Islam and Civilisational Renewal
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Christian-Muslim Relations in Contemporary Nigeria
The Precarious Agenda: Christian-Muslim Relations in Contemporary Nigeria Akintunde E. Akinade, High Point University High Point, North Carolina The following lecture was given in Professor Jane Smiths' "Essentials of Christian-Muslim Relations" class in the summer of 2002. The task of mapping out the contemporary challenges to, cleavages within, and contours of Christianity is indeed daunting. Philip Jenkins has recently written a persuasive monograph on the constant flux and fluidity within “the next Christendom.” I agree with him that one of the most persistent challenges for contemporary Christianity is how to respond to the compelling presence of Islam in many parts of the world today. He rightly maintains, “Christian-Muslim conflict may in fact prove one of the closest analogies between the Christian world that was and the one coming into being.”1 This paper examines the contemporary paradigms and models of Christian-Muslim relations in contemporary Nigeria. With a population of over 120 million people, Nigeria has been described by Archbishop Teissier of Algiers as “the greatest Islamo-Christian nation in the world.”2 By this he means that there is no other nation where so many Christians and Muslims live side-by-side. This reality makes Nigeria an important test case for developing patterns of Christian-Muslim relations in Africa. Nigeria provides a rich context for understanding the cultural, social, economic, and political issues that are involved in the Christian-Muslim encounter. Relations between Christianity and Islam over a period of fourteen centuries have ranged from conflict to concord, from polemics to dialogue, from commercial cooperation to open confrontation. -
The Izala Movement in Nigeria Genesis, Fragmentation and Revival
n the basis on solid fieldwork in northern Nigeria including participant observation, 18 Göttingen Series in Ointerviews with Izala, Sufis, and religion experts, and collection of unpublished Social and Cultural Anthropology material related to Izala, three aspects of the development of Izala past and present are analysed: its split, its relationship to Sufis, and its perception of sharīʿa re-implementation. “Field Theory” of Pierre Bourdieu, “Religious Market Theory” of Rodney Start, and “Modes Ramzi Ben Amara of Religiosity Theory” of Harvey Whitehouse are theoretical tools of understanding the religious landscape of northern Nigeria and the dynamics of Islamic movements and groups. The Izala Movement in Nigeria Genesis, Fragmentation and Revival Since October 2015 Ramzi Ben Amara is assistant professor (maître-assistant) at the Faculté des Lettres et des Sciences Humaines, Sousse, Tunisia. Since 2014 he was coordinator of the DAAD-projects “Tunisia in Transition”, “The Maghreb in Transition”, and “Inception of an MA in African Studies”. Furthermore, he is teaching Anthropology and African Studies at the Centre of Anthropology of the same institution. His research interests include in Nigeria The Izala Movement Islam in Africa, Sufism, Reform movements, Religious Activism, and Islamic law. Ramzi Ben Amara Ben Amara Ramzi ISBN: 978-3-86395-460-4 Göttingen University Press Göttingen University Press ISSN: 2199-5346 Ramzi Ben Amara The Izala Movement in Nigeria This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. Published in 2020 by Göttingen University Press as volume 18 in “Göttingen Series in Social and Cultural Anthropology” This series is a continuation of “Göttinger Beiträge zur Ethnologie”. -
Suffering, Solidarity and Spirituality: the Lived Experiences of Internally Displaced Women in Northern Nigeria
Suffering, Solidarity and Spirituality: The Lived Experiences of Internally Displaced Women in Northern Nigeria Chidimma Beloved Aham-Chiabuotu A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Otago, Dunedin New Zealand May 2019 ABSTRACT Since 2009, the Nigerian state, has been under intense attack by an Islamic extremist group popularly known as Boko Haram. As a result of the insurgency, over two million persons have been internally displaced, 53% of whom are women. Previous studies on the insurgency have focused on the insurgents, and their abduction and use of women as sexual objects and suicide bombers, but none of those studies explored the perspectives of the women who were affected by the insurgency. In addition, women’s experiences with displacement have been neglected whether or not they were abducted by Boko Haram at any time during the conflict. Previous scholarly literature on women in conflict and displacement settings have given much attention to women’s experiences of sexual violence in conflict while neglecting other forms of suffering and hardship that women endure in such settings. This thesis utilizes a hermeneutic phenomenological approach located within the constructionist paradigm to explore the lived experiences of women who were displaced by Boko Haram insurgency. This approach allowed me to explore women’s perspectives of their experiences, both with Boko Haram and with displacement, and the historical, socio-cultural and structural factors that have underpinned those experiences and how they interpret them. I used semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions to generate data with 52 women who had been internally displaced for an average of three years. -
Two-Tier Fertility Decline in Nigeria: the Growing Discrepancy Between Muslims and Christians
Two-tier Fertility Decline in Nigeria: The Growing Discrepancy between Muslims and Christians Abstract At nearly 170 million inhabitants, Nigeria is Africa’s most populous country by twofold and fertility levels remain higher than most other sub-Saharan African nations. Throughout the last several decades, the fertility gap between Christians and Muslims has grown, causing demographers to question the proximate causes for observed divergent trajectories. Where the Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) of 1990 revealed a non-significant difference of .3 children, this figure had increased to 2.3 children by 2008. As the total fertility rate (TFR) of Christians decreased significantly from 6.1 to 4.7 children per woman between 1990 and 2008, the TFR of Muslims increased from 6.4 to 7.1 children per woman. It is particularly interesting to note that the timing of this divergence coincides with the formal institutionalization of Sharia law over the course of several years following the 1999 return to civil rule and subsequent reinstatement of constitutional law. We ask whether “sharia culture” is a reason for stalling fertility decline among the Muslims in the north of the country. We examine the role of religion on education, contraception, and family behavior. Finally, we touch upon the implications for population growth and the religious composition of Nigeria in the coming decades. 1 Introduction At nearly 170 million inhabitants, Nigeria is Africa’s most populous country by twofold and is on pace to have one of the largest populations in the world. It is also one of the most divided, with a great number of differences between groups of diverse linguistic and ethnic backgrounds (Katzner, 2002; Lieberman & McClendon, 2013). -
Pentecostalism and Salafism in Nigeria Mirror Images?
10 Pentecostalism and Salafism in Nigeria Mirror Images? There are certainly empirical grounds for drawing parallels between Christian Pentecostalism and Muslim Salafism—whether the frame for the comparison is Yorubaland, Nigeria, the West African region, or indeed the world at large. Since their members (and even more their leaders) are so strongly aware of themselves as belonging to worldwide fellowships of faith and sentiment, the movements themselves draw us outward from local to national, regional, and finally global frames for their comparison. But what has made the perception of parallels so compelling is less their empirical points of resemblance than the primary concep- tual lens through which they have been viewed, namely fundamentalism. Rarely has a term moved so far from its original connotation: from being a term of posi- tive self-description by a group of doctrinally conservative American Protestants, of small political import, to a pejorative label applied by outsiders to forms of reli- gion deemed extremist—a designation that nowadays most often connotes radical political views within Islam. Over time the use of the term “fundamentalism” has been subject to two counterpressures. On the one hand, attempts to develop it as an analytical concept have run into the problem that, as the range of empirical cases has been extended, with an ever-growing number of only partly shared and overlapping features, its explanatory power weakens.1 On the other, its appeal continues to be linked with a perception of the world as subject to a dangerous clash of fundamentalisms,2 regarded as entities at once homologous and hostile to each other. -
Politics of Sharia in Nigeria's “Far North”
POLITICS OF SHARIA IN NIGERIA’S “FAR NORTH” AND THE FALLACY OF “SECULARITY PRINCIPLE OF STATE” La política de la sharia en el Extremo Norte de Nigeria y la falacia del principio de la “secularidad del Estado” OLATUNJI E. ALAO Adeleke University, Ede, Osun State, Nigeria [email protected] Recibido: junio 2018; Aceptado: abril 2019 Cómo citar: Apellido: Alao, Olatunji E. (2019). Politics of sharia in Nigeria’s “far north” and the fallacy of “secularity principle of state”. Revista de Estudios Africanos. Número Cero, páginas. 144-164 doi: http://doi.org/10.15366/reauam2019.0.007 Abstract Sharia had been an age-long practice in Nigeria’s twelve states of the “Far North”. But since the country’s return to democratic rule in 1999, the controversy surrounding sharia practice became violent because of the introduction of Sharia law by the twelve state governments. What became “the politics of Sharia” was considered as a breach of the secularity principle of the 1999 Nigerian Constitution (as amended). The non- Muslims’ opposition against the introduction of sharia law was premised on Section 10 of the constitution. However, the pro-sharia Muslims considered Sharia as the ideal of political governance pointing to Section 38, sub-sections 1, 2 and 3. The use of sharia practice to ventilate political interests could best be explained by religious mobilization theory, using historical and descriptive method. Despite the aversion for “secularity principle of state” by the Nigeria’s Far Northern political elite, the study recommends this principle as ideal formula for conflict regulation in deeply divided societies like Nigeria. -
U N ITED STATES COMMISSIONO N in T E R N ATIONAL RELI Ious
I U S C R F Annual Report of the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom May 2010 (Covering April 1, 2009 – March 31, 2010) Commissioners Leonard A. Leo Chair (July 2009 – June 2010) Felice D. Gaer Chair (July 2008 – June 2009) Michael Cromartie Dr. Elizabeth H. Prodromou Vice Chairs (July 2008 – June 2010) Dr. Don Argue Imam Talal Y. Eid Felice D. Gaer Dr. Richard D. Land Nina Shea Ambassador Jackie Wolcott Executive Director Professional Staff Tom Carter, Director of Communications Walter G. DeSocio, General Counsel David Dettoni, Director of Operations and Outreach Judith E. Golub, Director of Government Relations Carmelita Hines, Director of Administration Knox Thames, Director of Policy and Research Dwight Bashir, Deputy Director for Policy and Research Elizabeth K. Cassidy, Deputy Director for Policy and Research Catherine Cosman, Senior Policy Analyst Deborah DuCre, Receptionist Scott Flipse, Senior Policy Analyst Yuna Jacobson, Associate Director for Government Relations Tiffany Lynch, Policy Analyst Jacqueline A. Mitchell, Executive Assistant Muthulakshmi Anu Narasimhan, Communications Specialist Stephen R. Snow, Senior Policy Analyst Front Cover: URUMQI, China, July 7, 2009 – A Uighur Muslim woman stands courageously before Chinese riot police sent to quell demonstrations by thousands of Uighurs calling for the government to respect their human rights. The Uighurs are a minority Muslim group in the autonomous Xinjiang Uighur region. Chinese government efforts to put down the ethnic and religious protest resulted in more than 150 dead and hundreds of arrests. (Photo by Guang Niu/Getty Images) Back Cover: JUBA, Southern Sudan, April 10, 2010 – School children participate in a prayer service on the eve of Sudan’s first national elections in more than two decades. -
The Spread of Shia and Its Activities in Nigeria
Journal of Islamic Studies and Humanities Vol. 4, No. 1 (2019) 28-41 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/jish.41.1755 THE SPREAD OF SHIA AND ITS ACTIVITIES IN NIGERIA Maga Sule Muhammad 1 , Muhammad Maigari Abdullahi 2 1Department of Islamic Studies, Faculty of Arts and Islamic Studies Usmanu Danfodiyo University Sokoto PMB 2346, Sokoto State, Nigeria 2Department of Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences Usmanu Danfodiyo University Sokoto PMB 2346, Sokoto State, Nigeria Email: [email protected], 2 [email protected] Abstract The aftermath of the Iranian revolution and emergence of Shia Immamiya as the reli- gion of government in Iran in 1979. The Razavi charitable Endowment under the Iran’s supreme religious leader has been spending a lot of money, especially in Africa to indoctrinate and convert Muslims to Shia. The paper traced the origin of Shia in Nigeria. Identified the factors that facilitated the spread of Shia in Nigeria. A desk review methodology was adopted. The study found out that the Iranian government has devoted a lot of funds to Africa and under the pretext of aid in the area of building Mosques, establishing schools and giving the scholarship to study in Iran. It has been observed that ignorance of Shia among most Islamic scholars, teachers, and preachers has contributed its spread until when Nigerians started studying in Universities in Saudi Arabia, the real identity of Shia is known. Abstrak Buntut dari revolusi Iran dan kemunculan Syiah Immamiya sebagai agama pemerintah di Iran pada tahun 1979. Sumbangan amal Razavi di bawah pimpinan agamawan Iran telah menghabiskan banyak uang, terutama di Af-rica untuk mengindoktrinasi dan mengubah Muslim menjadi Syiah. -
Christians and Muslims in Nigeria
Vincentiana Volume 39 Number 3 Vol. 39, No. 3 Article 9 5-1995 Christians and Muslims in Nigeria Timothy Njoku C.M. Follow this and additional works at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/vincentiana Part of the Catholic Studies Commons, Comparative Methodologies and Theories Commons, History of Christianity Commons, Liturgy and Worship Commons, and the Religious Thought, Theology and Philosophy of Religion Commons Recommended Citation Njoku, Timothy C.M. (1995) "Christians and Muslims in Nigeria," Vincentiana: Vol. 39 : No. 3 , Article 9. Available at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/vincentiana/vol39/iss3/9 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Vincentian Journals and Publications at Via Sapientiae. It has been accepted for inclusion in Vincentiana by an authorized editor of Via Sapientiae. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CHRISTIANS AND MUSLIMS IN NIGERIA Timothy Njoku CM A Short History Islam came into Nigeria before Christianity. The first Muslims that brought Islam came from Egypt about the 9th century. These were mainly Arab and Berber traders. The more substantial introduction of Islam came through Fulani Muslims who migrated into Nigeria following the fall of the ancient kingdom of Songhay in the 15th century. This period coincided with the Portuguese exploration of West Africa. Christianity did not extend beyond the coastal areas where the explorers settled. The second attempt to establish Christianity took place in the middle of the 19th century. Christianity followed the repatriation of African slaves from Europe and America, as a result of the principles of the American War of Independence and the aftermath of the French Revolution. -
Boko Haram and Politics : from Insurgency to Terrorism
7 Boko Haram and politics: From insurgency to terrorism Marc-Antoine Pérouse de Montclos Abstract Based on the case of Boko Haram, or Jama’atu Ahlis-Sunnah Lidda’awati Wal Jihad (“People Committed to the Propagation of the Prophet’s Teachings and Jihad”) to give it its real name, this chapter introduces a general discussion on the relationship between Islam and politics in Nigeria. Unlike Hamas in Pales- tine, Hezbollah in Lebanon, or the Muslim Brothers in Egypt, Boko Haram is neither a political party nor a charity network. It is political because it contests Western values, challenges the secularity of the Nigerian state, and reveals the corruption of a “democrazy” that relies on a predatory ruling elite, the so-called “godfathers”. But Boko Haram also remains a sect, now engaged in terrorist violence. From Mohammed Yusuf to Abubakar Shekau, its leaders have never actually proposed a political programme to reform and govern Nigeria accord- ing to Shariah. In this regard, Boko Haram raises an important question: why has Nigeria never had a religious political party, either Islamic or Christian? Federalism and the alleged ‘neutrality’ of military regimes do not explain eve- rything. Compared with the situation in Northern Sudan, the structure and divi- sion of Islam also help us to understand why Nigerian Muslims have never succeeded in setting up a political platform to contest elections with a religious programme, and why violence became an alternative channel for reform. Introduction The Western media and many Nigerians see the terrorist attacks of Boko Haram as part of a wider global religious war between Muslims and Christians. -
Nigeria: Current Issues and U.S
Nigeria: Current Issues and U.S. Policy Updated February 1, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL33964 SUMMARY RL33964 Nigeria: Current Issues and U.S. Policy February 1, 2019 Successive Administrations have described the U.S. relationship with Nigeria, Africa’s largest producer of oil and its largest economy, to be among the most important on the Lauren Ploch Blanchard continent. The country is Africa’s most populous, with more than 200 million people, Specialist in African Affairs roughly evenly divided between Muslims and Christians. Nigeria, which transitioned from military to civilian rule in 1999, ranked for years among the top suppliers of U.S. Tomas F. Husted oil imports, and it is a major recipient of U.S. foreign aid. The country is the United Analyst in African Affairs States’ second-largest trading partner in Africa and the third-largest beneficiary of U.S. foreign direct investment on the continent. Nigerians comprise the largest African diaspora group in the United States. Nigeria is a country of significant promise, but it also faces serious social, economic, and security challenges, some of which pose threats to state and regional stability. The country has faced intermittent political turmoil and economic crises since gaining independence in 1960 from the United Kingdom. Political life has been scarred by conflict along ethnic, geographic, and religious lines, and corruption and misrule have undermined the state’s authority and legitimacy. Despite extensive petroleum resources, its human development indicators are among the world’s lowest, and a majority of the population faces extreme poverty. In the south, social unrest, criminality, and corruption in the oil-producing Niger Delta have hindered oil production and contributed to piracy in the Gulf of Guinea. -
Religion in Nigeria from 1900-2013
Research on Humanities and Social Sciences www.iiste.org ISSN 2222-1719 (Paper) ISSN 2222-2863 (Online) Vol.3, No.18, 2013 Religion in Nigeria from 1900-2013 Rimamsikwe Habila Kitause 1* Hilary Chukwuka Achunike 2 1. Department of Religion and Cultural Studies, Faculty of the Social Sciences, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Enugu State, Nigeria 2. Department of Religion and Cultural Studies, Faculty of the Social Sciences, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Enugu State, Nigeria *[email protected] Abstract The phenomenon of religion is assuming an alarming proportion in the 21 st century with the three Nigerian cardinal religions competing for pre-eminence and supremacy as seen in the religious behaviours of the various religious adherents in Nigeria. The article is crafted using phenomenological and historical analytical method. It unravels the fact that there is at the moment a very bright prospect for the survival of African Traditional Religion, Islam and Christianity in Nigeria in spite of the rising tide of fundamentalism in the Nigerian recognizable religions. This is anchored on the fact that there are still some compromises among the major religions in Nigeria. The paper submits that it is needful that all the spirited stake holders of the various religions in Nigeria create an avenue for meaningful dialogue in order to checkmate the monster of religious intolerance, insensitivity, self will, and fanaticism to paving way for peaceful coexistence and sustainable national development in Nigeria. Keywords : Religion, Christianity, Islam, Nigeria, African Traditional Religion 1. Introduction Religion is an important phenomenon in contemporary Nigeria. It is ever popular and has captured the attention of many Nigerians.