OBJ (Application/Pdf)

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

OBJ (Application/Pdf) AU ESSAY ON THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE THEORY OF RENT A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF ATLANTA UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS BY LAMAR HARRIS, JR. DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS ATLANTA, GEORGIA AUGUST 1961 (UUL T t ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The writer wishes to express sincere thanks and appreciation to Dr. Hugo Skala, his advisor, and Head of the Department of Economics, without whose diligent assistance and guidance this work would not have been possible; and to Dr. Edward B. Williams for his untiring efforts in assisting with the completion of.this work. I wish to thank my wife, Gloria Jean, for her assistance with this work and for her devotion and inspiration. Thanks are also due Mrs. Mary Ellen James for her patience and understanding in the final typing of this thesis. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS il INTRODUCTION 1 Chapter I. MOVEMENTS, EVENTS, AND WRITERS PRECEDING THE CLASSICISTS . 3 The Beginning of Commercial Renting . 3 The Black Deaths * 3 The Enclosure Movement U The Agricultural Revolution U Forerunners to the Classicists 7 Sir William Petty 7 The Physiocrats 9 Turgot 11 II. THE CLASSICISTS 13 Adam Smith 13 The Period Preceding Maithus and Ricardo 16 Thomas Robert Malthus 19 David Ricardo 21 III. LATER WRITINGS ON THE THEORY OF RENT 26 Henry C. Carey, Nineteenth Century - American School ... 26 Frederic Bastiat, Ninettenth Century - French Writer ... 27 John Stuart Mill, Nineteenth Century - Classical School . 28 Karl Rodbertus, Nineteenth Century - State Socialist ... 29 Richard Jones, Nineteenth Century - British Historical Critic ........ 30 Carl Menger, Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries - Austrian School .... 31 Alfred Marshall, Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries - Classical School ... 31 Conclusion 32 SUMMARY 38 BIBLIOGRAPHY h2 iii INTRODUCTION Problem.—The problem of this thesis is to treat the theory of rent from the following points of view: (1) the practical situation out of which the theory developed, (2) formulation of the theory, (3) changes which have occurred in the theory since its formulation, and (k) to reveal some recent practical determinants of rent. Scope.—-This thesis is concerned first with the practical situations from the fourteenth to the eighteenth centuries. Secondly, it is concerned with the latter part of the eighteenth and the early part of the nineteenth centuries, the period in which the theory was formulated. Lastly, it is concerned with the later writings on the theory and the practical deter¬ minants of rent during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The theory of rent ignored relations between feudal landlords and their serfs, later tenants, who had to work on the estates of their land¬ lords as a part of rent. The problems that existed between the landlords, their serfs, and rent were left to be solved by law or political systems. Because these problems did not affect the theory of rent, land reforms are out of the scope of this thesis. Procedure.—Various economic history books were used in the systema¬ tic arrangement of the material gathered for the studyj for example, A History of Economic Ideas by Edmund Whittaker, and History of Economic Thought by Lewis Haney. Schools and Streams of Economic Thought by Whit¬ taker, and A History of Economic Ideas by Robert Lekachman have also been invaluable. Curtler’s A Short History of English Agriculture provided 1 2 indispensable data concerning English agricultural conditions from the fourteenth to the nineteenth century. Original source books from Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations to Alfred Marshall's Principles of Economics were used to gather the data for systematic arrangement. Essays by Richard Jones and Karl Rodbertus were also used. CHAPTER I MOVEMENTS, EVENTS AND WRITERS PRECEDING THE CLASSICISTS It is evident that something in the practical nature of land led to the formulation of the rent theoiy by English Classical Writers in eco¬ nomics, when tenants began to rent land during the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries in England. "It has been common to date commercial renting from this period."'*' It is believed that the Black Deaths in the fourteenth century and the enclosure movement, associated with the pros¬ perity of sheep fanning in the sixteenth century had widespread influence in this connection. The famous Black Deaths occurred in the middle of the fourteenth century and is said to be the worst plague that has ever visited England. Curtler describes the results of the Black Deaths as causing a revolution in agriculture and the beginning of the modern tenant farmers ... It raged in 13U8-9, and killed from one-third to one-half of the people... It also accelerated the breakup of the manoral system. A large number of free labourers were swept away, and their labour lost to the lord of the manor? the service of the Villeins was largely di¬ minished from the same cause? many of the tenants, both free and unfree, and the land thrown on the lords hands... Owing to the dearth of labourers for hire, and the loss of many of the services of their demesne lands... Their chief remedy was to let their demesne lands... in the period 1307-1376 the manor underwent a great change. The eco¬ nomic position of the Villeins, the administration of the demesne, and the whole organization of the manor were revolutionized. Much of the 1 W. H. R. Curtler, A Short History of English Agriculture (Oxford, 1909), p. h1. 3 h tenant's land had reverted to the lord, partly by the deaths due to the pestilence, partly because the tenants had left the manors they had run away and left their burdensome holdings in order to get higher wages as free labourers. This of course led to a diminution of labour rents, so the landlord let most of the demesne for a term of years, a process which went on all over England; and thus we have the origin of the modem tenant farmer.! The enclosure movement in the sixteenth century had the effect of conferring freedom on even more laborers. A considerable number of these freemen became tenants of the modem type, holding land by virtue of pay¬ ments that they contracted to make in return. The enclosure was of four kinds : ^ 1. Enclosing the common arable fields for grazing, generally in large tracts, 2. Enclosing the common arable by dividing them into smaller fields. 3* Enclosing the common pasture for grazing or tillage, U. Enclosing the common meadows or mowing grounds, It was the enclosure of the common arable fields for grazing; and to a lesser degree the enclosure of the common pasture for grazing or tillage which were so frequent a source of complaint during the fifteenth and six¬ teenth centuries. The first displaced the small holder, who had gained their livelihood by various types of work connected with tillage, and the third deprived a large number of laborers of their common rights. The enclosure movement was a sign of agricultural progress. The history of the enclosure is part of the history of the great agricultural revolution by which the manorial system was converted into the modem system as we know it today, the tripartition of landlord, tenant farmer, - • Ibid., pp. 1*2-U5» 2 5 and laborers. During the sixteenth century rents began to rise rapidly. From the early part of the sixteenth century, according to Curtleij rent increased ninefold. Farmers began to compete with each other for the possession of land and this raised rents unfairly: "...Landlords raised rents unfairly, for they were quite entitled to what rent they could get in the open market, the farmer being presumably wise enough not to offer rent which would pre¬ clude a profit. It was also noticed that a change in the price of com would in¬ fluence the level of rent. "...Between 1617 and 1621 the price of wheat fell from U3s. 3d to 21s, a quarter, and immediately affected the payment of rent. The fall in the price of com caused a fall in the rent of land. It was during the early part of the seventeenth century that the principle formulated by the classical writers began to operate. At this time, the tenant farmers income covered (l) subsistence wages and (2) the ordinary return on capital — anything that was left went as rent to the ■a landowner. The means by which medieval landholdings or feudal estates were transformed into modern property ownership were either, (l) separated into small proprietorships by abolition or commutation of the cultivators dues or (2) became personal property of the lords by the termination of the 1 Ibid., p. 127. 2 Ibid., p. 13U. 3 Edmund Whittaker, A History of Economic Ideas (New York, l&O)* p* UU8. 6 connection of the serf with the soil. In England most of the land was rented to tenant farmers, but on the continent extensive areas were farmed by noblemen and, in France especially, considerable sales to townsmen and others took place.^ The history of agriculture in the seventeenth and eighteenth centu¬ ries is important for several reasons. It first saw the application of capital in large quantities to farming, the improvements of the time being largely initiated by rich landowners. They were often ably assisted hy tenant farmers. These tenant farmers were now men with considerable capi¬ tal, and they helped amalgamate the small farms into larger ones. With the agricultural revolution in process, the tendency to consolidate small holdings into large farms grew and was looked upon as a decided mark of progress. This agricultural revolution was largely a result of the In¬ dustrial Revolution that then took place in England. Owing to mechanical inventions and the consequent growth of the factory system, the great manu¬ facturing towns arose, demanding a large quantity of food.
Recommended publications
  • 1 Earning Rent with Your Talent
    Earning Rent with Your Talent: Modern-Day Inequality Rests on the Power to Define, Transfer and Institutionalize Talent Jonathan J.B. Mijs Harvard University This paper is forthcoming in Educational Philosophy and Teaching Abstract In this paper I develop the point that whereas talent is the basis for desert, talent itself is not meritocratically deserved. It is produced by three processes, none of which are meritocratic: (1) talent is unequally distributed by the rigged lottery of birth, (2) talent is defined in ways that favor some traits over others, and (3) the market for talent is manipulated to maximally extract advantages by those who have more of it. To see how, we require a sociological perspective on economic rent. I argue that talent is a major means through which people seek rent in modern-day capitalism. Talent today is what inherited land was to feudal societies; an unchallenged source of symbolic and economic rewards. Whereas God sanctified the aristocracy’s wealth, contemporary privilege is legitimated by meritocracy. Drawing on the work of Gary Becker, Pierre Bourdieu and Jerome Karabel, I show how rent-seeking in modern societies has come to rely principally on rent definition and creation. Inequality is produced by the ways in which talent is defined, institutionalization, and sustained by the moral deservingness we attribute to the accomplishments of talents. Consequently, today’s inequalities are as striking as ever, yet harder to challenge than ever before. Key words: Talent; meritocracy; rent; inequality. 1 Introduction Capital makes the world go ‘round. Those who own it reap the rewards. Many of the largest companies in the world are in car manufacturing (Toyota, Volkswagen), petroleum refining (Exxon Mobil, Royal Dutch Shell), and other industries that rely on copious amounts of capital.
    [Show full text]
  • Rent Control: an Interim Report to the Assembly Committee on Housing and Community Development Assembly Committee on Housing and Community Development
    Golden Gate University School of Law GGU Law Digital Commons California Assembly California Documents 9-15-1975 Rent Control: An Interim Report to the Assembly Committee on Housing and Community Development Assembly Committee on Housing and Community Development Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.ggu.edu/caldocs_assembly Part of the Housing Law Commons, and the Legislation Commons Recommended Citation Assembly Committee on Housing and Community Development, "Rent Control: An Interim Report to the Assembly Committee on Housing and Community Development" (1975). California Assembly. Paper 411. http://digitalcommons.law.ggu.edu/caldocs_assembly/411 This Committee Report is brought to you for free and open access by the California Documents at GGU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in California Assembly by an authorized administrator of GGU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RENT CONTROL: AN INTERIM REPORT TO THE ASSEMBLY COMMITTEE ON HOUSING AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT 9/15/75 MEMBERS PETER R. CHACON, Chairman Richard Robinson, Vice Chairman Assemblyman Willie L. Brown, Jr. Assemblyman Kenneth L. Maddy Assemblyman William Campbell Assemblyman Bruce Nestande Assemblyman Paul Carpenter Assemblyman Alfred Siegler Assemblyman Mike Cull:::::n Assemblyman William Thomas Assemblyman Terry Goggin Assemblyman John Vasconcellos Assemblyman Eugene T. Gualco COMMITTEE STAFF Renle Franken, Principal Consultant Marc Sanchez, Consultant Charlotte Ashmun, Legislative Aide Sue Jones, Committee Secretary #455 RENT CONTROL: AN INTERIM REPORT TO THE ASSEMBLY COMMITTEE ON HOUSING AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT Prepared by: RENEE" FRANKEN, PRINCIPAL CONSULTANT AND CHARLOTTE ASHMUN, LEGISLATIVE AIDE SEPTEMBER, 1975 TABLE OF CONTENTS I THE HISTORY OF RENT CONTROLS: AN OVERVIEW INTRODUCTION.
    [Show full text]
  • ' 06Epatkn #.* the (Ace by NOAHI D
    ' 06epatkn #.* the (ace by NOAHI D. ALPER E HEAR a good deal about pre- It is unfortunate that' when "ex- W Civil War slavery, but we sel- perts" attempt land reform, as in dom discuss a pervasive continuing Japan, they revert to the ancient agrar- enslavement from which there seems ian concept which ignores the urban, to be no escape. This slavery affects all industrial, financial and commercial races without discrimination and has aspects of natural-resource-land where nothing to do with color or nationality. oil, minerals, water power and chemi- It has kept the entire human race in cals are available. The answer lies not economic chains. in redistribution of the land itself but Perhaps it could be said that the in its rental value. This can be shared Caucasians had the best opportunity to even though the land cannot be equit- establish individual freedom from eco- ably divided. nomic exploitation and they failed to In the free world where there have do so. Wherever they have been con- never been so many people calling querors they have repeated the historic themselves economists, all of them pattern of exploitation and have added should have probed Ricardo's law of a few forms of their own. They had rent. Too many have failed to see how for their heritage the teaching that this law could be used as a nearly per- "the heaven is the Lord's. the profit fect riethod of achieving economic of the earth is for all." They should justice. Simple as it is, it points to the have given more thought to this ethical natural and equal (or equalized) right precept—the penalty for their neglect to all land in common and, at the same is great.
    [Show full text]
  • Copyrights, Criminal Sanctions and Economic Rents: Applying the Rent Seeking Model to the Criminal Law Formulation Process Lanier Saperstein
    Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology Volume 87 Article 8 Issue 4 Summer Summer 1997 Copyrights, Criminal Sanctions and Economic Rents: Applying the Rent Seeking Model to the Criminal Law Formulation Process Lanier Saperstein Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/jclc Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminology Commons, and the Criminology and Criminal Justice Commons Recommended Citation Lanier Saperstein, Copyrights, Criminal Sanctions and Economic Rents: Applying the Rent Seeking Model to the Criminal Law Formulation Process, 87 J. Crim. L. & Criminology 1470 (1996-1997) This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology by an authorized editor of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. 0091-4169/97/8704-1470 THE JOURNAL OF CRIMINAL LAw & CRIMINOLOGY Vol. 87, No. 4 Copyright © 1997 by Northwestern University, School of Law Printed in U.S.A. COMMENT COPYRIGHTS, CRIMINAL SANCTIONS AND ECONOMIC RENTS: APPLYING THE RENT SEEKING MODEL TO THE CRIMINAL LAW FORMULATION PROCESS* LANIER SAPERSTEIN I. INTRODUCTION Few, if any, public choice theorists' have applied the rent seeking model2 to the criminal law formulation process.3 This is particularly * David Haddock and Fred McChesney provided invaluable comments on earlier drafts. Any remaining errors are solely the responsibility of the author. 1 Public choice is defined as the economic study of non-market decision making, or simply the application of economics to political phenomena. DENNIS C. MUELLER, PUBLIC CHOICE II: A REVISED EDITION OF PUBLIC CHOICE 1 (1989).
    [Show full text]
  • Theorising and Mapping Modern Economic Rents
    Theorising and mapping modern economic rents Mariana Mazzucato Professor in the Economics of Innovation and Public Value, Director, UCL Institute for Innovation and Public Purpose Josh Ryan-Collins Head of Finance and Macroeconomics, Senior Research Fellow, UCL Institute of Innovation and Public Purpose Giorgos Gouzoulis Reseach Fellow, UCL Institute of Innovation and Public Purpose UCL Institute for Innovation and WORKING PAPER Public Purpose WP 2020—13 About the Institute for Innovation and Public Purpose The UCL Institute for Innovation and Public Purpose (IIPP) aims to develop a new framework for creating, nurturing and evaluating public value in order to achieve economic growth that is more innovation-led, inclusive and sustainable. We intend this framework to inform the debate about the direction of economic growth and the use of mission-oriented policies to confront social and technological problems. Our work will feed into innovation and industrial policy, financial reform, institutional change, and sustainable development. A key pillar of IIPP's research is its understanding of markets as outcomes of the interactions between different actors. In this context, public policy should not be seen as simply fixing market failures but also as actively shaping and co-creating markets. Re-focusing and designing public organisations around mission-led, public purpose aims will help tackle the grand challenges facing the 21st century. IIPP is housed in The Bartlett, a leading global Faculty of the Built Environment at University College London (UCL), with its radical thinking about space, design and sustainability. This IIPP Working Paper Series is published electronically at https://www.ucl.ac.uk/bartlett/public-purpose/publications/working-papers.
    [Show full text]
  • Rent Control and the Theory of Efficient Regulation
    University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound Journal Articles Faculty Scholarship 1988 Rent Control and the Theory of Efficient Regulation Richard A. Epstein Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/journal_articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Richard A. Epstein, "Rent Control and the Theory of Efficient Regulation," 54 Brooklyn Law Review 741 (1988). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RENT CONTROL AND THE THEORY OF EFFICIENT REGULATION Richard A. Epstein* My introduction to rent control took place before I entered law school, reflected upon the role of private property in a dem- ocratic society, or learned about theories of efficient regulation. It came in 1963, during my senior year at Columbia College when I was in search of an off-campus apartment. My original quest turned up a lovely four room apartment on 111th Street and Amsterdam Avenue, ideal for me and my prospective room- mate, and a steal at $125 per month. I saw the unit but then was unable to get the superintendent to reach the building owner to close the deal. Later I was told by a wise graduate student that my naivet6 was the source of my undoing. The superintendent "needed to have his palm smeared" in order to make the appro- priate connection. Someone else more savvy in the ways of New York City had made the necessary side payment.
    [Show full text]
  • Rent Control in India – Obstacles for Urban Reform
    RENT CONTROL IN INDIA – OBSTACLES FOR URBAN REFORM Aditya Alok & Pankti Vora* Rent Control has been one of the foremost welfare measures that have survived in India. The governments of various countries have tried from time to time to make sure the laws are apt to meet the requirements. In the first decade of the 21st century, however, rent control has been seen as an obstacle to urban reforms. The paper takes a look at the extant legal regime and the proposed changes. It needs to be noted that the proposed reform was introduced in the form of the Model Rent Control Legislation in 1992, yet only five states have implemented the same. The only upside is that about ten states have proposed bills as of 2010. In the course of this paper we attempt to analyse as to what extent the proposed changes tackle the problems faced under the extant regime. Further, in light of the examples put forth by the existing states that have implemented new age laws, we seek to suggest improvements. I. INTRODUCTION As in several other countries, rent control has been used in India as a tool of welfare governance. Though legislations have existed since pre-independence times, the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (‘JNNURM’)1 has made rent control a contentious issue. JNNURM sees these legislations as an urban bottleneck that needs reform.2 Rent control in India was introduced to prevent pseudo-scar- city of rental housing post-World War II. The legislations allowed for requi- sitioning houses lying vacant in tenantable conditions.
    [Show full text]
  • Classical Political Economy
    Donald Winch Classical Political Economy At the end of the nineteenth century economists -- especially those living in the Anglo- American world -- decided to abandon the older term "political economy" in favour of "economics" or "economic science". An interesting story surrounds this change of name which some of you may wish to pursue by taking one of the special topics that concerns the professionalization of the social sciences in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. But political economy has proved resilient; and a number of groups still prefer it as a way of describing what they do. Thus political economy is often a code-word to describe Marxian approaches to current economic problems, where the implication is that those who adopt this perspective wish to be more overtly political by separating themselves from what they regard as the false claims to scientific objectivity contained in modern economics. Mrs Thatcher, at the other end of the spectrum, agreed with Marxists in this: she also preferred the down-to- earth practicality of political economy to what she saw as the barren abstractions of academic economics. But my aim in this lecture is to return to the original usage of political economy by those, mainly English, writers in the first half of the nineteenth century who built a new science on the foundations laid by Adam Smith in his Wealth of Nations. For the most part I shall be concerned with the work of Robert Malthus and his friend and rival David Ricardo, though classical political economy can also be used to describe the economic writings of two other major figures in the history of the social sciences, John Stuart Mill and Karl Marx.
    [Show full text]
  • The Greens and the Tax on Rent DAVID RICHARDS
    7 The Greens and the Tax on Rent DAVID RICHARDS I WE HUMANS are worried about the damage we are doing to our environment. This concern has now been formalised by Green political parties in many countries, or by more loosely-based move- ments, as in the United States and Australia. But on present evidence it seems that politically active ecologists are, on the whole, failing to articulate policies that systematically alter the fundamental relation- ship between our species and its habitat. Our habitat is classed in the study of economics as natural resources, or 'land'. Though it is basic to all economic activity it has yet to be accorded much room in economic discourse. The value of natural resources has yet to be adequately reflected in economic decision-making (Dasgupta 1990; Brundtland 1987). Though Green politicians emphasise this shortcoming, they tend to recognise it only where natural - resources are being rapidly depleted, and to overlook it where renewable land uses are taking place. In other words, they do not have a systematic view of the place of land in economic calculations. It is our claim that a systematic view that appropriately relates ecology and economics was expounded over a century ago by the outspoken economist Henry George. In Part II we shall review the economic policies that are deemed on this view to be needed to meet the ecological challenge. In Part III we shall offer some remarks on the general acceptability of these policies. Then in Part IV we shall look more closely at the Green parties and movements to see to what extent they incorporate Henry George's message.
    [Show full text]
  • Renewing the Case for Marx's Concept of Absolute Rent Towards
    The case for Marx’s concept of absolute rent S. Emsley UNSW 1998 1 Renewing the case for Marx's concept of absolute rent: towards an historical interpretation Abstract This paper re-evaluates Marx’s theory of absolute rent, as a means through which the political content of value relations particular to the economies of the post-white settler economies of Australia and New Zealand may be analysed from a working class point of view. It begins by noting that the highly stable hegemonic bloc of the post-war period which underpinned the dominance of marginalist rent theory has been substantially eroded, resulting in material conditions which encourage the re-evaluation of Marx’s rent theory. The heavy emphasis given in the literature to Marx’s treatment of differential rent has tended to diminish the substantial difference between Marx’s rent theory and marginalist theory however. This circumstance makes a reexamination of Marx’s theory of absolute rent paramount for a representation of rent theory as a theory of contemporary significance to the analysis of class relations and their international articulation in imperialist relations. The paper attempts this task by reiterating Marx’s main argument and discussing problems of interpretation arising from the theory. Having set out the theory, the political implications of absolute rent are contemplated with respect to struggle within the state. The paper concludes by showing how Marx’s categories of rent may be applied to help analyse moments of class struggle within the state. This has important implications for the study of the relationship between the economic base and the superstructure within rent-oriented economies.
    [Show full text]
  • Land Reform and Popular Political Economy in Victorian Britain
    Donald Winch Land Reform and Popular Political Economy in Victorian Britain Paper for a conference on ‘Worlds of Political Economy’ held at Churchill College, Cambridge, 6-7 September, 2002 I ‘In my lectures upon Political Economy about the country, I have found in almost every centre a certain little knot of men of the lower-middle or upper-working class, men of grit and character, largely self-educated, keen citizens, mostly nonconformists in religion, to whom Land Nationalisation, taxation of unearned increment, or other radical reforms of land tenure, are doctrines resting upon a plain moral sanction. These free-trading Radical dissenters regard common ownership and equal access to the land as a “natural right”, essential to individual freedom.’ J. A. Hobson’s description of the opinions of the kind of men he encountered in his university extension classes in the English provinces in the 1880s and 90s accords with everything we know about the revival of the movement for land reform during this period. For this was when Henry George’s Progress and Poverty (1879) was selling 100,000 copies, when George was addressing large audiences, and when Land Restoration Leagues, based on his ‘single tax’ proposals, were being formed throughout Britain. In 1897 Hobson thought that George had ‘exercised a more directly powerful formative and educative influence over English radicalism of the last fifteen years than any other man’.1 He acknowledged that George, through personal magnetism and with the aid of a drastically over-simplified economic message, was tapping into a ‘real, deep-grounded passion or conviction’, a ‘genuine need or aspiration’.
    [Show full text]
  • A History of Modern Economic Thought
    11-19-18 A History of Modern Economic Thought This course introduces students to the ideas of some of the most well known economists. These ideas shape how economists think today, and determine how policy is made worldwide. The course starts with the contributions of classical economists such as Adam Smith and his contemporaries. All modern economic theories measure themselves against this classical yardstick. Think of it as a debate, with some thinkers opposing classical economics (Marxian economics) while others try to reform it (Georgism) or re-adapt it to modern circumstances (Neoclassical school, Austrians, Keynesians). Above all, this is a course in critical thinking. “The important thing is not to stop questioning.” -Albert Einstein The Big Picture Session 1 – Classical Economics – Adam Smith and David Ricardo Session 2 – Classical Economics – Karl Marx/Friedrich Engels and Henry George Session 3 – Neoclassical Economics – The Marginalists Session 4 – Austrian and Keynesian Economics Session 5 – Looking Ahead...What Can We Learn from Economic History? Major Themes (1) Economics – The field of inquiry (2) Normative or Positive? ...or both? (3) The question of justice (4) The question of the distribution of wealth (5) Markets, surplus and commodities (6) The nature of wealth, value and price (7) The importance of labor, land, capital and money (8) The importance of the economic rent/surplus (9) Learning from economic history {comments in these brackets by author} 1 The Explosive Growth in Human Wealth 2 Session One Classical Economics: Adam Smith and David Ricardo Why Study the History of Economics and Economic Thought? “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.” - George Santayana “The only thing new in the world is the history you don't know.” - Harry Truman “We learn from history that we do not learn from history.” - Friedrich Hegel “History is written by the victors.” -Walter Benjamin “The ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and when they are wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood.
    [Show full text]