The Grand Strategy of the Habsburg Empire'

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Grand Strategy of the Habsburg Empire' H-Diplo Hoebelt on Michell, 'The Grand Strategy of the Habsburg Empire' Review published on Saturday, January 12, 2019 A. Wess Michell. The Grand Strategy of the Habsburg Empire. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2018. 416 pp. $35.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-691-17670-3. Reviewed by Lothar Hoebelt (University of Vienna)Published on H-Diplo (January, 2019) Commissioned by Seth Offenbach (Bronx Community College, The City University of New York) Printable Version: http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showpdf.php?id=53014 When a US assistant secretary of state publishes a book on grand strategy, it is bound to attract attention. If he deals with Prince Metternich and the Habsburg monarchy, it is also bound to kindle memories of Henry Kissinger’s A World Restored: Metternich, Castlereagh and the Problems of Peace, 1812-22 (1954). Kissinger was a German exile who tried to teach European statecraft to idealistic Americans. A. Wess Mitchell is a native-born Texan who has come to sympathize with the problems the Habsburg monarchy faced. When Kissinger analyzed Metternich’s diplomacy between 1812 and 1822 in depth, he relied on a huge amount of published sources about the period around the Congress of Vienna. Mitchell’s task is more ambitious and burdensome: he covers the period from 1700 (when the rollback of the Turks had rounded off the hereditary lands to the East, the ties of the Habsburg dynasty to Spain were severed, and the Central European part of their domains emerged as “a stand-alone unity” [p. x]) to the battle of Königgrätz in 1866 (when the monarchy ceased to be a great power, as Mitchell argues). Published sources and secondary literature for that huge span of time are uneven, to say the least, especially if you do not restrict yourself to diplomatic maneuvers but want to include military affairs to arrive at a composite picture of the “grand strategy” of the Habsburgs. Mitchell has looked at some of the archival material, especially for the period of Emperor Joseph II, but rewriting the history of the Habsburg’s struggle for survival as a great power for the whole period from original sources, both military and diplomatic, would probably take more than a lifetime. The result is a stimulating and fascinating book that deserves to be discussed in detail. The geopolitical situation of the Central European heartland of the Habsburgs after 1700 was a unique one for a great power. It was a landlocked country surrounded by potential enemies on all four sides, an “interstitial power” facing “omnidirectional threats” (pp. ix, x). The central problem for the Habsburgs thus was “avoiding multi-front wars” by the “sequencing of contests” (p. 306). The classic option for sequencing contests, knocking out one enemy first before turning to face the next, was almost never really feasible for the Habsburg monarchy. The one attempt that might be classified within that category, the Seven Years’ War with its aim of turning the clock back and convert Prussia into an innocuous little electorate once again, turned out to be a failure (provoking a preemptive strike by King Frederick the Great of Prussia). Maybe such a strategy only seemed feasible once railways and the Industrial Revolution had dramatically altered the nature of warfare. As Mitchell rightly sums up: “Geopolitical problems can rarely be solved, only managed” (p. 329). Citation: H-Net Reviews. Hoebelt on Michell, 'The Grand Strategy of the Habsburg Empire'. H-Diplo. 01-15-2019. https://networks.h-net.org/node/28443/reviews/3574430/hoebelt-michell-grand-strategy-habsburg-empire Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. 1 H-Diplo The “tools” available for surviving within a “360-degree threat environment” can be summed up under the headings of the “three Ts”: terrain, technology, and treaties (p. 113). Being landlocked meant the Habsburg monarchy was unable to tap into the potential wealth of overseas trade. The compensating advantage was the coherence of the Danubian basin, surrounded on all sides by mountain ranges that formed an easily defendable core of the Habsburg lands. The advantage of its geographical position could be enhanced by “technology,” in other words, fortifications, and by “treaties” with potential allies, both great powers interested in the survival of the Habsburgs as an integral part of the European balance of powers and “buffer states,” especially the fiefs within the boundaries of the Holy Roman Empire, both in Germany and Italy. The need for alliances to hold its own against rivals, which more often than not outgunned the Austrians on a one-to-one basis, required a certain flexibility, Mitchell argues. There should never be any antagonism so deeply ingrained that it could not be overcome if that is what the situation called for. Austria “could not afford to permanently estrange former enemies” (p. 234). After outlining his theoretical approach in the first few chapters, Mitchell takes the reader on a rollercoaster ride of how all this worked in practice. Among the best passages of the book are the ones dealing with the southeastern frontier, which remained a “nettlesome place for the exercise of Habsburg power,” valuable “as a shock absorber but not a net contribution to Habsburg power in anything other than status terms” (p. 125). Prince Wenzel Kaunitz realized that Russia was “useless as a friend” but needed to be contained by a “restraining alliance” (p. 121). For all that, after the 1690s, sequencing generally worked in the East. Mitchell singles out a few eighteenth-century Austrian diplomats working in Constantinople for special praise. Maybe the Ottoman Empire had simply realized that it faced bigger threats elsewhere? As a result, in the crucial years of the wars with Prussia (as during the Thirty Years’ War), all was quiet on the eastern front. France presented the Habsburgs with different problems. Mitchell is right in not devoting any special importance to the Austrian Netherlands, which Vienna wanted to exchange for some more easily defensible possessions from the very moment they got this land after the War of Spanish Succession. Italy, however, was a different kettle of fish. Mitchell rightly identifies the Habsburg “overextension of its power” in Italy “the Achilles’ heel” of Austria’s “post-1815 security architecture” (p. 261). But the same held true even earlier. Italy counted not just as a glacis, to protect Austria’s flank, but also as a prize worth having in its own right. The renversement des coalitions (diplomatic revolution of 1756) only obscured those ambitions—and the ensuing liabilities—for a few decades before 1789. It is a fascinating question whether the Po-Rhine dilemma really worked against the Habsburgs all the time? In Napoleon’s time, the French maybe found it easier to switch armies from one side of the Alps to the other via Switzerland, but had not the Tyrol provided a much better corridor before this? It would be interesting to look at the merits of the question on a case-by-case basis. Prussia, of course, is the one rival to Austria that with hindsight often commands center stage, even if one has to keep in mind historian Paul Schroeder’s warning: the wars against Napoleon heralded a fundamental change “from 18th century Austro-Prussian rivalry to 19th century partnership.”[1] Empress Maria Theresa only consented to “sequencing” under duress, with very bad grace in 1742, when she first ceded Silesia to Fredrick, but she did so (or at least allowed her ministers to do so). Prussia was certainly very much in the forefront of all the learned treatises drawn up during the last third of the eighteenth century that Mitchell has studied. It is easily overlooked that Bohemia, if not quite as detached from Vienna as Italy, did not exactly belong to the famed Danubian heartland, Citation: H-Net Reviews. Hoebelt on Michell, 'The Grand Strategy of the Habsburg Empire'. H-Diplo. 01-15-2019. https://networks.h-net.org/node/28443/reviews/3574430/hoebelt-michell-grand-strategy-habsburg-empire Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License. 2 H-Diplo either. Apart from long-suffering Saxony, there were no buffer states sandwiched between Austria and Prussia, no Association of Nördlingen, no Wallachia, and no Savoy. Fortresses had to fill the gap: Mitchell argues persuasively that during the War of the Bavarian Succession, investment into fortresses like Königgrätz (Hradec Kralove) paid off. This brings us to the demise of Austria’s post-1815 position. Admittedly, it is difficult to find anything praiseworthy in Austria’s foreign policy during the 1850s. Mitchell points to the conclusion that Austria’s balancing act worked as long as it could rely on Russia’s friendship. The Crimean War put an end to that precondition. Austria should have answered the famous question “Neutral, but neutral for whom?” with a determined stand in favor of a pro-Russian neutrality that avoided antagonizing the czar. While not trying to find any excuses for Baron Buol, Austrian foreign secretary in the 1850s, it is still difficult to envisage how Austria could have done so without laying itself open to a Franco- Sardinian attack in Italy. And it is doubtful whether Russian help would have been either forthcoming or effective in dealing with such a situation. Of course, that situation arose anyway, in 1859 (prompted by a move that was probably singular in the history of preemptive strikes: the Austrians attacked but arrived too late). It is difficult to escape Mitchell’s conclusion that once Franz Joseph had decided to do so, he should have made certain he could rely on Prussian support by “appeasing” Berlin in time-honored fashion.
Recommended publications
  • Russia and the European Security Order Revisited: from the Congress of Vienna to the Post-Cold War
    European Politics and Society ISSN: 2374-5118 (Print) 2374-5126 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rpep21 Russia and the European security order revisited: from the congress of Vienna to the post-cold war Tuomas Forsberg To cite this article: Tuomas Forsberg (2019) Russia and the European security order revisited: from the congress of Vienna to the post-cold war, European Politics and Society, 20:2, 154-171, DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2018.1545182 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2018.1545182 © 2018 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Published online: 30 Nov 2018. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 571 View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rpep21 EUROPEAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY 2019, VOL. 20, NO. 2, 154–171 https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2018.1545182 Russia and the European security order revisited: from the congress of Vienna to the post-cold war Tuomas Forsberga,b aHelsinki Collegium for Advanced Studies, University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland; bTampere University, Tampere, Finland ABSTRACT KEYWORDS Russia’s role in the international order is often explained with Russia; international order; reference to historical examples, analogies and longue durée security order; European trends. This article examines Russia’s role in, and visions of, the security international order from the Congress of Vienna to the end of the Cold War. The article also discusses the lessons, and perhaps also the wrong lessons, that the current Russian leadership and elite have drawn on the basis of past grand bargains.
    [Show full text]
  • The Concert of Europe and Great-Power Governance Today
    BUILDING A SUSTAINABLE INTERNATIONAL ORDER A RAND Project to Explore U.S. Strategy in a Changing World KYLE LASCURETTES The Concert of Europe and Great-Power Governance Today What Can the Order of 19th-Century Europe Teach Policymakers About International Order in the 21st Century? Perspective EXPERT INSIGHTS ON A TIMELY POLICY ISSUE C O R P O R A T I O N Contents What Was the Concert of Europe? .........................................................................2 What Were the Concert’s Foundational Principles? ..............................................5 Why Was the Concert Considered Desirable? ......................................................8 When and Why Did the Concert Decline? ........................................................... 14 What Can We Learn from the Concert? ...............................................................17 Appendix .............................................................................................................. 23 Notes .................................................................................................................... 26 Bibliography ......................................................................................................... 30 About the Author .................................................................................................. 33 The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous.
    [Show full text]
  • THE CONCERT of NATIONS: MUSIC, POLITICAL THOUGHT and DIPLOMACY in EUROPE, 1600S-1800S
    THE CONCERT OF NATIONS: MUSIC, POLITICAL THOUGHT AND DIPLOMACY IN EUROPE, 1600s-1800s A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Damien Gérard Mahiet August 2011 © 2011 Damien Gérard Mahiet THE CONCERT OF NATIONS: MUSIC, POLITICAL THOUGHT AND DIPLOMACY IN EUROPE, 1600s-1800s Damien Gérard Mahiet, Ph. D. Cornell University 2011 Musical category, political concept, and political myth, the Concert of nations emerged within 16th- and 17th-century court culture. While the phrase may not have entered the political vocabulary before the end of the 18th century, the representation of nations in sonorous and visual ensembles is contemporary to the institution of the modern state and the first developments of the international system. As a musical category, the Concert of nations encompasses various genres— ballet, dance suite, opera, and symphony. It engages musicians in making commonplaces, converting ad hoc representations into shared realities, and uses multivalent forms that imply, rather than articulate political meaning. The Nutcracker, the ballet by Tchaikovsky, Vsevolozhsky, Petipa and Ivanov, illustrates the playful re- composition of semiotic systems and political thought within a work; the music of the battle scene (Act I) sets into question the equating of harmony with peace, even while the ballet des nations (Act II) culminates in a conventional choreography of international concord (Chapter I). Chapter II similarly demonstrates how composers and librettists directly contributed to the conceptual elaboration of the Concert of nations. Two works, composed near the close of the War of Polish Succession (1733-38), illustrate opposite constructions of national character and conflict resolution: Schleicht, spielende Wellen, und murmelt gelinde (BWV 206) by Johann Sebastian Bach (librettist unknown), and Les Sauvages by Jean-Philippe Rameau and Louis Fuzelier.
    [Show full text]
  • A World Restored: Metternich, Castlereagh and the Problems of Peace, 1812-22 Online
    cDgNW (Ebook pdf) A World Restored: Metternich, Castlereagh and the Problems of Peace, 1812-22 Online [cDgNW.ebook] A World Restored: Metternich, Castlereagh and the Problems of Peace, 1812-22 Pdf Free Henry A. Kissinger ePub | *DOC | audiobook | ebooks | Download PDF Download Now Free Download Here Download eBook #456040 in Books Kissinger Henry a 2013-06-20Original language:EnglishPDF # 1 9.02 x .84 x 5.98l, 1.30 #File Name: 1626549788376 pagesShips from Vermont | File size: 61.Mb Henry A. Kissinger : A World Restored: Metternich, Castlereagh and the Problems of Peace, 1812-22 before purchasing it in order to gage whether or not it would be worth my time, and all praised A World Restored: Metternich, Castlereagh and the Problems of Peace, 1812-22: 5 of 5 people found the following review helpful. This is a classic, of course. Elegantly written ...By Graeme P. AutonThis is a classic, of course. Elegantly written, insightful, philosophically sophisticated, with a lot of insight for those who want to understand international relations. Castlereagh simply wanted to maintain a balance of power in Europe following the Napoleonic Wars in order to facilitate Britain's security. Metternich, representing an Austria that was in the center of Europe and could not simply seek a discrete balance, wanted a conservative social contract at a time when the forces of nationalism were ultimately destined to sunder the Austro-Hungarian Empire. They wanted the same thing for different reasons. Castlereagh, dealing with resistance from his own Parliament, wanted a realpolitical solution. Metternich, the ultimate practitioner of "Machtpolitik," understood nonetheless the importance of ideas and ideology.
    [Show full text]
  • Castlereagh at the Congress of Vienna: Maintaining the Peace, Political Realism
    1 “Castlereagh at the Congress of Vienna: Maintaining the Peace, Political Realism, and the Encirclement of France.” by Nathan D. Curtis A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in History at Liberty University May 2014 2 Table of Contents Introduction: Castlereagh and the Congress of Vienna 3 Chapter One The Historiography of the Congress of Vienna 13 Chapter Two Castlereagh before the Congress 36 Chapter Three The Congress of Vienna 54 Chapter Four Castlereagh, the Holy Alliance, and Congressional Legacy 85 Works Consulted 90 3 Introduction: Castlereagh and the Congress of Vienna In the early morning of September 21, 1809, Robert Stewart Castlereagh and George Canning traveled their separate ways to Lord Yarmouth’s cottage on Putney Heath in England. They scheduled their rendezvous for 6 a.m. that morning; as such, they were up before the dawn and on their way, pistols and shot in tow. While thoroughly macabre, the fact that their shared mentor William Pitt had died within sight of the cottage in January of 1806 made it a fitting location for their duel that morning. Stewart’s cousin Yarmouth went with him, humming snippets from a contemporary piece of music, Madame Angelica Catalani’s latest performance. They met with Canning and his second, Charles Ellis, at the cottage. Stepping aside from their principals, Yarmouth and Ellis made one final attempt at mediation between the two statesmen. Ellis stated that the matter that Canning concealed had been on the command of the King and that Canning himself had disliked the necessary deceit of Stewart; however, this equivocation did not placate Stewarts wounded pride.1 While Castlereagh had fought a duel before in his youth in Ireland, Canning had never fired a shot in his life.
    [Show full text]
  • The Question of Realism: an Historian’S View
    Copyrighted Material C H A P T E R O N E The Question of Realism: An Historian’s View Different countries want different things; sometimes those desires conflict; how then do those conflicts get worked out? The basic insight that lies at the heart of the realist approach to international politics is that the way those conflicts run their course is heavily conditioned by power realities. In a world where war cannot be ruled out if conflicts are not settled peacefully, rational states are bound to be concerned with the structure of power in the sense not just of the distribution of military capabilities both actual and potential, but also of the whole web of relationships that would affect what would happen if war actu­ ally broke out. But rational states not only adjust their policies to such power realities. If the structure of power is of such fundamental impor­ tance, it stands to reason that states might well try to alter it to their advantage. That striving for power political advantage in turn might well come to dominate the system. The fact that states live in an anar­ chic system—that is, a system not governed by supranational author- ity—can therefore have a profound impact on state behavior, and some of the most central problems of international relations theory thus have to do with the importance of such “systemic” or “structural” effects in international political life. It is commonly assumed that this concern for power, and especially this striving for power political advantage, puts states at odds with each other—that the struggle for power is a major source of conflict in and of itself.
    [Show full text]
  • Power in the Age of Empire
    chapter 1 Power in the Age of Empire As a result of their chase for resources and new markets, many of the major powers, including Great Britain, France, Tsarist Russia and Imperial Germa- ny, expanded on a global scale during the Age of Empire.1 Unable to keep up with the military might of the larger powers, smaller European states like Belgium, Denmark, the Netherlands, Portugal and Sweden- Norway – some of which had earlier carried out imperialist policies themselves – were there- fore forced to seek alternative ways of securing their political and economic interests. Ferry de Goey points out that the growing significance of the consular service in Western countries resulted from the rise of the nation- state, the European expansion into Asia and Africa, and the growing rivalry between industrializing Western countries during the nineteenth century. States with maritime interests were the first to develop consular institutions because they were more dependent upon it than others.2 These states commanded large commercial fleets, made up of thousands of seafarers, which created the need for a strong administration and well- orchestrated economic and social support. In the late nineteenth century, the United Kingdoms of Sweden and Norway maintained a global network of about 100 consulates and 800 consular offi- cials.3 Swedish- Norwegian consuls not only operated in metropolises like Lon- don, Hamburg, New York and Shanghai but also in smaller cities and outposts like Guayaquil in Ecuador, Honolulu, and Port Louis in Mauritius. Norway’s merchant fleet was one of the world’s largest commercial fleets during that era, and therefore it came naturally to decision-makers to incorporate ship- ping and trade into their policy considerations and to attempt to profit from the imperialist expansion of other Western powers.4 1 Andrew Porter, European Imperialism, 1860–1914 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1994).
    [Show full text]
  • The Concert of Europe As Self-Enforcing Equilibrium
    UC San Diego UC San Diego Previously Published Works Title Territory and commitment: The concert of Europe as self-enforcing equilibrium Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/819915bq Journal Security Studies, 14(4) ISSN 0963-6412 Author Slantchev, Branislav L Publication Date 2005-10-01 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California TERRITORY AND COMMITMENT: THE CONCERT OF EUROPE AS SELF-ENFORCING EQUILIBRIUM Branislav L. Slantchev∗ June 3, 2005 Abstract This article explains the origin, function, and demise of the Concert of Europe during the first half of the nineteenth century. It focuses on the incentives generated by the territorial settle- ment designed at the Congress of Vienna. The pattern of cooperative behavior is seen to result from the commitment to uphold the settlement, which hinged on the credibility of enforcement threats and a distribution of benefits commensurate with military capabilities. The equilibrium was self-enforcing because the Powers that could oppose an alteration of the system had incen- tives to do so, and the Powers that could upset it did not have incentives to do it. This behavior is shown to be markedly different from eighteenth century practices and it is further shown that the explanation does not require one to assume a change in state preferences. Keywords: international institutions, enforcement, credibility, Congress of Vienna Approx. word count: 18,972 ∗Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of California – San Diego. Email: [email protected]. Previous versions of this paper were presented at the 97th Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, and at the 42 Annual Meeting of the In- ternational Studies Association.
    [Show full text]
  • Committee for the Introductory Course in History (CINCH), 1988-1991: an Overview of Its Investigations and Findings
    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 343 623 JC 920 143 TITLE Committee for the Introductory Course in History (CINCH), 1988-1991: An Overview of Its Investigations and Findings. INSTITUTION Center for Faculty Development, Princeton, NJ. SPONS AGENCY National Endowment for the Humanities (NFAH), Washington, D.C. PUB DATE 92 NOTE 196p. AVAILABLE FROMCenter for Faculty Development, Department of History, 129 Dickinson Hall, Princeton University, Princeton, NJ 08544 ($15.00). PUB TYPE Guides - Classroom Use - Teaching Guides (For Teacher) (052) -- Collected Works- General (020) EDRS PRICE MF01 Plus Postage. PC Not Available from EDRS. DESCRIPTORS *College Curriculum; Community Colleges; Course Content; *Course Descriptions; Course Objectives; Course Organization; European History; *History Instruction; Instructional Material Evaluation; *Introductory Courses; Two Year Colleges; *Western Civilization; *World History ABSTRACT Between 1988 and 1991, the Center for Faculty Development undertook a project to evaluate the teaching of the Introductory Course in History at American community colleges. Rased upon a survey of over 100 introductory history teachers and conference discussions, it was determined that two sets of course guidelines for faculty were required, one for Western Civilization and one for World History courses, each divided into two semesters. In addition, the survey of teachers found several key isques, including a lack of commonality in the themes of Western and World History; a need for a practical alternative to courses emphasizinga superior Western cultvrci and a difference in conceptual approaches between Western Civilization and World History. The bulk of this report consists of course guidelines for the Western Civilization and World History courses. Separate guidelines are presented forthree approaches to teaching the courses: "Chronological,"a basic narrative, period-by-period course; "Sources," built aroundan intensive and interdisciplinary study of primarysources; and "Postholes," focusing on a close analysis of a few major historical periods.
    [Show full text]
  • Henry Kissinger's Early Philosophy and American Foreign Policy
    The Search for Purpose: Henry Kissinger's Early Philosophy and American Foreign Policy Master's Thesis Presented to The Facutly of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Brandeis University Department of American History David Engerman, Advisor In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for Master's Degree by Lauren Moseley August 2010 ABSTRACT The Search for Purpose: Henry Kissinger's Early Philosophy and American Foreign Policy A thesis presented to the Department of American History Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Brandeis University Waltham, Massachusetts By Lauren Moseley The thesis, "The Search for Purpose: Henry Kissinger's Early Philosophy and American Foreign Policy," argues that while Kissinger's decisions post-1968 were incredibly important in shaping the United States' position in the world and his own reputation, these decisions are contingent upon the “intellectual capital” he developed before joining the Nixon administration. This "intellectual capital" is well-documented in written form and includes Kissinger's sophisticated undergraduate honors thesis, his graduate dissertation later published as the book A World Restored, and the numerous scholarly books and articles he wrote on American foreign policy before his appointment as Nixon's national security advisor. This thesis argues that an understanding of Kissinger's early writings is important because they reveal an embrace of an idealistic philosophy that overshadowed the political realism he is more well-known for. His constant calls for vision, purpose, inspiration and intuition were concepts deeply rooted in the idealistic philosophy through which he understood the world. Kissinger's philosophy pervaded each of his early works —from his writings as student and academic to critiques of American foreign policy as a scholar, and memos and letters as a member of President John F.
    [Show full text]
  • Constructing a New Global Order
    HOW TO CONSTRUCT A NEW GLOBAL ORDER* Dani Rodrik Stephen Walt Harvard Kennedy School March 2021 INTRODUCTION The existing global political-economic order is unlikely to persist in its present form. On the political side, declining U.S. power, the concomitant rise of China, and the return of multipolarity has upended a global system previously dominated by the United States and its allies. Although the Biden administration maintains that “America is back” and hopes to revitalize relations with traditional U.S. partners, it faces serious doubts about U.S. constancy, powerful illiberal trends, and domestic needs that will limit U.S. options. On the economic side, financial crises, creeping protectionism, a backlash against globalization, concerns about surrender of sovereignty to trade agreements or in the case of Europe, to regional integration arrangements, and increasing tensions with China on a multitude of trade and investment fronts have discredited the post-1990 model of hyper-globalization. New technologies—most notably in the digital realm—are creating new possibilities and pitfalls in a loosely-regulated economic and political space. Although Donald Trump’s explicit rejection of multilateralism, disinterest in democratic values, broad contempt for international organizations, and confrontational approach toward China accelerated these trends, he was as much a symptom and reflection of the undercurrents destabilizing our present arrangements as an independent cause. How should governments respond to these accumulating challenges? What form(s) might a new global order take, what principles and objectives should guide its creation, and how should more desirable orders be defined and pursued? Although current structural and institutional features will shape and constrain near-term possibilities, the rules and arrangements that define and govern relations among the key actors in the international system—states, corporations, non-state actors, international organizations, etc.—are not predetermined.
    [Show full text]
  • Intervention and Detente in American Foreign Policy
    118 INTERVENTION AND DETENTE IN AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY Robert S. Wood In the century after the 1648 Treaty realities underlying their calculus. States of Westphalia, the European state sys­ organized according to exclusive in­ tem was established on the basis of the ternal authority and interstate relations political principle of territoriality and of organized not by a supranational power the legal principle of sovereign equality. but by the sovereign agreement of these The former notion entailed the effective states-this was to be the pattern of control by the major princes within modern international relations. Linked established territorial limits and the with this pattern were the notions of second concept established the norm of nonintervention and domestic jurisdic­ complete political jurisdiction by the tion-princes may meet each other in prince and his government within these battle and adjust the political map of territorial boundaries unencumbered by Europe but they must resist the urge to any earthly, external authority. Al­ influence too blatantly the character of though states were unequal in material each other's type of regime and ideo­ capabilities and political influence, they logical commitment by direct or covert confronted each other in the interna­ intervention. That this conception of tional arena under the obligation to international affairs was only im­ recognize each other as masters within perfectly realized is obvious but that it their territorial domains. And, in the provided an influential normative frame intercourse of nations, agreements were of action is also clear. to be based on the norm of contracts, The evolution of the principles of the explicit or implicit, among equal part­ modern state system is attributable in ners, whatever the actual power political the first instance to the experiences of 119 the emergent states from the 14th to element -in the erosion of the classical the 16th centuries.
    [Show full text]