to the estelähät o guyeShä-ye Kermdn, Kerman, 2002. Erik skin" (< xun-e SidvoSan). Anonby and Pakzad Yousefian. Adaptive Multilinguals. A Survey of Language on Larak Island, Uppsala, 2011. ABBREVIATIONS OF SOURCES Mohammad-Jawäd Asadi Gowki, Farhang-e 'ämmiäna- A-S (Allahabad-e Abu Sa'idi, Boluk district), see Jir. ye Golbaf, Kerman, 2000. Garnik Asatrian, “Iranian Bam. (Bam): Kalbasi, 2009. Notes III,” Iran and the Caucasus 13, 2009, pp. 319-30. Band. (Bandar 'Abbas): Fathi, 2002: Pelevin, 2010. Mohammad-'Ali Äzädik'äh, “Väzahä-ye 'ämmiäna va Bard. (Bardsir): Borumand-Sa'id, 1991; Kalbasi, 2009 mahalli-e Sirjän,” Foruhar 18, 1983, pp. 818-22. Idem, (Lalazar). “Estelähät-e keSävarzi-e moätarak dar guyes|hä]-ye Bft. (Baft): Farhadi-Rad, 2002; A’ina-Negini, 2003 Sirjän o zartostiän-e Kermän,” in Fereydun Jonaydi, ed., (Rabor); Naqawi, 2006 (Guger); Kalbasi, 2009 Näma-ye farhang-e Iran II, Tehran, 1986, pp. 95-98. (Kisekan). 'Ali Bäbak, Barrasi-e zabänsendkti-e guyes-e Zarand, BS. (Baskardi): Skjtervp, 1988, 1989; Moshkalo, 1997. Kermän, 1996. Näser Baqä’i, “Färsi-e Kermän,” Dom5. (DomSahr), see Min. Nasriya-ye Däneskada-ye adabiyät-e Tabriz 15, 963, Gib. (Golbaf, formerly Gowk): Asadi, 2000. pp. 15-40,214-44; 16, 1964, pp. 46-64,225-46,507-16; Goruhi (in Rayan district): Kalbasi, 2009. 17,1965, pp. 398-402; 18,1966, pp. 175-80,441-58; 19, 314 KERMAN XVI. LANGUAGES
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