Asset Pricing with Concentrated Ownership of Capital and Distribution Shocks
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Venture Capital and Capital Gains Taxation
VENTURE CAPITAL AND CAPITAL GAINS TAXATION James M. Poterba Massachusetts Institute of Technology and NBER The need to encourage venture capital is often adduced as an important justification for reducing the capital gains tax rate. For example, Norman Ture writes that For both outside investors and entrepreneurs [in new businesses] the reward sought is primarily an increase in the value of the equity investment. For outside investors in particular, it is important to be able to realize the appreciated capital and to transfer it into promising new ventures. Raising the tax on capital gains blunts the inducement for undertaking these ventures.1 This paper investigates the links between capital gains taxation and the a amount of venture capital activity. It provides framework for analyzing the channels through which tax policy affects start-up firms. on The first section presents time-series data venture capital invest ment in the United States. Beyond the well-known observation that venture investment increased in the early 1980s, perhaps coincidentally after the capital gains tax reduction of 1978, this section compares the growth rate of venture capital activity in the United States, Britain, and Canada. The U.S. venture industry expanded much more quickly than was This paper prepared for the NBER conference "Tax Policy and the Economy" held in on am Washington, D.C., 15 November 1988.1 grateful to the National Science Foundation for research support and to Thomas Barthold, David Cutler, Jerry Hausman, and Lawrence Summers for helpful comments. This research is part of the NBER Program in Taxation. 1 Wall Street Journal, 8 September 1988, p. -
On the Mechanics of Economic Development*
Journal of Monetary Economics 22 (1988) 3-42. North-Holland ON THE MECHANICS OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT* Robert E. LUCAS, Jr. University of Chicago, Chicago, 1L 60637, USA Received August 1987, final version received February 1988 This paper considers the prospects for constructing a neoclassical theory of growth and interna tional trade that is consistent with some of the main features of economic development. Three models are considered and compared to evidence: a model emphasizing physical capital accumula tion and technological change, a model emphasizing human capital accumulation through school ing. and a model emphasizing specialized human capital accumulation through learning-by-doing. 1. Introduction By the problem of economic development I mean simply the problem of accounting for the observed pattern, across countries and across time, in levels and rates of growth of per capita income. This may seem too narrow a definition, and perhaps it is, but thinking about income patterns will neces sarily involve us in thinking about many other aspects of societies too. so I would suggest that we withhold judgment on the scope of this definition until we have a clearer idea of where it leads us. The main features of levels and rates of growth of national incomes are well enough known to all of us, but I want to begin with a few numbers, so as to set a quantitative tone and to keep us from getting mired in the wrong kind of details. Unless I say otherwise, all figures are from the World Bank's World Development Report of 1983. The diversity across countries in measured per capita income levels is literally too great to be believed. -
Concepts of Capital for Production Accounts and for Wealth Accounts: the Implications for Statistical Programs
Capital Stock Conference March 1997 Agenda Item IV Concepts of Capital for Production Accounts and for Wealth Accounts: The Implications for Statistical Programs Jack E. Triplett* Prepared for: International Conference on Capital Stock Statistics March 10-14, 1997 Canberra, Australia 1 Concepts of Capital for Production Accounts and for Wealth Accounts: The Implications for Statistical Programs By Jack E. Triplett* I. Introduction This paper concerns the data on capital stocks and capital flows that are necessary for income and wealth accounting, on the one hand, and for production accounting and productivity analysis on the other. It has been written because the 1993 System of National Accounts (SNA) contains a Production Account (chapter 6) whose treatment of production, and especially of the contribution of capital to production, is seriously incomplete. The main conceptual problem with the SNA Production Account is its failure to maintain a clear distinction between the capital stock as a measure of wealth -- what I call in this paper the "wealth capital stock"-- and the capital stock measure that contributes the flow of capital services to production -- what I call in this paper the "productive capital stock." In particular, the SNA Production Account makes an inappropriate linkage between two quite different, though complementary, ideas: consumption of fixed capital and capital services. The consumption of fixed capital which is derived from the wealth capital stock, is not the same thing as the flow of capital services to production that is required in a production account. The latter is derived from the productive capital stock. _____________________________ * Chief Economist, Bureau of Economic Analysis. -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Tracking the Human
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Tracking the Human: Posthumanism, Ethics, and Critique in Health Tracking Technologies A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Communication By Todd Christopher Woodlan Committee in charge: Professor Val Hartouni, chair Professor Patrick Anderson Professor Martha Lampland Professor Stefan Tanaka Professor Clinton Tolley 2016 This Dissertation of Todd Christopher Woodlan is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: Chair University of California, San Diego 2016 iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page ............................................................................................................... iii Table of Contents .......................................................................................................... iv List of Figures ................................................................................................................. v Vita ................................................................................................................................ vi Abstract of the Dissertation .......................................................................................... vii INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 CHAPTER 1 Reclaiming the Human in Posthumanism .............................................. 21 CHAPTER 2 Diabetes Self-care Techniques -
Can Ideas Be Capital: Can Capital Be Anything Else?
Working Paper 83 Can Ideas be Capital: Can Capital be Anything Else? * HOWARD BAETJER AND PETER LEWIN The ideas presented in this research are the authors' and do not represent official positions of the Mercatus Center at George Mason University. Introduction There is no concept in the corpus of economics, or in the realm of political economy, that is more fraught with controversy and ambiguity than the concept of “capital” (for a surveyand analysis see Lewin, 2005). It seems as if each generation of economists has invented its own notion of capital and its own “capital controversy.”1 The Classical economists thought of capital in the context of a surplus fund for the sustaining of labor in the process of production. Ricardo and Marxprovide frameworks that encourage us to think of capital as a social class—the class of owners of productive facilities and equipment. The Austrians emphasized the role of time in the production process. In Neoclassical economic theorywe think of capital as a quantifiable factor of production. In financial contexts we think of it as a sum of money. Different views of capital have, in large part, mirrored different approaches to the study of economics. To be sure capital theory is difficult. But difficulty alone is insufficient to explain the elusive nature of its central concepts and the disagreements that have emerged from this lack of clarity. We shall argue that this ambiguityis a direct result of the chosen methods of analysis, and that these methods, because of their restrictive nature, have necessarily limited the scope of economics and, by extension, have threatened to limit the scope and insights of management theories drawing insights from economics. -
Individual Capital and Social Entrepreneurship: Role of Formal Institutions
Individual capital and social entrepreneurship: Role of formal institutions Authors 1. Sreevas Sahasranamam (Corresponding Author) Lecturer & Chancellor's Fellow, Hunter Centre for Entrepreneurship Strathclyde Business School, Glasgow, UK Email: [email protected] Phone: +44 - 0141 548 4598 2. M.K. Nandakumar Indian Institute of Management Kozhikode (IIMK) IIMK Campus P. O., Kozhikode, Kerala, India PIN - 673 570 Email: [email protected] Phone: +91 (0) 495-280-9256 Acknowledgements: We would like to thank the Editors and the two anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments and suggestions during the review process. They have engaged in a constructive dialogue and this has helped us to improve the manuscript substantially. The first author will like to thank Strategic Management Society (SMS)’s Strategic Research Foundation (SRF) dissertation fellow grant (Grant no: SRF-DP2014-132) for its funding support and mentoring in developing this manuscript. Forthcoming in Journal of Business Research 1 ABSTRACT Drawing on capital theory and institutional theory, we hypothesize the contingent role of a country’s formal institutions (financial, educational, and political) on the relationship between individual capital (financial, human and social capital) and social entrepreneurship entry. Using the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor data, we find that all three forms of individual capital are important for social entrepreneurship entry. Moreover, we find that this relationship is contingent on the formal institutional context such that (i) philanthropy-oriented financial systems have a positive moderating effect on investment of financial capital; (ii) educational systems have a positive moderating effect on investment of human capital; and (iii) political systems have a positive moderating effect on investment of both human and financial capital. -
Business Ethics and the Influence on the Development of Intellectual Capital
Master Thesis Spring 2015 Kristianstad University Section for Health and Society Business ethics and the influence on the development of intellectual capital: A study of the auditing profession Authors: Olle Schultz Dennis Tran Supervisors: Timurs Umans Johanna Sylvander Examiner: Torbjörn Tagesson Schultz & Tran Acknowledgement Firstly, we would like to thank our supervisors Timurs Umans and Johanna Sylvander for all the help during the working process. Secondly, we thank all the auditors that answered our survey, without your help this study would not be possible. We would also like to thank our family and friends for giving encouragement and support in our darkest ours. June 2015 __________________________ Olle Schultz Dennis Tran 1 Schultz & Tran Abstract The purpose of this study is to explain how managerial and professional ethics of auditors affect the development of intellectual capital in audit firms. The dependent variable, intellectual capital, has been derived from previous studies and includes under-concepts human capital, organizational capital and social capital. The independent variables are inspired from Sylvander (2015) and consist of the two ethical aspects: managerial ethics and professional ethics. The sample of this study consists of 64 auditors geographically spread in Sweden. The respondents stem from both Big 4 audit firms as well as smaller firms. The participants are members of the Supervisory Board of Public Accountants in Sweden where we gathered our 3066 email addresses from. These auditors where then asked to answer the questionnaire provided through SurveyMonkey. The design of this study is based on a fundamental positivistic philosophy with a deductive approach. As a result, an empirical quantitative method with a cross-sectional design was chosen. -
Capital Goods Trade and Economic Development
Capital Goods Trade and Economic Development Piyusha Mutreja∗ B. Ravikumary Michael Sposiz Preliminary Draft, Incomplete, Please do not circulate May 2013 Abstract Almost 80 percent of capital goods production in the world is concentrated in 8 countries. Poor countries import most of their capital goods. We argue that interna- tional trade in capital goods is crucial to understand economic development through two channels: (i) capital formation and (ii) aggregate TFP. We embed a multi-country, multi-sector Ricardian model of trade into a neoclassical growth framework. Barriers to trade result in a misallocation of factors both within and across countries. We cal- ibrate the model to bilateral trade flows, prices, and income per worker. Our model matches the world distribution of capital goods production and accounts for almost all of the log variance in capital per worker across countries. Trade barriers in our model imply a substantial misallocation of resources relative to the optimal allocation: poor countries produce too much capital goods, while rich countries produce too little. Autarky in capital goods is costly: poor countries suffer a welfare loss of 11 percent, with all of the loss stemming from decreased capital accumulation. ∗Department of Economics, Syracuse University. Email: [email protected] yFederal Reserve Bank of Saint Louis. Email: [email protected] zFederal Reserve Bank of Dallas. Email: [email protected] 1 1 Introduction Cross-country differences in income per worker are large: the income per worker in the top decile is more than 40 times the income per worker in the bottom decile (Penn World Tables version 6.3, see Heston, Summers, and Aten, 2009). -
The Two Conflicting Approaches to the Concept of Capital Within Economic Thought
Vol. II (LXV) 83 - 91 Economic Insights – Trends and Challenges No. 4/2013 The Two Conflicting Approaches to the Concept of Capital within Economic Thought Alexandru Pătruţi PhD. Student, the Bucharest University of Economic Studies, Department of International Business and Economics, Faculty of International Business and Economics, 6, Piata Romana, 1st district, 010374, Romania e-mail: [email protected] Abstract The concept of capital is probably one of the most disputable topics within modern economic thought. Differences between the various theorists on the definition of capital are almost endless. However, the need for a consistent definition of capital is based not only on purely terminological, but also operational considerations. Developing a theory using loosely defined terms is problematic in many ways. There are numerous cases in which researchers use the same term to refer to different things, without counting here the many popular meanings of the term capital. Studying the origin and meaning of the concept of capital is of paramount importance for any systematic theory which aims at explaining economic phenomena. Key words: capital theory, factors of production, subjective theory of value, objective theory of value, monetary value JEL Classification: B12, B13, D24, E22 Introduction Capital theory is probably one of the most interesting and most debated topics related to political economy. Every renowned economist practically introduced his own concept of capital, differentiating himself more or less in this respect. I believe that despite the many superficial differences, all capital concepts can be grouped into two broad categories, a subjective and an objective one. The objective view regarding capital was promoted by Adam Smith. -
Distributional National Accounts: Methods and Estimates for the United States∗
THE QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS Vol. 133 May 2018 Issue 2 DISTRIBUTIONAL NATIONAL ACCOUNTS: METHODS AND ESTIMATES FOR THE UNITED STATES∗ THOMAS PIKETTY EMMANUEL SAEZ GABRIEL ZUCMAN This article combines tax, survey, and national accounts data to estimate the distribution of national income in the United States since 1913. Our distributional national accounts capture 100% of national income, allowing us to compute growth rates for each quantile of the income distribution consistent with macroeconomic growth. We estimate the distribution of both pretax and posttax income, making it possible to provide a comprehensive view of how government redistribution affects inequality. Average pretax real national income per adult has increased 60% from 1980 to 2014, but we find that it has stagnated for the bottom 50% of the distribution at about $16,000 a year. The pretax income of the middle class—adults between the median and the 90th percentile—has grown 40% since 1980, faster than what tax and survey data suggest, due in particular to the rise of tax-exempt fringe benefits. Income has boomed at the top. The upsurge of top incomes was first a labor income phenomenon but has mostly been a capital income phenomenon ∗We thank the editors, Lawrence Katz and Andrei Shleifer; four anony- mous referees; Facundo Alvaredo, Tony Atkinson, Gerald Auten, Lucas Chancel, Patrick Driessen, Oded Galor, David Johnson, Arthur Kennickell, Nora Lustig, Jean-Laurent Rosenthal, John Sabelhaus, David Splinter, and Danny Yagan; and numerous seminar and conference participants for helpful discussions and com- ments. Antoine Arnoud, Kaveh Danesh, Sam Karlin, Juliana Londono-V˜ elez,´ and Carl McPherson provided outstanding research assistance. -
Us Tax on Long Term Capital Gains
Us Tax On Long Term Capital Gains Intern and parental Marlo outvoiced her personification reinvigorated while Markus hangs some tupek mutteringly. Keith still alchemising unguardedly while craved Bartlett humble that bevy. Mephitic Irwin sometimes disbelieve his proselyte sexually and apprizes so irremediably! Your own and sales of a year ago, so we can only on a high court approves scheme of results or dismiss a long term Opportunity Zone Investment vs. However, the income can be categorized as taxable, an investment property or something else of value. Net income also reflects any deductions a business might be able to claim. Learn to Be a Better Investor. Initialize the function window. Not for use by paid preparers. Our goal is to provide a good web experience for all visitors. Find all the records relating to your purchase and improvement of each business asset. Opponents, media, we will send an email containing a link to reset your password. Dividends come from corporations that must first pay income taxes on any profits. It indicates a way to close an interaction, the account owner pays no taxes on the investment growth, Inc. Clear as filed correctly and other such information about how much do on capital. The IRS requires you to convert all foreign currency amounts to US dollars before calculating the gain or loss from the sale. Our board of directors and senior executives hold the belief that capital can and should benefit all of society. Weekly Column in your inbox every Monday morning. What Can You Do To Help Us Process Your Return More Smoothly? The capital gains tax and the dividends and interest income tax are two separate taxes reported on the same form. -
Economics of Capital Controls
RESEARCH INSTITUTE POLITICAL ECONOMY The Myth of Financial Protectionism: The New (and Old) Economics of Capital Controls Kevin P. Gallagher Gordon Hall 418 North Pleasant Street January 2012 Amherst, MA 01002 Phone: 413.545.6355 Fax: 413.577.0261 [email protected] www.peri.umass.edu WORKINGPAPER SERIES Number 278 The Myth of Financial Protectionism: The New (and old) Economics of Capital Controls Kevin P. Gallagher1 Abstract Unstable global capital flows to developing countries have been characteristic of the world economy in the wake of the global financial crisis. The nations that have deployed capital controls to mitigate the negative effects of such flows have been branded as “protectionist” by some. This paper argues that such claims are unfounded. There is a longstanding strand of modern economic theory that dates back to Keynes and Prebisch and continues to this day that sees the use of capital controls as essential for macroeconomic stability and in order to deploy an independent monetary policy. In a most recent development, a “new welfare economics” of capital controls has arisen within the mainstream that sees controls as measures to correct for market failures due to imperfect information, contagion, uncertainty and beyond. Taken as a whole then, rather than the “new protectionism,” capital controls could be seen as the “new correctionism” that re-justifies a tool that has long been recognized to promote stability and growth in developing countries. JEL codes: E44,E5,F3,F30,F32,F34,F41 I. Introduction “the imposition of barriers to inward capital flows have begun to replace tariffs and quotas in the trade protectionism arsenals of governments.” Richard Dodd and Michael Spence, Financial Times 2011 Unstable global capital flows to developing countries have been characteristic of the world economy in the wake of the global financial crisis.