HISTORY AT WORK: THE 1888 NEW SWEDEN JUBILEE DAG BLANCK

During the summer of 1888, an advertisement appeared in several Swedish-language newspapers in Minnesota, inviting "all Swedes in and around Minneapolis" to a meeting on 21 July to plan the 250th anniversary of "the arrival of the Swedes in America."1 This appeal to commemorate the establishment of the colony of New Sweden on the Delaware River in 1638 was signed by 15 prominent Swedish immigrants in Minneapolis, including Minnesota's secretary of state, Colonel Hans Mattson, and minis• ters of the Swedish Lutheran, Mission Covenant, Baptist, and Methodist churches. The proposed celebration took place on September 14 that same year and one observer noted in 1899 that "never has 'Svenskarnas Dag' been celebrated in a more grandiose way in America."2 Much more than a great and memorable celebration was involved, however, for the New Sweden Jubilee of 1888 in Minneapolis raises some important questions. Most specifically, what was included on its program? Who participated in it? Above, all, what was its overall significance to the growing community of Swedish immigrants in the United States? Between 1860 and 1930, some 1.3 million Swedes immigrated to the United States. Thus a Swedish-American community was created, often referred to as "Swedish-America." As the number of immigrants kept growing, so did Swedish-America. Numerically it reached its peak in 1910, when some 665,000 Swedes were recorded in the U.S. Census.3 Since Swedish immigrants were found throughout the United States, Swedish-America was not so much a geographic entity, but rather, as Sture Lindmark has put it, "a collective description of the cultural and religious heritage which the Swedish immigrants brought with them and perpetuated in America."4 Swedish-America consisted of a great number of ethnic institu• tions which in many different ways helped the immigrants adjust to their new environment. They included churches of various deno• minations, schools, mutual aid societies, newspapers, musical and

5 professional organizations, provincial societies, political groups, trade unions, and a multitude of social clubs, maybe numbering as many as 3,000.5 The Swedish-American community was fragment• ed, and a strong dichotomy, mainly between secular and religious groups, but also to some extent between these and certain radical organizations, emerged in Swedish-America toward the end of the nineteenth century.6 As the Swedish-American community grew larger and more diversified, a particular Swedish-American ethnic identity was also constructed, providing the rapidly growing number of immigrants and their children with an answer to the question what it meant to be a Swede in America. The various ethnic institutions played a very important role in this respect, supplying their members with a variety of answers. For the Swedish-Americans, as with other ethnic groups in America, this was a dialectic process, and the emerging ethnic identity consisted of specific, selected elements from the ancestral heritage which were used by the immigrant group in the process of its adjustment to American society.7 Public manifestations such as historical jubilees were a particular• ly characteristic way of expressing the group's ethnicity. For the Swedes, the 1888 New Sweden Jubilee has been called the break-through in a long series of historical celebrations.8 These included the erection of the Linnaeus statue in Chicago in 1891, Swedish-American participation in the 1893 World's Fair in Chicago, the 1910 celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the Augustana Synod in Rock Island, the unveiling of the John Ericson monument in Washington, D.C. in 1926, the New Sweden Tricentennial in Philadelphia in 1938, and the Swedish Pioneer Centennial in Chicago in 1948. It is in this context that the 1888 New Sweden celebration must be seen, as an important part of the process through which representatives of different Swedish- American ethnic institutions utilized historical events in the construction of a Swedish-American ethnic identity.9 In assessing who the participants in the New Sweden 1888 Jubilee were, it is important to note that the initiative for the celebration was taken by Hans Mattson.10 At this time, Mattson was one of the best known Swedes in Minnesota. He had served as colonel of the Third Minnesota Volunteer Infantry Regiment during the Civil War, secretary for the Minnesota State Board of Immigra• tion, and as a land and emigration agent for various railroad companies in Minnesota, actively recruiting Swedish immigrants

6 for the state.11 He played an important role in Swedish-America as editor and owner of various Swedish-language newspapers, and was the first Swedish immigrant in Minnesota to take an active part in state politics. He served as Republican secretary of state in 1870-1872 and in 1887-1891. During the election campaign in 1886, Svenska Folkets Tidning called him "the most popular Swede in Minnesota."12 Hans Mattson thus held a strong position in both Swedish-America and the wider American community, and the fact that he stood behind the celebration indicates that it was an event designed to appeal to both.

Colonel Hans Mattson.

A considerable number of Swedish-American groups were represented in the celebration. On the organizing committee, headed by Hans Mattson, which was set up as a result of the appeal, many different Swedish-American organizations had their representatives. The participating Swedish-American groups can also be found mentioned in newspaper accounts of the celebration. The program originally called for a parade through Minneapolis, which had to be canceled due to rain, followed by a public meeting

7 in the Industrial Exposition Building in the city. The plans for the parade were, however, published in Svenska Folkets Tidning in advance and give a good picture of what the planning committee had in mind. The parade was to have been divided into four divisions.13 Each was to be led by a marshal and to include a marching band. The first was to have represented the Swedish-American societies in Minneapolis. Included in it would have been a number of "military organizations," "Sällskapet Norden" (The Norden Society), "Svenska Bröderna" (The Swedish Brothers), "Gustav Adolfs föreningen" (The Gustavus Adolphus Society), and "Föreningen Freya" (The Freya Society). These societies would have represented the secular spectrum of Swedish-America in Minneapolis. "Säll• skapet Norden" was formed in 1870 as a dramatic society and during the 1870s and 1880s the Society sponsored many theater productions, as well as banquets and festivities.14 "Svenska Bröderna" was a mutual aid society which was established in 1876 and was in 1899 characterized as "in its economy and member• ship" the strongest of all the Swedish organizations in Minnea• polis.15 "Gustav Adolfs föreningen," finally, was a Swedish quasi-military organization established in 1886, which for a time constituted a part of the Minnesota State Militia's Battery of Artillery. The three following divisions of the parade were to be religious in character. Each would have been devoted to one of the major Swedish-American denominations. The Swedish Lutherans would have marched in the second division, the Swedish Baptists in the third, and representatives of the Swedish Methodist Church were to have made up the fourth division. The program in the Minneapolis Exposition Building consisted of four major and several shorter addresses, as well as poetry and music.16 The major speakers, all connected to Swedish-America in some way, included William Widgery Thomas Jr., Johan Alfred Enander, the Reverend August Skogsbergh, and the Reverend Carl A. Swensson. Thomas was a former U. S. consul and minister to Sweden, and had in 1870 established the Swedish settlement of New Sweden in Maine.17 Enander was the influential editor of the Swedish-language newspaper Hemlandet in Chicago, and a well- known public speaker in Swedish-America.18 Skogsbergh, one of the leading pastors of the Mission Covenant Church, was often referred to as the "Swedish Moody."19 Swensson, a Lutheran 8 minister in Lindsborg, Kansas, and the founder of Bethany College there, was also a well-known author and public speaker, and was active in Kansas state politics.20 Shorter addresses were also given by Hans Mattson, who also served as chairman of the event, and Cyrus Northrop, president of the University of Minnesota. The invocation was offered by the Reverent T. N. Hasselquist from Augustana College in Rock Island, Illinois, and poems, all in Swedish, by such established Swedish-American literary figures as Herman Stockenström, A. T. Lindholm, David Nyvall, and Ernst Lindblom were read or sung.21 The musical selections included two patriotic songs in Swedish, "Vårt Land" (Our Country), originally Finno-Swedish but often sung in Sweden as well since no national anthem had yet been established at this time, and "Hor oss, Svea" (Hear Us, Svea), composed by the Swedish Romantic poet Gunnar Wennerberg in 1853 and frequently sung at Walpurgis Night and Gustav Adolf celebrations in Sweden.22 The equally patriotic "Star Spangled Banner" was also included on the program. Judging from this list of participants, it is apparent that some normally antagonistic groups within Swedish-America had, at least temporarily, put their differences aside, and that a wide spectrum of Swedish-American opinion was thus represented at the celebra• tion in Minneapolis. All the major Swedish-American denomina• tions, as well as representatives of various secular societies in the Minneapolis area, took part. There were approximately 15,000 persons in the audience, which points to the celebration's broad appeal.23 It was meanwhile observed in 1899 that the tremendous success in 1888 was not repeated in the years to come, as cooperation between the various Swedish-American organizations broke down and each group thereafter arranged its own separate celebrations.24 The effort to promote unity in 1888 was also noted in the Swedish-American press, where it was observed only a few days before the festivities that the planning committee for the celebration had included representatives from "all points of view among our people."25 The Swedish-American consensus was, however, not complete, as is shown some time after the Jubilee in an editorial comment by Swan Turnblad's Svenska Amerikanska Posten.26 Posten, which favored the Democratic Party, placed the celebration in the context of the upcoming November elections, and stated that the purpose of the Jubilee was not to commemorate the New Sweden colony, but to provide the speakers, "the most prominent. . . of our

9 spiritual guardians [andliga förmyndare]" who all "have been out on Republican stumps," with a platform for further Republican propaganda.27 Posten was, in fact, correct: among the main speakers at least Thomas, Enander, Swensson, and Mattson were actively campaigning for the Republican party in the 1888 election. The speeches held by the participants that afternoon in the Industrial Exposition Building were printed in extenso in an account of the jubilee, published toward the end of 1888.28 Their contents call for closer examination. One theme that almost by definition ran consistently through the celebration was that since the New Sweden Colony had been established in 1638, the Swedes must be recognized as one of the colonial peoples in America. Hans Mattson phrased it well in his brief opening speech by stating that a few colonial peoples, the English, Dutch, Swedes, Scots, and French had settled the New World, and had all contributed to its growth. "History" had, however, been "partial" in favor of the English, leaving the other peoples "forgotten or ignored." It was therefore urgent that this be remedied and that the Swedes assume their rightful place in American history.29 While the official purpose of the celebration was to commemorate the 250th anniversary of the establishment of the New Sweden colony, it provided the participants with a welcome forum to discuss the situation of the present Swedish immigrant group in the United States. Indeed this was clearly one of its principal functions. August Skogsbergh stated in his speech that on such a solemn occasion the question of the present status and the future of "the Swedish people in America" would inevitably have to be raised.30 This sentiment was echoed by others.31 Although Enander and Thomas devoted more time to a discussion of the New Sweden colony than did Skogsberg and Swensson, their speeches too ended with a characterization of the nineteenth-century Swedish- American community. Enander's and Thomas' assessments did, however, differ from those of the other two, a fact which as we shall see, had to do with the audience to which the respective orations were directed. To Thomas and Enander, the Swedish colony on the Delaware had above all contributed two things to the American colonies and the later republic: a strong commitment to religious values and an equally strong devotion to the principle of personal and political freedom.

10 Johan A. Enander.

According Enander, New Sweden's religious nature was manifest from the very beginning. Immediately upon landing on the American continent, Enander maintained, the colonists assembled upon the shore of the Delaware River, raised the Swedish flag, conducted a religious service of Thanksgiving and sang "A Mighty Fortress is Our God."32 Swedish churches were soon established throughout the colony, and the first minister from the Church of Sweden arrived in 1640. Thus, its inhabitants led a life "completely governed by Christianity" and when "the mighty voice of the church bells" was heard twice a day throughout the colony, "a solemn silence" descended upon the countryside. "The plowman stopped in his half-plowed furrow, the harvester put down his sickle. . . the fisherman dropped his seine, the boatman let his oars rest, the housewife stopped spinning and the child ceased playing: every head was uncovered and every hand was clasped in prayer." Christian life in New Sweden was not only limited to the colonists. Soon after the establishment of the colony, the Swedes

11 began missionary work among the local Indians. Both Enander and Thomas emphasize the uniquely peaceful contacts between the Swedes and the Indians and held that the latter greatly benefited from their Swedish neighbors. In his address, Enander conjured up a scene in which a young Indian brave overhears the first Swedish service of thanksgiving on the banks of the Delaware. He is greatly impressed by the "quietness, dignity, honesty, and steadfastness" which characterizes these newcomers, and concludes that "these strangers must be very different people from the other 'pale-faces' the Indians had been in contact with this far." Enander emphasizes the Swedish commitment to spread Christianity among the Indians, exemplified by the Swedish minister Johan Campanius' translation of Luther's shorter catechism into the Indian language, which, according to Enander, eventually spread "to almost every wigwam on the shores of the Delaware."33 The second major contribution of the Swedish colonists to America was their love of freedom. This was a characteristic normally associated with the English puritans, but W. W. Thomas maintained that it had come to America "not only in the Mayflower, but also in that Swedish ship Kalmar Nyckel," making New Sweden "an asylum for the oppressed of all nations" and a "free state where all should have equal rights."34 It was personal freedom, demonstrated most strikingly by the absence of slavery in New Sweden, which according to Enander and Thomas distinguished it from other contemporary and later colonies in North America. As Thomas put it, all the colonists "enjoy[ed] to the fullest extent, the fruits of their own labor," a fundamental principle laid down by the colonization company's original founder King Gustav Adolf, whom Thomas quotes as having justified his opposition to slavery with the words: "Slaves cost a great deal, labor with reluctance and soon perish with hard usage." Thomas reflected on this policy: "Wise words these! Had America adhered to this enlightened policy of the founder of New Sweden, we would have been spared our Civil War with all its untold suffering and cost."35 Johan Enander made the same point, stating that the colony's commitment to "freedom" was evidenced in the instructions issued by the Swedish government in 1642 to its first governor, Johan Printz, stating that the basic principle of the Swedish colonial undertaking was to be "free labor, no slavery." The same spirit, "a free country, no dependence," was, according to Enander,

12 expressed by John Morton, a descendant of the New Sweden colonists, who in Philadelphia in July 1776 cast the deciding vote which put Pennsylvania "into the group of independent colonies'" and signed the Declaration of Independence. To Enander, this showed that the Swedes, in more than one important issue, "were ahead of their times" which would render them "eternal honor."36 The New Sweden celebration provided the participants with the opportunity to establish an unbroken historical continuity connect• ing the seventeenth-century Swedish colonists on the Delaware with the nineteenth-century Swedish immigrants in the United States, and thus to regard the nineteenth-century immigration as an extension of the colonial episode. W. W. Thomas noted that the New Sweden colony was "the first step" in the immigration from Scandinavia, which "now has become alike grand in proportions and beneficent in results."37 Enander maintained that since the establishment of the colony, Swedish immigration to the United States "has never completely stopped."38 C. A. Swensson connected the past with the present by calling the celebration a "wedding occasion" in which "the first one hundred fifty years of Swedish-American history"had been "united with bonds of love and memory to the common history of the American nation."39 Moreover, both Enander and Thomas maintained that those traits which had characterized the New Sweden colonists were also typical of their countrymen 250 years later. The religious nature of the colonists was, according to both Thomas and Enander, also to be found in the nineteenth-century Swedish immigrant, who "brings with him, from his old home, the reverence for the Bible, the respect for the sacred things and the strict observance of the Sabbath." Thomas concluded that no immigrants presently in America "so closely resemble the sturdy pilgrim fathers of New England, in both faith and works,"40 He found commitment to religious values deeply ingrained in the Swedish national character and traced it far back in history. Again, the example of Gustav Adolf came to the fore, the man who fell in the battle of Lützen, but died in victory, "a victory that saved freedom of religion for you and me—for the world and for all time."41 The New Sweden colonists' commitment to freedom was also upheld by Swedish immigrants 250 years later. Swedish participation in the American Civil War, that epic American struggle over personal freedom, was particularly stressed. Just as the Swedish colonists 13 abhorred slavery, Enander exclaimed, the nineteenth-century Swe• dish immigrants answered the call to defend the cause of freedom in the Civil War and "thousands" of Swedes "bled and died heroic deaths."42 They fought, Thomas added, for the "banner of America as their ancestors fought for the yellow cross of Sweden." 43 John Ericson, the Swedish-born engineer, stood out as a genuine Swedish-American Civil War hero, since he was the designer of the Union warship Monitor which defeated the Confederate Merrimac at the Battle of Hampton Roads, which, Thomas claimed, was the "salvation of our navy, our blockade and our prestige on the seas."44 The orderly and lawful way in which the colony had been governed had its counterpart in the behavior of the nineteenth- century Swedish immigrants, who were law-abiding, seeking "to know the law of the land, not to break but to keep it."45 In this context law-breakers were equated with political radicals, which made it possible for several speakers to compare the Swedish immigrants favorably with other immigrant groups. The Swedes "do not try to subvert our institutions" and there are "no Swedish anarchists or dynamite bomb throwers" as Thomas put it.46 The only speaker not directly connected with Swedish-America, Presi• dent Northrop of the University of Minnesota, concurred: "We want no people to come here whose purpose is to subvert our institutions. Let people who are anxious for revolutions stay where they are and revolutionize Europe if they will."47 In this way, Johan Enander and W. W. Thomas projected their reading of the nature and significance of the New Sweden colony upon the Swedish-American community of 250 years later. This interpretation of the evolution of what they called the "Swedish- American people" strongly emphasized similarities and continuit• ies. Theirs was a highly positive account, extolling what were perceived as typical Swedish-American virtues. Although they too took the New Sweden colony as their point of departure, the two other main speakers, August Skogsbergh and Carl A. Swensson, used the celebration as an opportunity to discuss how their fellow immigrants from Sweden should best conduct themselves in America, offering criticism of the present Swedish-American community as well as admonitions for the future. Skogsbergh expressed the most explicit criticism. Even though much had been achieved, he held, "we would be fools if we closed 14 our eyes to our faults." Two major problems still existed in the Swedish-American community: lack of religion and drunkenness. As long as "religious devotions are despised and Bellman festivities are celebrated and tolerated," Skogsbergh maintained, the situa• tion will only deteriorate. To solve these problems, Skogsbergh called upon the Swedish-American leadership to work more closely together and do their duty in properly educating the Swedish immigrants. The prime instruments in this process were "the pulpit, the newspapers, and the schools." If only the representatives of these institutions were devoted to "the fear of God and to sobriety," the Swedish people in America would be able to ascend to a "greatness which is not imagined but real, and recognized at a higher place as well."48 Swensson spent less time criticizing Swedish-America in his speech. Instead the main thrust of his message was that the Swedes had contributed greatly to the growth and development of the American republic, that "we did not come to America to perpetuate Swedish customs or ideas," and that "America, not Sweden, is now our fatherland." To Swensson, the greatness of the Swedish Americans lay in their recognition that there was nothing "so grand" in the "entire... history of the world" as to be "a citizen of the greatest, most Christian and civilized nation on earth, the American nation." The Swedish immigrants could best honor their new homeland by Americanizing as quickly as possible and by teaching their children "to love America and her free institutions." How well the Swedes fulfilled these tasks would determine "whether the Swede shall continue to be honored and loved in this new nation of ours."49 In assessing the significance of the New Sweden 1888 celebration in Minneapolis, it may be concluded that it was more important for what it said about the nineteenth-century Swedish-American community than about the seventeenth-century New Sweden colony. The participants presented an interpretation of the colony's history and nature as the basis for assessments of the nineteenth- century Swedish-American community. The participants included the representatives of many factions, secular as well as religious, within the divided Swedish-American community. The reason for this is, I suggest, that the Jubilee was directed not only toward a Swedish-American public, but toward the larger American community as well. The animosity between the different opposing factions within Swedish-America was 15 evidently overcome by the opportunity to present a united front and a positive image of their own group to American society at large. This phenomenon was not unique: Swedish-American radicals reluctantly overcame their distaste for what they perceived as politically reactionary aspects of the Swedish-American partici• pation in the 1893 World's Fair in Chicago in favor of ethnic unity.50 Similarly, Richard Albares has shown how the strongly divided German-American community overcame its differences and joined forces in a German victory parade in Chicago, following the Franco-Prussian War in 1871.51 That the organizers attached great importance to the general American public is shown by the fact that the initiative for the celebration came from Hans Mattson, who was well established in mainstream America, that one of the featured speakers was the American W. W. Thomas, a former U. S. diplomat whose opinions could be expected to carry great weight, and that of the twelve congratulatory telegrams received during the festivities as responses to invitations to participate, eleven came from official representatives of American society at large.52 Even the way the Exposition Building was decorated suggests how both the Swedish and the American aspects of the celebration were emphasized, with the platform ablaze with banners and "the lofty pillars reaching to the roof. . . wrapped in alternate stripes of blue and yellow, the national colors of Sweden, and side by side and uppermost were the Stars and Stripes."53 To understand these circumstances, it must be remembered that by the late 1880s the issue of immigration had become a matter of great public concern.54 A growing body of opinion associated immigrants with many of the social problems that the United States was experiencing as a part of the industrialization process, and the anti-immigration or nativist movement gained renewed strength. Only a few months before the New Sweden celebration in Minneapolis, another immigrant group celebrating its ethnic heritage had come under fire when the mayor of New York, Abraham S. Hewitt, launched an attack on the Irish of that city. When the Irish-dominated Board of Aldermen wanted to fly the Irish flag at City Hall during the annual St. Patrick's Day celebration, the mayor told the city council that '"America should be governed by Americans" and his supporters maintained that those who prefer[ed] another flag should go back to where they came from."55 The New Sweden celebration thus took place at a 16 time when it was particularly advantageous for Swedish Americans to establish their credentials as one America's colonial peoples, rather than "immigrants," thus distancing themselves from other and more recent immigrant groups. Swedish immigrants were, among other things, also quite active in the nativist American Protective Association, which directed its agitation primarily against the inflow of Catholic immigrants.56 The dual public can also explain the differences between Enander's and Thomas' discussions of the contemporary Swedish- American scene, and those offered by Skogsbergh and Swensson. When Enander and Thomas spoke, enumerating all the virtues of the colonists and their nineteenth-century Swedish descendants, it was an attempt to show that since the Swedish Americans had for so long brought such beneficial characteristics to the New World and were good and loyal Americans, the "Swedish-American name," as Enander put it, deserved "honor and recognition. . . in all areas of life."57 Their speeches were thus primarily intended for the general American community, and they should be read as an effort to legitimize the Swedish immigrant group in the United States in the eyes of the "Anglo-Americans." Skogsbergh's and Swensson's assessments of Swedish-America, on the other hand, were directed toward the Swedish-American community as they addressed its specific problems. A prominent member of the recently established Mission Covenant church, Skogsbergh gave an address which is best interpreted in the light of the theological and moral dissatisfaction which had led to the separation of the Covenant from the Lutheran fold.58 Swensson's notion that the success of the Swedish-American people could be measured by how quickly and thoroughly it had Americanized was one of his early contributions to the constant debate in Swedish- America as to whether the group should assimilate into American society or retain its Swedish character.59 Their orations thus reflected internal controversies within Swedish-America, and seem to indicate that when the speakers spoke to their fellow immigrants, they felt less need to preserve the appearance of ethnic unity. The Swedish colony on the Delaware River between 1638 and 1655 thus played an important role for the hundreds of thousands of Swedes who had immigrated to the United States during the nineteenth century. It assumed its significance as leading represen• tatives of the Swedish-American community used their perceptions of its legacy as a basic element in the construction of a Swedish-

17 American ethnic identity. In this way, the New Sweden 1888 Jubilee stands out as an early example of how history was put to work in Swedish-America, a process which is still going on today.

A farmstead in colonial New Sweden as envisioned by J. A. Enander. From Valda skrifter af Joh. A. Enander, I (Rock Island, III, 1891).

NOTES 'Svenska Folkets Tidning, (Minneapolis), 21 July 1888. This and all subsequent translations, are my own. 2Alfred Söderstrom, Minneapolis-Minnen. Kulturhistoriska axplock från qvarnstaden (Minneapolis, 1899), 320. 3Sture Lindmark, Swedish-America 1914-1932: Studies in Ethnicity with Emphasis on Illinois and Minnesota (Stockholm, 1971), 28. 'Ibid., 37. sUlf Beijbom, "Swedish-American Organizational Life," in Harald Runblom & Dag Blanck, eds., Scandinavia Overseas: Patterns of Cultural Transformation in North America and Australia (Uppsala, 1986), 64-65. «Md., 56-57. 'Peter Kivisto, Immigrant Socialists in the United States: The Case of the Finns and the Left (Rutherford, N.J., 1984), 37. See also Jonathan D. Sarna, "From Immigrants to Ethnics: Toward a New Theory of Ethnicization," Ethnicity, 5 (1978), 370. sUlf Beijbom, "Clio i Svensk-Amerika" in L.-G. Tedebrand, ed., Historieforskning på nya vägar. Studier tillägnade Sten Carlsson (Lund, 1977), 23-24. Cf. the English version of this artide, "The Historiography of Swedish America," Swedish Pioneer Historical Quarterly, 31 (1980), 266-67.

18 9For a stimulating reminder that this phenomenon is not limited to ethnic groups in the U.S., see Eric Hobsbawn and Terence Ranger, eds. The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge, 1983). 10Hans Mattson, Minnen (Lund, 1890), 338. 11See Lars Ljungmark, For Sale—Minnesota. Organized Promotion of Scandinavian Immigration 1866-1873, (Gothenburg, 1971) for a full account of Mattson's activities as an immigration agent. His life is briefly summarized on pp. 267-268. 12See Sten Carlsson, "Scandinavian Politicians in Minnesota Around the Turn of the Century" in Harold Næss & Sigmund Skard, eds., Americana Norvegica III. Scandinavian-American Interrelations (Oslo, 1971), 242-245. 13The following account is based on Svenska Folkets Tidning, (Minneapolis), 5 September 1888. "See Söderström, 270-276. ™Md, 276-278. See also Nils William Olsson, "The Swedish Brothers of Minnea• polis: An Early Mutual Aid Society," Swedish-American Genealogist, 1, (1981). 18For the details of the program, see Hans Mattson, ed., 250th Anniversary of the First Swedish Settlement in America, September 14, 1888, (Minneapolis, 1888). "See article, "Thomas, W.W." in Dictionary of American Biography, 9, (New York, 1936), 447. 18On Enander, see for ex., the article in Ernst Skarstedt, Våra pennfäktare (San Francisco, 1897), 51-53. ''George Stephenson, The Religious Aspects of Swedish Immigration (Minneapolis, 1932), 276-277. Stephenson calls him "the greatest popular preacher the Swedish- Americans have produced"(277). Z0See Skarstedt, 170-172, and Daniel M. Perason, The Americanization of Carl Aaron Swensson (Rock Island, El. 1977). 21See Skarstedt, 169-172, for Stöckenström; 112-113 for Lindholm; 105-107 for Lindblom and Stephenson; 290-291 for Nyvall. 2ZFolke Bohlin, Ceremony and Serenade—19th Century Swedish Male Voice Choir (Stockholm, 1985) [Booklet accompanying the record Musica Svecia MS 701, Swedish Music Anthology]). "Mattson, Minnen, 340; Söderström, 332. "Söderström, 323. zsSkaffaren (Minneapolis), 12 September, 1888. Z6Janet Nyberg, "Swedish Language Newspapers in Minnesota," in Nils Hasselmo, ed., Perspectives on Swedish Immigration (Chicago, 1978), 250. "Svenska Amerikanska Posten, (Minneapolis), 25 September 1888. Z8Mattson, 250th Anniversary. MIbid., 4-5. 3°Ibid., 34. 31 See, for ex. Skaffaren, 12 September 1888. 32Mattson, 250th Anniversary, 22. 31Ibid., 25-26. See also the slightly expanded version of this speech in Enander's Valda Skrifter, 1, (Chicago, 1893), 29-43. 34Mattson, 250th Anniversary, 7. 35Ibid. "Ibid., 26-27. 37Ibid., 8. 3BIbid., 25. 3°Ibid., 37. '"Ibid., 11. "Ibid., 12-13. "Ibid., 28.

19 "Ibid., 11. "Ibid., 17. "Ibid., 11. "Ibid. See also p. 28, 40, for similar opinions by Enander and Swensson. "Bid., 30. "Ibid., 34-36. "Arid., 37-40. "See, for ex., comments in Svenska Kuriren (Chicago), 27 June 1893. 51Richard Albares, "The Structural Ambivalence of German Ethnicity in Chicago" (Unpublished Ph.D.-dissertation, University of Chicago, 1981). 5ZThe telegrams can be found in Mattson, 250th Anniversary, 43-55. 53Ibid., 3. "For the following section, see John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism 1860-1925, 2nd ed., (New York, 1981), ch. 3. 55As quoted in ibid., 41. 567Wd., 80-87. See also O. Fritiof Ander, "The Swedish American Press and the American Protective Association," Church History 6, (1937). "Mattson 250th Anniversary, 28. 58See Stephenson, 264-292, for this process. "See also Pearson, ch.3.

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