Women and People's Ecological Movement: A Case Study of Women's Role in the Chipko Movement in Uttar Pradesh Author(s): Shobhita Jain Reviewed work(s): Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 19, No. 41 (Oct. 13, 1984), pp. 1788-1794 Published by: Economic and Political Weekly Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4373670 . Accessed: 08/11/2011 21:54

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Women and Peoples Ecological Movement A Case Study of Women's Role in the Chipko Movement in Uttar Pradesh Shobhita Jain In the ChipkoMovement, which is concernedwith preservation offorests and maintenanceof the ecologicalbalance in the sub-Himalayanregion, is a social movement,-an important role has been played by women of Garhwal region. The authorcontends that women'sparticipation not only played often a decisiverole, but that consider- ing the specificexistential conditions in the hill regionit was easierfor womento perceivethe needfor preserving the ecological balancein the area. However,the mobilisationof womenfor the cause of preservingforests has broughtabout a situation of conflict regardingtheir own status in society-demand for sharingin the decision- makingprocess-and men'sopposition to this and to women'ssupport for Chipkomovement. The study is based on investigationin in Garhwaldivision.

Introduction Since there is a certain type of development Chipko movement, there was a different pro- of industry and technology along with mercan- cess which resulted in women's participation. found in a state of perfect SINCE no society is tilistic capitalism in , the Chipko pro- There was a sustained dialogue between the situa- structural equilibrium, there are always ponents argue that in this process there is Chipko workersand the victims of the environ- tions of conflict and in each society there are definite alienation of the forest-dwellers and mental disasters in the hill areas of Garhwal. means of articulating institutionalisedways and along with forests also the disappearance of Women being the sole in-charge of cultivation, and resolving such conflicts. If a need is felt their economy. Thus, there is the short term as livestock and children, lost all they had because for alteringor transformingthe structurein a well as the long term destruction of the eco- certainfashion, some formof collectivemobi- of recurringfloods and landslides. The message system and while the traditional preservers of of the Chipko workers made a direct appeal to lisationof peopleand their resources is resorted forests are driven away there is no correspon- to and this activityis giventhe nameof social women who were able to perceive the link bet- ding system of fresh planting in the place of ween their. victimisation and baring of the movement. Sometimes, there is resistance the unmindful felling of trees for commercial againstchange which may alter or transform mountain slopes by commercial interests.Thus, use. It is, therefore, argued that the old system women clearly saw the reasons behind their pro- the systemand there is strongpressure to check of eco-balance should be brought back and this move.This situation again shows the signs blems and needs of sheer survival made them hence our characterisation of this social move- support a movement which is seeking the pre- of conflictand this activityis also calledsocial ment in a change-resisting role. Later, while movement. servation of the ecological balance in the area. discussing different ideologies of development, Why men did not see these connections and Both these factorsof social movementare we will also look at this movement's links with role in women did has to do with the way the sub- present-inour case-studyof women's the people-oriented social movement, initiated The Chipkomovement sistence economy is organised in this area. It the Chipkomovement. by Mahatma Gandhi, of which the Chipkc- is an ecological movement,concerned with is also related with the way men perceive the movement is an offshoot. preservationof forestsand thereby maintenance Chipko movement as a 'back to nature strategy of the traditionaleco-balance in the sub- Coming to women's role in this movement and their preference for the alternative type of Himalayanregion where hill people have tradi- the collective mobilisation of women for the development that is taking place all around tionally enjoyeda positive relationshipwith cause of preserving forests has brought about them in the whole country. theirenvironment. Thus, it is strivingfor the a situation of conflict regardingtheir own status In analysing the data regardingwomen's role traditionalstatus quo betweenthe peopleand in society. This situation of conflict is here in the Chipko moveutient,I have used the socio- theenvironment. Its proponents have effectively discussed in relation to women's demands for logical concepts of social movement, develop- demonstratedthat the past and the present sharing in the decision-making process along ment, conflict, power and authority. First I pre- forest policy of the Indian governmenthas with men; hence men's opposition to women's sent in brief the social setting-local economy, negativelyaffected the ecologicalbalance of the support to the Chipko movement. Women are, role of forest in the life of people, development areaand causeduprooting of indigenouspeo- on the one hand, seeking alterations in their of infrastructureof education, health and com- ple who previouslydepended on forests for position in society and, on the other hand, sup- munication, followed by an account of the theirsurvival and in returnthey preservedthe porting a social movement which is basically short history of the Chipko movement as forestby maintaininga strongbond of venera- resisting change. To understand these different reconstructedfrom published material and per- tion and love towardsthe forestaround them. levels of the movement, it is crucial to ask the sonal communication and interviews with In thisway it canbe saidthat the Chipkomove- questions-why do women support the move- women participants in the Chipko processions ment,which is nowspread from one end of the ment and what is the extent of awareness and meetings. This section is followed by some Himalayasin Kashmirto the other end in among them or, in other words, how many analytical comments, including methodological ArunachalPradesh, is endeavouringto alterthe women in the hill areas are actually par- problems faced in the study of a participatory. government'sforest policy by insisting on ticipating in the movement? social movement. The complex situation, maintenanceof the traditionalstatus quo in the Leaders of the Indian nationalist movement presentedFbythe conjunction of several factors Himalayanand other forest regionsof India at one stage decided to seek women's participa- in Garhwal region, provides an interestingcase- and, in this sense, thereis resistancetowards tion and Mahatma Gandhi gave a call to study from the point of women's development. change and opening up of the area for Indian women to come out of their homes for Someone well familiar with the Chipko move- technologicaldevelopment. the cause of national independence. In the ment remarked that it is not a women's move-

Elcomomic and(IPliti(al Vceklv 1788 Vol XIX No 41. October 13, 1914 ECONOM\IC ANI) [POLITICAL WEEKLY October 13, 1984

ment. Someone else had, on the other hand, cent persons are gainfully employed. Sixty per the year, villagers have to look for other sources described in detail how women's participation cent of the total female population of the of subsistence and the nearest source is the gave it a thrust and spearheaded it towards suc- district is 'working' while only 55 per cent of forest around them. Thus, settled agriculture cess. Seemingly contradictory facts are not ac- the men in the district 'work'. Further, 97 per is coupled with dependence on foraging of tually so because as a social movement in its cent of working women are engaged in cultiva- minor forest produce. The villagers also use the change-resisting role, the Chipko movement is tion while only 72 per cent of the men are main forest produce for various purposes like certainly not a women's movement and it does cultivators. Women in this area do not work making agricultural tools, dwellings, cooking not seek change in the traditional social struc- in mining, quarrying, transport, storage, com- fuel. Forest also is used for grazing cattle. ture. Another observer commented satirically munication and construction work. A small People generally had a free access to the ter- that women of the families of the Chipko percentage-1.3 per cent-of working women ritory from which they derived nutrition but workersare so backward and confined to work engage in household industries of manufactur- since 1821after the 'trial settlement' there began in homes and fields, that one is hardly impress- ing, processing, sewing and repairs. There are a process of gradual control over the forest area ed by women's level of awarenessin this region. very few agricultural labourers in this district by the government. Among some nomadic Obviously the Chipko workers are not dealing as most families own a small patch of land for tribal groups control over territories holding with women's issues and we agree with the cultivation. Female agricultural labourers are strategic food resources was specified in terms observation that it is not a women's movement. only 0.4 per cent of the total number of work- of customary laws but the government forest However, the Chipko workers realised it or ing women while 2.5 per cent of working men policy resulted in their dissociation 'from the not, intended it or not, all those women who are agricultural labourers. management and exploitation of the forest participated in the Chipko meetings, proces- Not only do females in the Chamoli district wealth' [Joshi 1981:449]. sions and other programmes have become outnumber males by four per cent, the single- Among the more settled groups of rural awareof their potentialities and are demanding member female households outnumber single population, labour required for each unit of a share in decision-making process at the com- member male households. The majority of land is more than in the plains. In terms of day- munity level. They are seeking alterations in these single member households belong to 50 to-day life the basis for sex-role differentiation their own situation and unlike Mahatma plus age group. Compared to Chamoli district and relationship between the sexes are linked Gandhi, the leaders of Chipko movement have number of female-headed households in other with the pattern of cultivation and exploitation so far not formulatedtheir views on women and districts of Uttar Pradesh are numnericallylow. of forest wealth and women's position in the their position in society. We are aware that the Male migration from hill areas to the armed society is governed by the norms of patriarchal study of a social movement is adequately taken services and other jobs in the plains is fairly system of social organisation. up only when it becomes a historical fact and common, leaving women to look after the land, IPypically,men must prepare the land for ceases to be of any utility since its purpose is livestock and families. Thus, besides a large cultivation because there are taboos associated already achieved. We are, however, in this case number of single member female households with women operating the plough. Thus, only in initial stages of the movement, we will and other types of female-headed households, women here are never able themselves to begin have to be content with simply recording the there is also in this area fairly large number of the process of cultivating;they must depend on turrent activities which make us feel that im- households, though not female-headed in the men, who also own the land as propertyamong plications of the present situation of conflict census books and in legal terms, fully manag- the Hindus of Garhwal is transmitted in patri- are far and wide for the people of the area in ed and run by females in the absence of male line. Labour requiredto raise crops is, however, general and for women in particular. heads who continue to be the legal owners of almost single-handedly that of the woman. I the family property and de jure heads of the Women do the planting, weeding and harvest- households. Nearly 20 per cent of the house- ing. There are no prestige crops raised by either The Social Setting holds are actually headed by females in the sex exclusively. Most staple crops are raised by The of Uttar Pradesh com- absence of male heads and in 0.4 per cent of women provided men prepare the land by prises four districts of Uttarkashi, Chamoli, the cases women head the household even if, ploughing it for two days in each cropping Tehriand . The four districts cover a total the male spouses are present. season. The preparation of the soil does not area of 27,002 square kilometres and a popula- A visit to the area is enough to realise that automatically give a man the right to distribute tion of 13,90,789 persons, or, 1.58 per cent of topographic and climatic conditions of the area food in or outside the family. It is generally in the total population of Uttar Pradesh. The two require special adaptation by people who have the hands of women. border districts of Uttarkashi and Chamoli are to work extra hard to effect their survival. Dur- Households in a village typically consist of the least populated districts of the state. ing the fieldtrip' to the district, six villages in nuclear families related through patrilineal Districtwise density of population in Garhwal Chamoli Tehsil and one village in Joshimath descent. Paternally/fraternally extended division is below 100. There are more females, Tehsil were visited and open-ended interviews families live in adjoining houses and their plots 104 females per 100 males, in this area. held with rural,vomen and men. Unlike villages of land are situated side by side. Even in nuclear We selected the Chamoli district, as our unit in the Indo-gangetic plains, the rural popula- families norms of the joint family system are of investigation, for studying the role of women tion of this area depends on land as well as observed by the Garhwali Hindus. Those in the Chipko movement because the move- forest for its subsistenceand other requirements Garhwali men who do not migrate to work in ment, initiatedby a group of Sarvodayaworkers of survival. Heavy dependence of rural popula- armed services or other jobs in the plains, par- (followers of Mahatma Gandhi's disciple tion on forest produce makes the character of ticipate little in cultivation, Besides preparing Vinobha Bhave), originated here. The total area social life in this region significantly different the land for planting men build and repairtheir of Chamoli district is 9,125 square kilometres. from that of rural populations in the plains. dwellings, do the marketing and participate in It has four Tehsil (revenue and administrative Nearly each family in the villages owns land, the socio-religious and political activities of the sub-divisions), namely, Joshimath, Karna- covering an area of less than an acre. Annual community. Cash sent by migrant male earners prayag, Chamoli and Ukimath. Population- crops grown here are wheat, paddy, pulses and is used by women to pay for family's needs. A wise, the district has fifty-third place in the oil seeds. Farmingis mainly dependent on mon- man who does not earn cash by doing a paid state. Ninety-six per cent of the district popula- soon rains rather than irrigation channels. job is more or less a retired man, and does tion lives in villages. There are 1,649 villages Food grains produced per farm suffice for almost nothing except ploughing his plot of in the district and of these 1,488 are inhabited. consumption of three to six months by an land for two days in each cropping season and Of the total population of the district 58.01 per average family of five members. For the rest.'of repairing his homestead. Even the cattle which

1789 October 13, 1984 ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY the family may own is looked after by the marriage between the bride-givers and bride- males and 2 females are literate. Education has women of the household. The burden of trans- takers. Gifts are given according to the entered this region in a significant manner.One porting crops from the fields also falls on economic and ritual status of the bride's father. old woman in DewaraKharore village requested women and girls. Senior men of the patrilineage Among the non-twice born castes and also me to stop the spread of education as under hold political offices and wield social power among some tribal groups the practiceof bride- its impact all boys of the village like to migrate over junior males as well as over all women of price is more common. Both in the case of out, leaving women to cope with harsh life of their families. dowry and bride-price the gift-exchange is, the hills, Another woman brought out ill-effects The major work of cooking and other food however,not substantial,therefore, there are few of construction of roads by saying, "Now out- processing for daily meals is carried out by repercussionsof either norm on the practice of siders are coming to sell their fancy wares to women. including collection of firewood and divorce in both types of marriage. Divorce in us who had never used these bright things fetching of water. Collection of fuel for hearth this area is a realistic option for both men and before. The people in hill areas are now being and fodder for cattle alone take nearly four to women. After divorce, the woman calls upon exploited by outsiders and many people are also five hours of women's day. Cooking of meals her father/brother to grant use of land for being displaced from their land by outsiders" and rearing of childrpn are exclusive respon- cultivation until she contractsanother marriage. She added, "Come with me to the local market sibilities of women. Thus, her subsistence is assured and the ques- and see for yourself that it is monopolised by For crafts there is no obvious division of tion of alimony becomes irrelevant. outsiders who sell things which we have no use labour. Both men and women weave and make Regarding the distribution of power and for except making us lazy and good for garments, though trading in craftsware is ex- authority in the family men hold assigned nothing. Previously local people had the habit clusively in the hands of men. By cultivating power and women are seen to exerciseunassign- of walking over long distances and now even crops for household consumption women, have ed power, i e, they seek compliance through for covering a short distance they prefer to wait on the other hand, almost an exclusive control withholding food and sexual access. In almost for the bus.. Now we have more hotels by the and management of food in their hands. The all the villages, we found a separation of roadside and people go and eat in these dirty routine physical care of the homestead-house- political and domestic spheres and along with places, thus contract infectious diseases and re- keeping in its literal sense-is the charge of the extended family structures,power and authority quire hospitalisation for long periods" Thus, wife. Since the labour of a household is never are built around a hierarchy of males. Women in her views all development has had negative enough to provide a surplus over the needs of appear to be trying to influence the men impact on people's life. the household, the woman, though in exclusive holding authority. One woman said that those Talking with some local teachers and control over the distribution of goods, has men who do not hold any political office- students, it appeared that development in the hardly a position of''comm'and'in 'a'society in e g, membership of the or form of roads, schools, hospitals, hotels, shops which the man has ample of surplus time to village assembly-and try to help the women and other means of communication like engage in activities other than subsistence pur- of theif families in their houses and farm work, cinema, radio and librarieshas ensured increas- suits [Lancaster 1976:539-64].Control over the are made fun of. Thus, some women explain- ed participation of Garhwal region in the allocation of the patrilineal group's resources ed that even if their men would like to help mainstream of national development. Some is solely in male hands. The resources,including them in child-minding or agricultural tasks, men in Nail Malana village, with a population land, livestock, the political and ritual offices they would not like this to be known to other of 118 persons only, said that "before all of us in the patrilinealgroup and the control over the men in the village. If a woman is lazy or not walked barefoot and our soles were torn and marriages of sisters and daughters of the men efficient in housekeeping, the husband is ex- rough. Now all of us have Hawai chappals and are in the hands ot' senior men. Controlling and pected to give her an occasional beating. If a terrycot shirts to keep cold off our bodies. manipulating of supernatural beings, entitle- woman finds herself managing well in her There are hospitals to take the sick persons to. ment to political control on others, leadership house and fields and even then if her husband Before people died away in the absence of doc- and authority are men's domain. Women say beats her, she decides either to go back to her tors and medicines". One man said, "If a man that they do not have even a moment's respite father/brother or if she is a strong person, to could join armed forces, he was lucky. If he from back-breaking routine of housekeeping outbeat the man. Such a woman is, of couse, could manage to find a job of even a watchman and cultivating fields, therefore, 'they do only an exception, said the villagers. in a big city like Lucknow or Delhi, he was not/cannot participate in political and ritual IMPACT OF GOVERNMENT INITIATED again a lucky person. But mostly, men went out life of the community as actors. Regular rain- PROGRAMMES to scrub dishes in hotels and could not send any making ceremony, vitally important ritual for In almost all the villages we were told that money back home. Many men remained at the welfare of the entire population, is organis- the various development plans and the tribal home without anything to do except smoke pipe ed by men. welfare schemes, introduced by the government and watch the wife work in the field" "Now", Women by granting or withholding food and have actually failed to make an impact on the he said, "a man can go out and work at least sometimes also sexual accessibility use their poor standard of living of rural people in as a daily wage labourer on a construction site rights as sources of control. Men not sexually general and on the worsening conditions of and earn Rs 16 per day". He thought that this available to her (her sons/father/brothers) are household drudgeryof women in particular.On was a sign of progress and he gave example of sources of help and support and similarly,men the other hand, there are prominently visible his son who passed out from the local govern- view women in the role of mother/sister as signs of change in the local scene in the form ment post-graduate college and became a friendly, supportive and generally venerable. of government initiated developmental pro- teacher in a school after passing a course in They consider women in the role of wives at grammes of construction of roads, increased teacher's training. Another man said that peo- best of loyalty and at worst as of hostility, ex- number of educational, medical and housing ple in this area are simple-minded and so they pressed in the form of witchcraft. The degree facilities. can easily be exploited by more cunning fellows of sexual freedom before marriage allowed to In Chamoli districtalone there are 66 govern- from the plains. Therefore, he wanted his boys both boys and girls is confined to the extent ment intermediate colleges and three post- to study hard and outmanoeuvre those fellows. that a girl does not become pregnant. graduate colleges. The district registeredan in- One old man stated in a calm voice, "Whether Among most Hindu groups of the twice-born crease of 50.03 per cent in literacyin the 1961-71 we like it or not, the government is opening up castes, marriage is within the endogamous decade. In Kathura, a village of 35 families, this area and for sure, the government is only groups and village exogamy is a norm. There there were 55 males and 9 females literate,while working in its own selfish interests, and it has is an exchange of presentations at the time of in Sainji village, comprising three families, 6 no aim of benefiting the people. All the same

17()90 ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY October 13, 1984

it is upto us to benefit from the new develop- forest policy. Again on November 14, 1972there the local people. According to its workers, the ments and if we want to take advantage of the was a meeting of presidents of all village mountain people did not benefit from the new schemes, we much prepare ourselves to assemblies of Dasholi block, followed by a development schemes, initiated by the govern- come forward and push the outsiders out' demonstrationwhich was repeatedin December ment after the 1962 border war with China. II 1972. In January 1973 there were many meet- Besides in 1970 when the monsoon rains flood- ings at Gopeshwar and the leader of this group, A the ,and hundredsof homes The Chipko Movement C P Bhatt went to Dehra Dun and met the of- were swept -way, the DGSM workersalso laun- In the context of the above setting, I shall ficials of the Forest Department. In February ched a relief operation, reaching the mountain now give a brief sketch of the Chipko 1973 there were again meetings in Gopeshwar villagers n..rooned by the flood. During the movement2 as initiated by some regarding the government forest policy and in operation, the workers realised that the chief workers in Chamoli district. The movement March 1973 C P Bhatt resigned from the cause of the flood was the clear-cutting of started on April 24, 1973 at Mandal, Chamoli membership of Uttar Pradesh Cottage In- mountain slopes by the lumber companies, district. Before this event took place, the dustries Board as a protest against the govern- causing soil-erosion. Despite the Forest Depart- organisers of the movement had already been ment forest policy. ment's programme of planting cleared slopes, active in this area in the field of social The Forest Department which had earlier they remained bare. Along with clear-cutting, reconstruction for the previous thirteen years. refused the DGSM's annual (1972-73) request the DGSM workerspointed out, the road build- C P Bhatt and his co-workers, belong to for ten ash trees for its farm tools workshop, ing often caused landslides. The workers Chamoli district and work for the growth of allotted 300 ash trees to the Simon Company, prepared a report and submitted it to the avenues of employment for local people. They a sporting goods manufacturerfrom the plains. government but they also understood that the believe in the ideology of non-violence as pro- The Forest Department had put tennis rackets government's forest policy was mainly respon- pagated by Mahatma Gandhi and Vinoba before the plough. In March 1973 the agents sible for soil-erosion and hence recurringfloods Bhave and call themselves Sarvodaya workers. of the Simon Company arrived in Gopeshwar in the area. They did not expect the government In 1960, they founded a workers' co-operative to supervise the cutting of the trees. There also to do much to retrieve the situation. which organised unskilled and semi-skilledcon- arrived the Chipko3 movement. In 1973 again the monsoon rains brought struction workers. For sometime, they worked On March 27, 1973 at a meeting in Gopesh- another spate of floods in the area. By this time successfully in this field but later were out- war it was decided that the local people will not the DGSM had fairly well spelt out their inter- manoeuvred by rich contractors who created let a single tree be felled by the Simon Com- connected goals of raising the local people's stronger lobby for themselves in official circles. pany. On April 24, 1973 the DGSM workers consciousness regarding the government's Then this group thought of creating more and about 100 villagers from nearby areas mar- wrong forest policy and conscientising them employment through forests and in 1964 ched out of Gopeshwar, beating drums and towardtheir rights for the use of the local forest established the Dasholi Gram Swarajya Man- singing traditionalsongs to Mandal village. The (vanon ke hak hakuk) as well as their respon- dal (DGSM) and entered the market by buy- Simon Company agents and their men retreated sibility for preservationof environmentthrough ing rights over forest through auction, for its from Mandal without felling trees. This event a programmeof afforestation. We have already small workshop making farm tools for local had an effect on the Forest Department which seen that during their history of twelve years use. Here again after initial success, the group offered to let the DGSM have one ash tree if (1962 to 1971) the DGSM workers were able to was outmanoeuvred by other contractors. it allowed the Simon Company its full quota. organise local people. They themselves belong- In the meantime, the DGSM thought of star- The DGSM refused the offer and the Forest ed to the area and therefore, realised the actual ting a new enterprise-collecting of roots and Department increased the offer to two, then problems of the area and could easily explain herbs frbm the forest. In this field from 1969 three, five and finally ten trees, the DGSM's full them to the people in their own language. Thus, to 1972 the DGSM gave employment to about quota. The DGSM refused all the way. The critical awareness of injustice and systematic 1,000 persons. In 1971 the DGSM opened a Forest Department had to cancel the Simon inculcation of attitude, requiredfor appropria- small processing plant in Gopeshwar with the Company's permit and the trees were assigned tion of resources was gradually built up by the help of Khadi Gramodyog Commission. The to the DGSM instead. movement. So long the workers of the move- plant manufactured turpentine and resin from The Forest Department also ended the ment organised people to get employment pine sap. Here, again the DGSM had to face discrimination in pine sap supplies. But at the through exploiting local resources,it was mainly difficulties because the Forest Department did same time it allotted the Simon CQmpanya new in relation to the men of the area, that the not allot adequate supplies of pine sap even set of ash trees in the Phata Forest, in another DGSM operated. when the price paid for it was higher than the part of the district. On June 20, 1973, another The flood relief work organised by the one for a partly state-owned producer in the local leader, Kedar Singh Ravat (a Communist workersadded to the movement another dimen- plains. In 1971-72 for eight months the plant Party member), joined hands with the Sarvo- sion, i e, the preservation of the environment. had to be closed down for lack of raw material. daya workersand organisedthe Chipko demon- While the two aspects-employment for local The plant worked only for four months and stration in Phata which is 80 kilometres away population and reservation of their customary produced resin worth Rs 3,50,000 and turpen- from Gopeshwar. Villagers of Phata and rights over the minor forest produce and the tine worth Rs 75,000 and distributed Rs 13,000 Tarasali kept a vigil on their trees until conservation of forest are interrelatedproblems, as wages to labourers. The Sarvodaya workers December 1973, the last date of validity for the it was the last problem which connected the faced difficulties with the government policy Simon Company's permission. Thus began a movement to a larger body of population and in each of their enterprises, viz, the association long story of the Chipko movement which grew included women along with men in its fold. of skilled and unskilled construction workers; out of the needs of the people in the hill areas. During the flood relief operations, the DGSM founding of DGSM for startingsmall industries The Sarvodaya Mandal, based in workers observed the sad plight of the women using the forest resources; a small workshop Tehri Garhwal, decided to spread the message who lost their houses, farms and cattle in making tools for local use; buying and of the Chipko movement to villagers in the floods. Besides the floods, recurringlandslides marketing of herbs collected by local people, whole region of the and Sunderlal (massive ones in 1977, 1978 and 1979) in the and the small processing plant. Bahuguna began on October 25, 1973 his 120 area caused severe damage toJife and proper- On October 22, 1971, villagers from nearby days' march on foot. ty, making villagers almost paupers. While areas demonstratedin Gopeshwar (headquarter Prior to this, the movement had confined working in areas affected by floods and land- of Chamoli district) against the government itself to the problems of unemployment among slides gave C P Bhatt and his companions an

1791 October 13, 1984 ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY

insight into women's problems and a direct con- in an area of over 450 square miles in the Reni, ed man. Here again, as we learnt above, the tact with them. forest tract. This event blazed a trail. At women showed a better sense of judgment than In the background of this experience,we can Gopeshwar in June 1975, at Bhynder valley the menfolk of the village. Once they.werecon- appreciate the turn of events with the Chipko (Valley of Flowers) in January 1978, at Parsari vinced of the basic issue of forest conservation, struggle at Reni (Jpshimath tehsil). The Forest (Joshimath)in August 1979 and at Dongri Pain- no amount of threatening behaviour of their Department announced an auction of almost toli in February 1980, women came out to take men could stop them from acting. 2,500 trees in the Reni forest overlooking lead in the Chipko demonstrations and saved III Alaknanda river.On March 15, 1974 C P Bhatt forests from felling. After the Reni success remindedthe villagersabout the 1970 flood and C P Bhatt and his workers began to address Comparison of Two Cases warned them of more landslides and floods if themselves to women and found them very sen- If we compare the Reni and Dongri Pain- the remaining forests were cut down. He sug- sitive and responsive to ecological problems. toli cases, in Reni women simply acted as there gested to hug the trees as a tactic to save them. Women, who were never seen before in any of were no men in the village and they only ask- Who heard him carefully? As the consequent the village meetings were asked to attend them ed the labourers to wait for their men to return events show, it was women who got his message. and began to turn out in great numbers. so that some talk could take place between the A woman leader, called Gaura Devi, organis- As C P Bhatt explained, the events at Dongri two sides of equals. Women took charge of the ed the women of her village, Lata, and faced Paintoli village indicated a new development scene only in the absence of men. Once they the men of the company which had won the in the movement. During a meeting between did take charge, they succeeded in what they auction for felling the trees-of Reni forest. It the members (all male) of the village council attempted. In Dongri Paintoli case, it was much was a situation, which almost forced women and the officials of the Horticulture Depart- more than taking a decision in the absence oi to take action which they did with firmness and ment, it was decided chat the Oak forest near men. Here they stood up against the decisions unyielding courage. Dongri Paintoli will be given to the Horticulture made by their own men. They faced opposi- As a matter of fact, as a result of a preplan- Department for felling and this departmentwill tion from men and held to their conviction. ned conspiracy on March 26, 1974 C P Bhatt provide the villagers a cemented road, a higher In order to explain this show of power on was kept in Gopeshwar by a visit from a Aigh secondary school, new hospital and electricity the part of women, it was pointed out by a level Forest Department official and the for their village. Some of the DGSM workers member of the Mahila Mandal of Gopeshwar villagers of the area near Reni forest were ask- and C P Bhatt on hearing of this decision held that since women control most of agricultural ed to go to the town of Chamoli to collect the a public meeting in the village and explained operations and cattle rearing, men are quite compensation money due to them for lan'd the. importance of the conservation of their dependent on them for their daily subsistence, Eakenfor military purposes after the 1962 war forests. it is not, therefore, easy for men to coerce their with China. Thus, the local men had all gone The villagers, specially the members of the women into compliance of their wishes. In this to Chamoli and C P Bhatt was held back in village council, did not, however, agree with situation we are able to study a subtle interplay Gopeshwar when the employers from the C P Bhatt and maintainedthat school, hospital, of power and authority. Because of different lumber company reached the outskirts of the road and electricity are far more important for situations assigned to males and females in the Reni forest. Here they were spotted by a little the village than a few hundred trees. All the Garhwalisociety, they tend to have different in- girl, who informed Gaura Devi, a middle-aged same, efforts of C P Bhatt and others did not terests and consequently there are conflicts over Bhotia woman. She realisedthat something was go waste on local women, who decided to hold issues as discussed above. to be done immediately if the trees were to be a Chipko demonstration if anyone came to fell The less powerful group in the situation tends saved from felling. the trees of Oak forest. They even asked to create its own values and norms although In the absence of men, the women of Lata C P Bhatt and his men to come and help them the dominant group tries to overpowerthe less did some quick thinking and took an immediate in this task. On hearing about the invitation powerful. Nonetheless as we can clearly see in course of action. A group of 30 women and to C P Bhatt by the women of the village, the present case the subordinate group is a children hurried and caught up with the con- members and president of the village council source of dissent, alternativeideology and agent tractor's men who had set up a camp and were felt infuriated at the outrageous behaviour of of change. The Dongri Paintoli event shows that cooking their mid-day meal. They (the women) their women. They, on the one hand, issued a whenever there is even a little bit of expression asked the men to finish their meal and then written warning to C P Bhatt that if he would. of dissent, there is an encounter with returnto the village (Lata) and wait to talk with interfere with the village women, he will be powerholders. Women's decision to overrule the village men on their return from Chamoli. dealt with by being killed upon his arrival to men's objections and follow their own convic- Gaura Devi described the.encounter in graphic the village, and on the other hand, issued oral tion is one expression of womanpower and im- details by commenting on the rude behaviour threats to their women. plications of this expression for the existing of some men and her courage in pushing herself All this did not deter the women of Dongri power structure.need to be studied. forward in front of the gun of one of the Paintoli and on February 9, 1980 they did not Routinely inflicted violence on women by labourers.She challenged the man to first shoot even wait for C P Bhatt to arrive. They came men becomes more visible in situations of open her down, then only to touch the trees. She out in large numbersand held a Chipko demon- defiance by women and the crisis of conflict compared the forest with her mother's home s'trationand saved the forest. On February 18, deepens rather than being solved. In some (maika). By facing the men squarely, she and 1980, the government ordered the stoppage of villages, women have demanded an equal right her companions forced them to retreat.Follow- the forest felling in that area and on March 9, along with men to decide the affairs of their ing this demonstration of strength by.women, 1980, in accordance with the recommendation villages. They argue that since agriculture and the Uttar Pradesh government decided to set of a high power committee, the forest felling animal rearing are entirely dependent on them up a committee of experts to investigate the in that area was banned. and both are closely linked to the forest, women situation and the lumber company withdrewit, It was reported by members of the Mahila must be consulted regarding decisions on men from Reni to wait for the committees Mandal (Women's group) in Gopeshwar that forestry.They asked, why are they not members decision. women of Dongri Paintoli village were oppress- of the village councils? The committee after two years reported that ed by men of their families. Defamation of It is obvious that in this area the woman is the Reni forest was a sensitive area and no trees women leaders was resortedto and women were the nucleus of the family-in many cases sup- should be cut in this region, therefore the asked not to attend the Chipko meetings, port of the man is not even available. Apart governmentput a ten-yearban on all tree-felling presided by a leader who was painted as a wick- from the months of February, March, June,

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July, September and October when they are understood that felling of trees is harmful for depending on nature. One man commented, busy in cultivation, women spend most of their their well-being and they simply acted accor- "once we know what it means to ride a bus and time collecting minor forest produce. The for- ding to their convictions. On the basis of their travel long distances without walking, we can- ests are an integral sphere of daily activities of past interaction with government officials, men not go back to old ways".Some even talked with these women. With the disappearanceof forest are convinced of the great powers of the govern- enthusiasm about the schemes of generating from areas nearer villages, women have to walk ment and its policies. They consider it wrong hydro-electricityin the area whereas immediate- eight to ten kilometresto meet their daily needs. to oppose the government. ly some women retorted that generating elec- They have to walk over slopes with heavy loads tiricity will mean giving shocks to the of firewood and grass on their backs. Often LESSONS OF THE CHIPKO MOVEMENT Himalayas and more of soil-erosion and loss they fall and meet death (see issue of the fort- The conceptual models of development are of environment for the local people while the nightly newspaper Devabhumi from Nanda generally Eurocentric and thereby reflect the electricity will be used by the people in the Prayag). For lack of time they are unable to colonial approach of social sciences and plains. look after their children. The mental and physi- policies based on them. This approach does not It is clear that the prevailing model of cal strain of daily life affects their health and provide a context for the study of development developmentbased on modernisation (westerni- also that of their children. The village songs in Third World countries. The non-indigenous sation) theory has meant a high social cost express the resentment by women of their means of education in most Third World seats which the ordinary people pay. For poor men drudgery. Having become conscientised of the of learning give rise to imitative and uncritical more of hotels, shops, construction work, forest's role in their lives and their role in. sav- learning without concern with the major pro- schools, hospitals and other such developments ing the forest, women find it natural to ask for blems of the people. Even in Garhwal, men mean further avenues for reducing their their share in decision-making process whereby belonging to educated and progressive class dependence on women by earning cash hence they can also decide as to what trees will be simply follow the pattern in taking the western their option for this kind of development. Con- planned around their villages and whether or model of development as an ideal. As a result versely,women who produce most or all of sub- not anyone should be allowed to cut a tree. the generalattempt towardsself-reliant develop- sistence goods wish to maintain the status quo In Gopeshwar,women have formed a Mahila ment are not appreciated by educated official by retainingthe traditional eco-system. Women Mandal to ensure protection of the forest class and are treated as reactionary and 'back see the question of forest conservation as one around the town. Its guarding is carried out to nature' approach. of their survival. regularlyby waatchwomenwho r-gularly receive There, however, have come up original ap- Thus, we have a situation where female wages in kind and under their watchful eyes the prQachesbased on specific experiences of par- energy is concentratedin subsistence,reproduc- extractionof forest produce for daily necessities ticular societies. These approaches use the con- tive and nurturing spheres and the male energy is done in a regulatedmanner so as not to harm cepts like marginality(Paso Gonzales Casanova is concentrated in public power and authoity. the trees. Anyone violating these rules is fined of Mexico), action research (Orlando Fals Women did not traditionally command public and this fine is deposited in a common fund. Borda in Colombia), social investigation (as power and authority. New ecological questions Those who do not obey rules also risk the developed in China). One such approach was have sensitised these women towards issues, so punishment of their tools being confiscated. developed by Mahatma Gandhi who conceiv- far dealt with by men only. In our case women Collection of dry twigs and grain leaves in ed action-oriented strategies, based on the are dependent on men to meet their non- March and April is allowed freely but any kind poorest of the poor and aimed at a non-violent subsistence needs. Now with more paid jobs of misuse is severelydealt with. More and more world order.His disciple Vinoba Bhave initiated available to men in construction and other of the DGSM educational camps are now at- a movement known as Sarvodayawhich sought labouring sector, men are not so much depen- tended by women despite their busy routine. development of all-high and low, rich and poor. dent on women for their subsistence needs. They take part in discussions and become arti- Inspired by these ideologies, some social These changes are causing reformulation of culate in expressing their views through this workers began the Chipko movement for pre- traditional relationships between the sexes in form of non-formal education. Their pro- servation of forests in the sub-Himalayan this area. gramme is, of course, in initial stages and in region of Garhwal. They emphasised the Women's participation in the Chipko move- most villages women were found busy in their aspects of need-oriented programmes, endo- ment has implications for possible changes in day-to-day tasks with no time for the Chipko genous strategies, self-reliance, ecological gender relationships in the Garhwali society. In meetings and camps. balance and structural changes so that there is an interview the leader of the Chipko move- We can only say that the two cases of Reni a high degree of participation by all in national ment in Chamoli district, summarised the pre- and Dongri Paintoli and the organisation of development. There is also included the choice sent situation by saying that presently 90 per women into Mahila Mandal at Gopeshwar are of applying small-scale technology as a cent of women and 10 per cent of men of the indicative of latent potentialities of organisa- positively superior method of development to area are with him while 90 per cent of men and tion and mobilisation of resourcesby conscien- high technology' in the west. 10 per cent of women are against him as they tised women. The situational analysis of the Garhwali men and women, belonging to consider him to be a foe of local people. He crisis-periods show how rural women work in higher castes placed in the government,admini- considers that only through working with non- handling their problems. When new ideas and stration, politics, business and other fields, feel violent methods of spreading the awareness methods of handling problems are introduced that with the government'sinterest in their area about ecological problems and their solution by leaders, they are quick on the uptake. after the 1962 border war with China, they have through a positive programmeof afforestation, The situation of conflict arose because of the already got roads, schools, colleges, hospitals the movement will one day win over the other different meanings to development being at- and other development schemes. Men in rural 90 per cent of men. He claims, "Even if I have tached by. different groups. Men, who sit in areas feel that it is no use opposing these moves to die for the cause of our movement, I and village councils and other village bodies and of the authorities. Some men said that there my companions are prepared for the same". head their families view the government of- is always some cost of the development and in It appears that what we read about women's ficials with a great deal of respect and fear. their case the cost was the loss of the innocence participation in the movement and what its They dare not oppose these officials. Women, of Garhwali men. Yet, the men I spoke to in leaders talk about are simplified and idealised on the other hand, never had any contact with villages feel that it was not for them to stop images of the reality. The idealisation has, in governmentofficials or other outsiders and had development. Some also said that the DGSM turn, led to an unrealistic belief that participa- no model of interaction with them. They only wants people to go back to primitivism of tion of wvomenin the development process can

1793 October 13, 1984 ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY be achieved by a mere ideological commitment variably tensions and inequalities which have Tehsil. In the existing power structure, men and a few organisational devices. As the above implications for the stratification system of the dominate, women find themselves too oppress- account of the DGSM and its activities has society as a whole. The questions are: Is it possi- ed to wage a war against oppression. The im- revealed the release of spontaneity and creati- ble that few instances of successful exercises of pact of the Chipko movement is certainly visi- vity of ruralwomen of Garhwal is a by-product power by women would lead to further ble in some of the places while resistance by of actions initiated at grassroots level by the demands of sharing power in public and majority of men against its advance also is Sarvodaya workers for increasing awareness of private? Are women able to face opposition equally apparent. people about environment. Presently, the from men and for how long? Does coercion by Notes workers and their leaders face the problem of men alienate women from their families or does handling an unforeseen release of womanpower there come about another realationship bet- 1 The 'author is grateful to the Indian Social in this area. 'rraditionallythe basis for sex-role ween the sexes? These questions cannot be Institute, New Delhi for financing the field differentiation and types of relationship bet- answered right now. As the movement is still trip to Garhwal, during September-October, ween the sexes are mainly linked with the pat- in its infancy, we have to observe further 1982. tern of cultivation and expliotation of forest developments and again discuss women's role 2 It is fairly clear that the Chipko is one of the produce. Though not recognised as owners in it. people's ecological movement, existing over past ten years. These movements are basically women have rights to dispose off crops by home- One of the possible explanation of why different from recent concern over economic- consumption, of retention as an emergency women of this region participated the move- crisis in the western world, where industrial resources, of exchange and gift giving. As ment can be the ideological basis of the Sarvo- pollution is threatening the life style of peo- ecological balance is an important aspect of daya workers. Belief in non-violence, co- ple in developed nations. In the Chipko new approaches to development, women's con- operation and self-help are the basic axioms of movement there is a concern over the very cern with locnl ecological problems is vital for the Sarvodya philosophy and it would appear survival of people in the hill areas and therefore we have the popular struggle by the their own sake. Change in traditional pattern that women, away from the intricaciesof public people rather than the use of media to in- of power and authority is being demanded by power and political activities, genuinely believe some women. fluence policies of the government, which in the ideas of co-operation and self-help. The would be seen as a bourgeois deviation In a majority of programmes for women's norm of non-violence comes to them as a (cf Mitra 1982). development there is the topdown approach in natural and more effective weapon in terms of 3 Originally for huggi)ngthe trees the local peo- which decision-making, evaluation and control moral pressures on offenders. This is only a ple used the word angavaltha which literal- lie with planners and policy-makers while ac- hypothesis and not an interpretationof the pat- ly means 'embracing'. Later the Garhwali tual participants do not have scope for growth terns of behaviour among rural women of word was replaced by the Hinai word of skills and political say to decide their own Chamoli in the face of adverse circumstances, Chipko, meaning 'hugging'. affairs. But if we aspire for change in social and threatening their survival and continuity. political situation of women we have then to References In the present situation it is hard to perceive look at alternative approaches to replace the if the model of Reni and Dongri Paintoli Joshi, G, 1981, 'Forest Policy and Tribal traditional power structure; hence the need to women will become common in Garhwal Development', Social Action, 31:446-68. study women's participation in social region. Alternatively they may define their Lancaster,C S, 1076, 'Women, Horticultureand movements. needs in terms of a culture, disseminated by the Society in Sub-Saharan Africa', American In India in recent historical times women mass-media which is yet another product of the Anthropologist, 1978:539-64. participated in the nationalist movement and Minault, G, 1981, "The Extended Family: dominant ideology, fast entering the hills of studies of their role in the freedom movement Women and Political Participation in India Garhwal from the have provided insights into the potentialities of Indo-gangetic plains. Spon- and Pakistan", Chanakya Publications, behaviour of the Reni and women's organisational power (Minault 1981). taneous Dongri Delhi. Paintoli villages was not reflected in the cons- In the post-independence period, there have, Mitra, S, 1982, 'Ecology as Science and Science cientisation of the literate women and Political however, been very few cases of women's par- process Fiction". Economic and Weekly, girls one met in the six villages of Chamoli 17:147-52. ticipation in social movements in India. To get at the forms of participation most beneficial to women, we need to have a broad multi- * dimensional approach taking account of the The Nilgiris: Madras District Gazetteers/ W. Francis. 1984. costs involved in the implementation of a pro- 408p., table, 26 cm. Rs. 325/- $ 65. gramme. If the cost is reduced by the use of * Private Letters of the Marquess of Dalhousie/J.G.A. Baird. and labour as is local resources voluntary pro- tables, 22 cm, Rs. 300/- $ 60: vided by women to the Chipko movement, this 1984. 464 p., leads to self-reliancewhich is a pre-requisitefor * Ancient System of Irrigation in Bengal/ Sir William change in women'sown situation. Undoubtedly, Willcocks. 1984. 133 p., 1 fold map, 22 cm. Rs. 100/- $ 20. involves a the principle of self-help, heavy * The Burmese Empire, A Hundred Years Ago/ Sangermano. burdenon the alreadyoverworked and deprived section. This approach, however, bypasses the 1984. xi, 312 p., 22 cm. Rs. 225/- $ 45. problemof the dependencies often encountered. * Market Centres and Regidnal Development/ Rocket in topdown projects. Ibrahim. 1984. 320 p., tables, fig. maps, 22 cm. Rs. 200/- $ 40. Although with increasingnumber of changes in the law there may be less of explicit oppres- Available from sion of women, sex-based inequalities are part of social values existing informally and unoffi- B.R. Publishing Corporation cially. Even the supportersof the Chipko move 461, Vivekanand Nagar, ment and its leadersare not free from these con- DELHI - 110052. straints. In home and family situations egali- tarianism is almost absent and there are in-

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