Can Ideas Be Capital: Can Capital Be Anything Else?
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Venture Capital and Capital Gains Taxation
VENTURE CAPITAL AND CAPITAL GAINS TAXATION James M. Poterba Massachusetts Institute of Technology and NBER The need to encourage venture capital is often adduced as an important justification for reducing the capital gains tax rate. For example, Norman Ture writes that For both outside investors and entrepreneurs [in new businesses] the reward sought is primarily an increase in the value of the equity investment. For outside investors in particular, it is important to be able to realize the appreciated capital and to transfer it into promising new ventures. Raising the tax on capital gains blunts the inducement for undertaking these ventures.1 This paper investigates the links between capital gains taxation and the a amount of venture capital activity. It provides framework for analyzing the channels through which tax policy affects start-up firms. on The first section presents time-series data venture capital invest ment in the United States. Beyond the well-known observation that venture investment increased in the early 1980s, perhaps coincidentally after the capital gains tax reduction of 1978, this section compares the growth rate of venture capital activity in the United States, Britain, and Canada. The U.S. venture industry expanded much more quickly than was This paper prepared for the NBER conference "Tax Policy and the Economy" held in on am Washington, D.C., 15 November 1988.1 grateful to the National Science Foundation for research support and to Thomas Barthold, David Cutler, Jerry Hausman, and Lawrence Summers for helpful comments. This research is part of the NBER Program in Taxation. 1 Wall Street Journal, 8 September 1988, p. -
9 Some Implications of Capital Heterogeneity Benjamin Powell*
Macintosh HD:Users:Raydens:Public:RAYDENS IMAC JOBS:12345- EE - BOETTKE (EE1):BOETTKE TEXT (M2294) Macintosh HD:Users:Raydens:Public:RAYDENS IMAC JOBS:12345- EE - BOETTKE (EE1):BOETTKE TEXT (M2294) 9 Some implications of capital heterogeneity Benjamin Powell* 9.1 Introduction A tractor is not a hammer. Both are capital goods but they usually serve different purposes. Yet both can be used to accomplish more than one goal. A tractor can be used to plow a field, pull a trailer, or any number of other tasks. A hammer could be used by a carpenter to build a house or by an automobile mechanic to fix a car. The fact that a tractor and hammer serve different purposes but yet each is capable of serving more than one single purpose should seem obvious. Yet the consistent applica- tion of this observation to economic theory is one of the unique aspects of the Austrian school and it has led the Austrian school to come to unique conclusions in areas ranging from socialist calculation, to business cycles and to economic development among others. Capital goods are those goods that are valued because of their ability to produce other goods that are the ultimate object for consumption. Because these capital goods are heterogeneous and yet have multi- specific uses we must coordinate economic activity to best align the structure of capital goods to most efficiently produce consumer goods without leaving any higher valued consumption wants left unsatisfied. The coordina- tion of consumption plans with the billions of ways the capital structure could be combined to satisfy those consumption plans is one of the major tasks any economy must accomplish. -
Asset Pricing with Concentrated Ownership of Capital and Distribution Shocks
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF SAN FRANCISCO WORKING PAPER SERIES Asset Pricing with Concentrated Ownership of Capital and Distribution Shocks Kevin J. Lansing Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco August 2015 Working Paper 2011-07 http://www.frbsf.org/publications/economics/papers/2011/wp11-07bk.pdf Suggested citation: Kevin J. Lansing. 2015. “Asset Pricing with Concentrated Ownership of Capital and Distribution Shocks.” Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco Working Paper 2011- 07. http://www.frbsf.org/economic-research/publications/working-papers/wp2011- 07.pdf The views in this paper are solely the responsibility of the authors and should not be interpreted as reflecting the views of the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco or the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. Asset Pricing with Concentrated Ownership of Capital and Distribution Shocks Kevin J. Lansingy Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco August 18, 2015 Abstract This paper develops a production-based asset pricing model with two types of agents and concentrated ownership of physical capital. A temporary but persistent “distribution shock” causes the income share of capital owners to fluctuate in a procyclical manner, consistent with U.S. data. The concentrated ownership model significantly magnifies the equity risk premium relative to a representative-agent model because the capital owners’ consumption is more-strongly linked to volatile dividends from equity. With a steady-state risk aversion coeffi cient around 4, the model delivers an unlevered equity premium of 3.9% relative to short-term bonds and a premium of 1.2% relative to long-term bonds. Keywords: Asset Pricing, Equity Premium, Term Premium, Distribution Shocks, Income Inequality. -
Capitalist Crisis and the Rise of Monetarism
CAPITALIST CRISIS AND THE RISE OF MONETARISM Simon Clarke What is the significance of 'monetarism' for an understanding of the relationship between the economy and the capitalist state? Before we can address the question we have to try to define 'monetarism'. In the strictest sense 'monetarism' refers to the advocacy of the quantity theory of money and a policy preoccupation with the growth of the money supply. In this sense monetarism expresses a pre-Keynesian ortho- doxy, that has been perpetuated by a few cranks and that inexplicably grabbed the hearts and minds of economists and politicians for the best part of a decade, between 1975 and 1985. This is the view that has tended to be taken by economists who remain committed to a Keynesian analysis. For these economists monetarism was a combination of huckstering and collective madness that led to mistaken economic policies. The response to monetarism was to keep faith and wait until normal sanity was resumed. Such a view has apparently now been vindicated by the almost universal abandonment of this kind of monetarist orthodoxy, although elements of its rhetoric remain. This is to take much too narrow a view of monetarism. Although this narrow monetarism has been utterly discredited, and the money supply no longer has the fetishistic significance that it briefly enjoyed, the broader contours of the politics and ideology of monetarism remain with us, and have been assimilated by many of those of a Keynesian persuasion. This politics and ideology relates not so much to the narrow technical issues of monetary policy and the control of the money supply as to the broader questions of the relations between the state and the economy. -
Inside Money, Business Cycle, and Bank Capital Requirements
Inside Money, Business Cycle, and Bank Capital Requirements Jaevin Park∗y April 13, 2018 Abstract A search theoretical model is constructed to study bank capital requirements in a respect of inside money. In the model bank liabilities, backed by bank assets, are useful for exchange, while bank capital is not. When the supply of bank liabilities is not sufficiently large for the trading demand, banks do not issue bank capital in competitive equilibrium. This equilibrium allocation can be suboptimal when the bank assets are exposed to the aggregate risk. Specifically, a pecuniary externality is generated because banks do not internalize the impact of issuing inside money on the asset prices in general equilibrium. Imposing a pro-cyclical capital requirement can improve the welfare by raising the price of bank assets in both states. Key Words: constrained inefficiency, pecuniary externality, limited commitment JEL Codes: E42, E58 ∗Department of Economics, The University of Mississippi. E-mail: [email protected] yI am greatly indebted to Stephen Williamson for his continuous support and guidance. I am thankful to John Conlon for his dedicated advice on this paper. This paper has also benefited from the comments of Gaetano Antinolfi, Costas Azariadis and participants at Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, Korean Development Institute, The University of Mississippi, Washington University in St. Louis, and 2015 Mid-West Macro Conference at Purdue University. All errors are mine. 1 1 Introduction Why do we need to impose capital requirements to banks? If needed, should it be pro- cyclical or counter-cyclical? A conventional rationale for bank capital requirements is based on deposit insurance: Banks tend to take too much risk under this safety net, so bank capital requirements are needed to correct the moral hazard problem created by deposit insurance. -
Capital As Process and the History of Capitalism
Jonathan Levy Capital as Process and the History of Capitalism In the wake of the Great Recession, a new cycle of scholarship opened on the history of American capitalism. This occurred, however, without much specification of the subject at hand. In this essay, I offer a conceptualization of capitalism, by focus- ing on its root—capital. Much historical writing has treated capital as a physical factor of production. Against such a “mate- rialist” capital concept, I define capital as a pecuniary process of forward-looking valuation, associated with investment. Engag- ing recent work across literatures, I try to show how this con- ceptualization of capital and capitalism helps illuminate many core dynamics of modern economic life. Keywords: capitalism, capital theory, economic thought, finance, Industrial Revolution, Keynes, money, slavery, Veblen ecently, the so-called new history of capitalism has helped bring Reconomic life back closer to the center of the professional historical agenda. But what further point might it now serve—especially for schol- ars toiling in the fields of business and economic history all the while independent of historiographical fashion and trend? In the wake of the U.S. financial panic of 2008 and the Great Reces- sion that followed, in the field of U.S. history a new cycle of scholarship on the history of American capitalism opened, but without all that much conceptualization of the subject at hand—capitalism. If there has been one shared impulse, it is probably the study of commodification. Follow the commodity wherever it may lead, across thresholds of space, time, and the ever-expanding boundaries of the market. -
Delays in Public Goods
ISSN 1178-2293 (Online) University of Otago Economics Discussion Papers No. 1702 FEBRUARY 2017 Delays in Public Goods • Santanu Chatterjee, University of Georgia • Olaf Posch, Universität Hamburg and CREATES • Dennis Wesselbaum, University of Otago Address for correspondence: Dennis Wesselbaum Department of Economics University of Otago PO Box 56 Dunedin NEW ZEALAND Email: [email protected] Telephone: 64 3 479 8643 Delays in Public Goods∗ Santanu Chatterjee† Olaf Posch‡ Dennis Wesselbaum§ University of Georgia Universität Hamburg University of Otago and CREATES January 31, 2017 Abstract In this paper, we analyze the consequences of delays and cost overruns typically associated with the provision of public infrastructure in the context of a growing econ- omy. Our results indicate that uncertainty about the arrival of public capital can more than offset its positive spillovers for private-sector productivity. In a decentralized economy, unanticipated delays in the provision of public capital generate too much consumption and too little private investment relative to the first-best optimum. The characterization of the first-best optimum is also affected: facing delays in the arrival of public goods, a social planner allocates more resources to private investment and less to consumption relative to the first-best outcome in the canonical model (without delays). The presence of delays also lowers equilibrium growth, and leads to a diverging growth path relative to that implied by the canonical model. This suggests that delays in public capital provision may be a potential determinant of cross-country differences in income and economic growth. Keywords: Public goods, delays, time overrun, cost overrun, implementation lags, fiscal policy, economic growth. -
Capital Goods Imports and Long-Run Growth
NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES CAPITAL GOODS IMPORTS AND LONG-RUN GROWFH Jong-Wha Lee Working Paper No. 4725 NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH 1050 Massachuseus Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 April 1994 The author is grateful to Robert Barro, Susan Collins and Elhanan Helpman for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of this paper. This paper is part of NBER's research programs in Growth and International Trade and Investment. Any opinions expressed are those of the author and not those of the National Bureau of Economic Research. NBER Working Paper #4725 April1994 CAPITAL GOODS IMPORTS ANDLONG-RUN GROWIH ABSTRACT This paper presents an endogenous growth model of an open economy in which the growth rate of income is higher if foreign capital goods are used relatively more than domestic capital goods for the production of capital stock. Empirical results, using cross country data for the period 1960-85, confirm that the ratio of imported to domestically produced capital goods in the composition of investment has a significant positive effect on per capita income growth rates across countries, in particular, in developing countries. Hence, the composition of investment in addition to the volume of total capital accumulation is highlighted as an important detenninant of economic growth. Jong-Wha Lee Department of Economics Korea University Anam-Dong, Sungbuk-Ku Seoul 136-701 KOREA and NBER I. Introduction The links between international trade and economicgrowth haveinterested economists for a longtime. Caninternational trade increase the growth -
Modern Monetary Theory: a Marxist Critique
Class, Race and Corporate Power Volume 7 Issue 1 Article 1 2019 Modern Monetary Theory: A Marxist Critique Michael Roberts [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower Part of the Economics Commons Recommended Citation Roberts, Michael (2019) "Modern Monetary Theory: A Marxist Critique," Class, Race and Corporate Power: Vol. 7 : Iss. 1 , Article 1. DOI: 10.25148/CRCP.7.1.008316 Available at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower/vol7/iss1/1 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts, Sciences & Education at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Class, Race and Corporate Power by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Modern Monetary Theory: A Marxist Critique Abstract Compiled from a series of blog posts which can be found at "The Next Recession." Modern monetary theory (MMT) has become flavor of the time among many leftist economic views in recent years. MMT has some traction in the left as it appears to offer theoretical support for policies of fiscal spending funded yb central bank money and running up budget deficits and public debt without earf of crises – and thus backing policies of government spending on infrastructure projects, job creation and industry in direct contrast to neoliberal mainstream policies of austerity and minimal government intervention. Here I will offer my view on the worth of MMT and its policy implications for the labor movement. First, I’ll try and give broad outline to bring out the similarities and difference with Marx’s monetary theory. -
Investing in Yourself: an Economic Approach to Education Decisions
PAGE ONE Economics the back story on front page economics NEWSLETTER February I 2013 Investing in Yourself: An Economic Approach to Education Decisions Scott A. Wolla, Senior Economic Education Specialist “When I travel around the country, meeting with students, business people, and others interested in the economy, I am occasionally asked for investment advice…I know the answer to the question and I will share it with you today: Education is the best investment.” —Federal Reserve Chairman Ben S. Bernanke, September 24, 20071 One of the most important investment decisions you will ever make is the decision to invest in yourself. You might think that investment is only about buying stocks and bonds, but let’s take a step back and consider investment a little differently. Economists use the word investment to refer to spending on capital, which can be either physical capital (tools and equipment) or human capital (education and training). Let’s briefly look at each type. Investing in Physical Capital A firm invests in itself by buying capital that it uses to improve what it does. In other words, it invests in physical capital to earn higher profits in the future. For example, a firm might invest in new technology to increase the productivity of its employees. The increased productivity raises future revenue (income earned by the firm) and profits (revenue minus costs of production). Seems like an easy decision, right? Well, before a firm invests in physical capital, it must consider three very important points. First, a firm invests in technology now with the expectation that it will lead to higher revenue and expected profits in the future. -
The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and Freedom
Name /yal05/27282_u00 01/27/06 10:25AM Plate # 0-Composite pg 3 # 3 The Wealth of Networks How Social Production Transforms Markets and Freedom Yochai Benkler Yale University Press Ϫ1 New Haven and London 0 ϩ1 Name /yal05/27282_u00 01/27/06 10:25AM Plate # 0-Composite pg 4 # 4 Copyright ᭧ 2006 by Yochai Benkler. All rights reserved. Subject to the exception immediately following, this book may not be repro- duced, in whole or in part, including illustrations, in any form (beyond that copy- ing permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law and except by reviewers for the public press), without written permission from the publishers. The author has made an online version of the book available under a Creative Commons Noncommercial Sharealike license; it can be accessed through the author’s website at http://www.benkler.org. Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Benkler, Yochai. The wealth of networks : how social production transforms markets and freedom / Yochai Benkler. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-300-11056-2 (alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-300-11056-1 (alk. paper) 1. Information society. 2. Information networks. 3. Computer networks—Social aspects. 4. Computer networks—Economic aspects. I. Title. HM851.B457 2006 303.48'33—dc22 2005028316 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources. -
On the Mechanics of Economic Development*
Journal of Monetary Economics 22 (1988) 3-42. North-Holland ON THE MECHANICS OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT* Robert E. LUCAS, Jr. University of Chicago, Chicago, 1L 60637, USA Received August 1987, final version received February 1988 This paper considers the prospects for constructing a neoclassical theory of growth and interna tional trade that is consistent with some of the main features of economic development. Three models are considered and compared to evidence: a model emphasizing physical capital accumula tion and technological change, a model emphasizing human capital accumulation through school ing. and a model emphasizing specialized human capital accumulation through learning-by-doing. 1. Introduction By the problem of economic development I mean simply the problem of accounting for the observed pattern, across countries and across time, in levels and rates of growth of per capita income. This may seem too narrow a definition, and perhaps it is, but thinking about income patterns will neces sarily involve us in thinking about many other aspects of societies too. so I would suggest that we withhold judgment on the scope of this definition until we have a clearer idea of where it leads us. The main features of levels and rates of growth of national incomes are well enough known to all of us, but I want to begin with a few numbers, so as to set a quantitative tone and to keep us from getting mired in the wrong kind of details. Unless I say otherwise, all figures are from the World Bank's World Development Report of 1983. The diversity across countries in measured per capita income levels is literally too great to be believed.