ISSN: 2560-1601

Vol. 33, No. 1 (PL)

October 2020

Poland political briefing: Political crisis and changes in the composition of the government Joanna Ciesielska-Klikowska

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Political crisis and changes in the composition of the government

Last weeks have brought an almost never-ending discussion about changes in the government and its planned reconstruction. It is a rare procedure in the Polish political system under which some ministers lose their powers and new ones appear on the stage. Unexpectedly, however, the Animal Protection Act shook the talks and caused a serious political crisis. The reconstruction that followed the crisis is very far-reaching and shows who is genuinely ruling the country.

Political crisis related to the Animal Protection Act The debate about reducing the number of ministries, changing their competences or powers of individual ministers had already been going on throughout the summer period (see 2020 September Domestic Policy Briefing). When it seemed that the three parties which create the ruling coalition of the ( Party, Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS; United Poland; Solidarna Polska; Agreement, Porozumienie Jarosława Gowina) were already agreeing on the appearance of the new government, one vote shocked the political scene and public opinion.

A real game changer was the voting on the Animal Protection Act (so-called "five for animals" act), which entered the deliberations of the parliament on September 18, and was voted shortly after by a large part of the political circles represented in the . Importantly, however, this act - the apple of the head of the president of Law and Justice party Jarosław Kaczyński, for whom the fate of animals is extremely important - was hotly protested by the coalition club of United Poland and some parliamentarians of the Agreement.

In brief, the "five for animals" act provides for: 1. ban on breeding animals for fur (except for rabbits); 2. ban on ritual slaughter (currently an important part of Polish exports); 3. prohibition of the use of animals for entertainment and shows (circuses cannot bring animals from abroad); 4. prohibition of keeping pets permanently tethered and using spikes; 5. compensation from the state budget for discontinuing breeding or breeding fur animals. In addition, the new regulations contain a provision that the care of homeless animals is carried out by municipalities and social organizations, which statutorily deal with animal protection and operate not for profit. The regulations also oblige veterinarians to inspect animal shelters

1 once a quarter. The new regulations also provide for the creation of the Animal Council by the minister competent for public administration.

The regulations are expected to enter into force at the end of October, although those concerning the ban on breeding animals for fur are to come into force 12 months after the amendment is announced. The provisions of this act are very pro-social and meet the expectations of the third sector organizations. As mentioned, the act was personally one of the most important laws for Jarosław Kaczyński, who is a known defender of animal rights. So it seemed that this project would not have any problems to be passed. Meanwhile, the discussion on the bill and the subsequent vote resulted in practically an earthquake for Polish politics. 356 deputies voted in favor of the law on animal protection, 75 were against and 18 abstained (for a total of 460 deputies). Out of 229 representatives of the ruling United Right who took part in the vote, the act was supported by 176 PiS MPs as well as the Minister of Development, from the Agreement party. On the other hand, all members of United Poland voted against the bill. 15 Agreement MPs abstained and 2 were against. The Minister of Agriculture, from PiS party, was also against the new law.

Consequences of voting The vote on the "five for animals" act split the ruling coalition. The law turned out to be a drop in the world of bitterness and mistrust in the United Right camp. For months it has been said that the three-party coalition is only a marriage of calculation, and not of political love or even common sense. It was wondered when new charges against Law and Justice by its decidedly smaller coalition partners would lead to a government crisis. However, it was not believed that the Animal Protection Act would cause such controversy. Soon after the vote, Jarosław Kaczyński sharply announced that "the tail must not wave the dog", thus stressing that the two small parties cannot have a decisive vote on the changes proposed in the Polish legislation by the largest parliamentary club PiS. Over the next few days, the saga of government reconstruction was relegated to the background, as politicians had to consider whether they were even able to continue working together within the government. Officially, there was talk of early parliamentary elections and a serious political crisis.

It seemed that now there would be a final clash between Kaczyński and the leader of United Poland, - once Kaczyński’s favourite, then his prodigal son, who returned to the bosom of the Polish right in 2015 and became the Minister of Justice and the Prosecutor General, whose powers are currently one of the greatest in Polish history. It has been

2 speculated for years when Ziobro will want to take power on the Polish right. The September crisis showed, however, that Kaczyński keeps his guard high and does not want to give up the leadership position to anyone. PiS, explicitly speaking about the possibility of organizing early elections and running on their own in them (namely without United Poland and the Agreement) brought the coalition partners - and in particular Minister Ziobro - to the ground and showed where they belong in the ranks. After two weeks of intense talks, eagerly reported by the media, the three party leaders agreed to remain in the coalition, but also decided on a far-reaching reconstruction of the government.

The new-old government The new government now comprises 14 ministries - a major reduction compared to the previous 20 ministries. Twelve ministries belong to the Law and Justice politicians. Coalition partners – United Poland and the Agreement – have been awarded with only one ministry each. Some ministries have been liquidated and the scope of their competences has been divided into new or existing ministries.

After the changes, the composition of the Council of Ministers includes:

1. - Prime Minister, 2. Jarosław Kaczyński - Deputy Prime Minister, 3. Piotr Gliński - Deputy Prime Minister; Minister of Culture, National Heritage and Sport (two ministries combined), 4. - Deputy Prime Minister; Minister of State Assets, 5. Jarosław Gowin - Deputy Prime Minister; Minister of Development, Labor and Technology (return to the position of Deputy Prime Minister after a break of several months; ministry after transformation), 6. Przemysław Czarnek - Minister of Education and Science (two ministries combined), 7. Michał Kurtyka - Minister of Environment and Climate (two ministries combined), 8. Grzegorz Puda - Minister of Agriculture and Forestry, 9. - Minister of Infrastructure, 10. Mariusz Błaszczak - Minister of National Defense, 11. Mariusz Kamiński - Minister of the Interior and Administration, 12. - Minister of Foreign Affairs, 13. Tadeusz Kościński - Minister of Finance, Funds and Regional Policy (ministries combined),

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14. Marlena Maląg - Minister of Family and Social Policy, 15. - Minister of Health, 16. Zbigniew Ziobro - Minister of Justice.

As part of the negotiated coalition agreement, the parties of Zbigniew Ziobro (United Poland) and Jarosław Gowin (Agreement) also have one minister in the Chancellery of the Prime Minister each. They are Michał Wójcik and Michał Cieślak respectively.

In the opinion of Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki, changes in the government are to be used to increase efficiency, reduce bureaucracy and speed up administrative processes. All of this is to help lead the economy out of the coronavirus pandemic crisis.

Comment Certainly it will be so, but the most important change is the entry into the government - as the new Deputy Prime Minister - Jarosław Kaczyński. He has been number 1 in Polish politics since PiS 2015 election victory. In the new government, Kaczyński is the Deputy Prime Minister "without portfolio". Nevertheless, in practice, he is the head of the security committee, which will be responsible for as many as three ministries: the Ministry of Defense, Ministry of the Interior and Administration, and Ministry of Justice.

This is an interesting political structure, because Kaczyński – as Deputy Prime Minister - will be the subordinate of his own subordinate in the party (namely Prime Minister Morawiecki), and at the same time the superior of Zbigniew Ziobro as the Minister of Justice, yet being in the same position as Jarosław Gowin (Deputy Prime Minister).

Kaczyński's entry into the government will have a significant impact on the position of Prime Minister Morawiecki and the style of governance to which the United Right has become accustomed over the years. Ziobro, who saw the PiS chairman as a person who would dethrone Morawiecki, had to be disappointed. Currently, it is Morawiecki - instead of Ziobro – who is Kaczyński's favorite. It seems, therefore, that the new government with the duo of Morawiecki and Kaczyński is to stabilize the political situation, block the attempts to break out into independence made by United Poland and the Agreement, and consolidate power around PiS and personally around Kaczyński. Will the government in its new form survive until the next parliamentary elections in 2023? If the smaller coalition partners hide ambitions in their pockets, it seems very real.

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