Culture and Heritage Study, Marine Resource Sites and Activities, Maa-nulth First Nations

Ucluelet First Nation Project Final Report

Halibut and herring eggs drying on racks at Ucluelet, 1890s. Royal B.C. Museum photo PN 1176.

Prepared for Ucluelet First Nation by Traditions Consulting Services, Inc. Chatwin Engineering Ltd. March 12, 2004 “But the ocean is more the home of these people than the land, and the bounteous gifts of nature in the former element seem more to their taste and are more easily procured than the beasts of the forest....

...Without a question these people are the richest in every respect in British Columbia...”

George Blenkinsop, 1874.

Note to Reader Thanks is offered to the Maa­nulth First Nations for their support of the project for which this is the Final Report, and especially to the h=aw`iih (chiefs), elders and cultural advisors who have shared their knowledge in the past, and throughout the project.

In this report, reference is made to “Maa­nulth First Nations,” a recent term. Within the context of this report, that term is intended to refer to the Huu­ay­aht First Nation, the Uchucklesaht Tribe, the Toquaht First Nation, the Ucluelet First Nation, the Ka:'yu:k't'h/Che:k'tles7et'h' First Nation, and to the tribes and groups that were their predecessors.

No attempt has been made to standardize the linguistic transcription of native names or words in this report. These are presented in the manner in which they were encountered in various source materials. Management Summary This is the Final Report for the Culture and Heritage Study, Marine Resource Sites and Activities, Maa­nulth First Nations. The Maa­nulth First Nations include the Huu­ay­aht First Nation, the Uchucklesaht Tribe, the Toquaht First Nation, the Ucluelet First Nation, and the Ka:'yu:k't'h/Che:k'tles7et'h' First Nation.

Previous Traditional Use Studies have been conducted that developed data for each of the Maa­nulth First Nations (MFN). The purpose of the Culture and Heritage Study of the Marine Resource Sites and Activities of the MFN is to fill significant gaps, identified by the MFN, in the available information concerning their “traditional use sites” and activities. Specifically, the project is intended to provide information required to assist and expedite consultations and negotiations regarding marine resources and areas by: • further enhancing the ability of the MFN to collect, organize, map and manage information about cultural heritage sites of significance to their communities; • developing mutually agreed to datasets and maps of MFN marine cultural heritage sites and activities for use during consultations, negotiations and at the treaty table; and • developing consensus in each community concerning project results, and the application of the project data.

In brief, the project pursued the following objectives:

• gathered existing information; • researched additional information on marine cultural heritage sites and activities; • collated information on marine cultural heritage sites into a database and GIS to acceptable standards; and • conducted 3 separate consultations with each MFN community concerning the project, including public discussions.

The project commenced on June 23rd, 2003, and was completed on January 31st, 2004. Project tasks were completed according to schedule, with minor exceptions.

The Final Report presents the project results, commencing with sections that provide the historical and ethnographic context for MFN marine resource use. A history of research is presented, beginning with a summary of descriptions about the Maa­nulth from early historical records, government records, and followed by reviews of anthropological research, traditional use studies and cultural heritage studies about the MFN. A summary of ethnographic information is next provided, including discussions of traditional social organization and governance, and resource use and management, particularly as these relate to marine resources. Next, the ethnographic histories of each of the Maa­nulth First Nations is summarized, followed by descriptions of the traditional methods of harvesting and utilizing marine resources.

The final report sections discuss the results of the project’s research on cultural heritage sites and summarize information included in the deliverables, mostly concerning the cultural heritage site databases and GIS.

The project achieved significant results. At the outset of the project, there were 2,762 cultural heritage sites recorded in the Maa­nulth First Nations’ cultural heritage site databases and GIS data. At the conclusion of the project, the number of sites had increased by 783 sites, resulting in a total of 3,545 sites, and representing an increase of 28% in the number of documented sites. There were significant increases in cultural heritage site data for each First Nation.

In addition to the increase in the number of cultural heritage sites included in the project’s databases and GIS, other achievements included:

• reviews of previous research, and improvements in completeness and accuracy of existing records; • additional information researched and recorded for previously documented sites; • enhancements in the ability of the MFN to research and manage information about cultural heritage sites; • research and organization of information on the traditional context for marine cultural heritage sites and activities, and • presentation of project information at community consultations.

Table of Contents

INTRODUCTION ...... 1 STUDY AREAS ...... 2 PROJECT PERSONNEL...... 8 METHODOLOGY ...... 8 DELIVERABLES...... 9 INFORMATION SHARING ...... 9 PROJECT METHODOLOGY AND SCHEDULE...... 10 RESULTS...... 13 HISTORY OF RESEARCH...... 14 Early Accounts of the Maa-nulth First Nations...... 14 Early Government Records...... 29 Anthropological Research...... 32 Traditional Use Studies and Cultural Heritage Site Studies ...... 39 MAA-NULTH FIRST NATIONS’ ETHNOGRAPHIC CONTEXT ...... 43 INTRODUCTION ...... 43 SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND GOVERNANCE...... 44 LOCAL GROUPS AND TRIBES ...... 46 H=AHUU>I...... 47 H=AW`IIH (CHIEFS) AND CHIEFTAINSHIP ...... 48 SPECIALISTS...... 51 MASTCHIM AND SLAVES...... 51 RESOURCES AND RESOURCE MANAGEMENT ...... 52 MARRIAGE AND KINSHIP ...... 53 CEREMONIALS ...... 54 TRADE, DIPLOMACY, AND WAR...... 55 SUMMARY OF ETHNOGRAPHIC CONTEXT...... 56 FIRST NATIONS HISTORIES ...... 62 HUU-AY-AHT HISTORY ...... 62 UCHUCKLESAHT HISTORY ...... 64 TOQUAHT HISTORY ...... 66 UCLUELET HISTORY...... 70 KA:’YU:’K’T’H’/CHE:K’TLES7ET’H’ HISTORY...... 71 MARINE RESOURCES AND ACTIVITIES ...... 76 Salmon ...... 77 Herring ...... 79 Halibut...... 80 Dogfish and Mud Sharks ...... 81 Other Fish ...... 81 Whales ...... 82 Seals...... 83 Porpoise...... 86 Sea Lion...... 86 Sea Otter...... 86 Marine Invertebrates ...... 86 Dentalia ...... 87 Waterfowl ...... 88 Marine Plants...... 88 CONTEMPORARY MARINE RESOURCES AND ACTIVITIES...... 88 CULTURAL HERITAGE SITES...... 89 CULTURAL HERITAGE SITES: LEVELS OF USE ...... 90 Traditional Territory ...... 91 H=ahuu>i ...... 91 General Resource Use Areas ...... 91 Specific Resource Use Areas...... 91 PROJECT DATABASES ...... 91 Cultural Heritage Site Activities...... 92 Cultural Heritage Site Entities...... 92 Cultural Heritage Sites Summary...... 93 MARINE RESOURCE SITES...... 94 PROJECT DELIVERABLES ...... 95 EVALUATION ...... 95 METHODOLOGY...... 95 RESULTS...... 95 REFERENCES CITED ...... 98 APPENDIX A: ACTIVITY DEFINITIONS LIST...... 108 APPENDIX B: PROJECT BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 113 APPENDIX C: MARINE RESOURCE SITE MAPS...... 145

Maps Map 1: Ka:'yu:k't'h/Che:k'tles7et'h' Territories...... 3 Map 2: Ucluelet territory...... 4 Map 3: Toquaht territory...... 5 Map 4: Uchucklesaht territory...... 6 Map 5: Huu­ay­aht territory...... 7 Map 6: Spanish Map of Barkley Sound showing locations of native villages, 1791...... 17 Map 7: Spanish Map of Barkley Sound showing locations of native villages, 1791...... 17 Map 8: Haswell’s map of Nasparti Inlet, 1791...... 18 Map 9: Ingraham’s map of Kyuquot Sound, 1792...... 18

Figures Figure 1: Illustration of “Falls and Indian Lodges. Ouchucklesit.” by Frederick Whymper, 1864. BC Archives, Pdp 106...... 57 Figure 2: Illustration of “Ouchucklesit Village” by Frederick Whymper, 1864. Beinecke Library, Yale...... 58 Figure 3: Fish trap, Kyuquot, 1914. Royal B.C. Museum PN 12496...... 58 Figure 4: Huu­ay­aht people gathering herring spawn on branches in Bamfield Inlet, ca. 1920s. Photo from Private collection...... 59 Figure 5: Halibut and herring eggs drying on racks at Ucluelet, 1890s. Royal B.C. Museum photo PN 1176...... 59 Figure 6: Cutting up a whale at Ucluelet, 1890s. Royal B.C. Museum photo PN 1184...... 60 Figure 7: Housepost at n’umuqumyis village, photographed 1911. Royal B.C. Museum PN 492...... 60 Figure 8: “Peanuts,” a Huu­ay­aht “putter” fishing boat, made from a dugout canoe, photographed ca. 1975. Royal B.C. Museum PN 5660­4A...... 61 Figure 9: Fishing boats, packers, and float camp. Mission Island, Kyuquot, mid­1900s. Royal B.C. Museum PN 16000...... 61 Tables Table 1: Community Consultation Schedule ...... 13 Table 2: Summary of 1881 census data for Maa­nulth First Nations ...... 31 Table 3: Maa­nulth First Nations Reserves, Purpose or General Character ...... 32 Table 4: Nuu­chah­nulth Culture and Heritage Project Sites ...... 43 Table 5: Summary of Cultural Heritage Sites Databases, Maa­nulth First Nations...... 93 Table 6: Cultural Heritage Sites Database, Ka:'yu:k't'h/Che:k'tles7et'h' First Nation...... 93 Table 7: Cultural Heritage Sites Database, Ucluelet First Nation...... 94 Table 8: Cultural Heritage Sites Database, Toquaht First Nation ...... 94 Table 9: Cultural Heritage Sites Database, Uchucklesaht Tribe ...... 94 Table 10: Cultural Heritage Sites Database, Huu­ay­aht First Nation...... 94

Introduction This Final Report provides information for the Culture and Heritage Study, Marine Resource Sites and Activities, Maa­nulth First Nations. The Maa­nulth First Nations include the Huu­ay­aht First Nation, the Uchucklesaht Tribe, the Toquaht First Nation, the Ucluelet First Nation, and the Ka:'yu:k't'h/Che:k'tles7et'h' First Nation.

Project Overview Previous Traditional Use Studies have been conducted that include data from each of the Maa­nulth First Nations (MFN). The purpose of the Culture and Heritage Study of the Marine Resource Sites and Activities of the Maa­nulth First Nations is to fill significant gaps, identified by the MFN, in the available information concerning their “traditional use sites”1 and activities: • The existing Traditional Use Studies for the MFN, conducted with funding provided through the Ministry of Forests of the Province of British Columbia, were primarily focused on land­based cultural heritage sites and associated activities, although some information on the marine portions of MFN territories was included; • The existing Traditional Use Studies focused primarily on the identification, documentation and mapping of cultural heritage sites and frequently lack significant details concerning the history and extent of activities that occur, or occurred, at these sites. The current project encompasses the areas of interest of the MFN, as identified in their Statement of Intent Areas, and other areas and sites where MFN members engage(d) in cultural heritage activities associated with marine resources. To the extent possible, the research and other work of the project has been completed by MFN members, with assistance from specialists in research, data management, GIS and community consultation. The project included three consultation meetings with each of the MFN communities concerning the purpose, progress and results of the project; these included public discussions. The project will allow the MFN to participate more fully in resource planning and management by having collated information concerning marine cultural heritage sites in a standardized mapped and database format, as well as organized information, from ethnographic, oral history and other sources, on traditional and contemporary usage of marine resources and about associated activities. Specifically, the project was intended to provide information required to assist and expedite consultations and negotiations regarding marine resources and areas by: • further enhancing the ability of the MFN to collect, organize, map and manage information about cultural heritage sites of significance to their communities;

1 Hereafter, “traditional use sites” are referred to as “cultural heritage sites”, a term preferred by First Nations as “traditional” suggests activites that occurred in the past. The definition of a “cultural heritage site” is the same as that for a “traditional use site”.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 1 • developing mutually agreed to datasets and maps of MFN marine cultural heritage sites and activities for use during consultations, negotiations and at the treaty table; and • developing consensus in each community concerning project results, and the application of the project data.

Study Areas The Study Area for the project includes the Statement of Intent Areas for each of the Maa­nulth First Nations, and other areas and sites where MFN members engage(d) in cultural heritage activities associated with marine resources. See Maps 1 ­ 5 for illustrations of the Statement of Intent Areas for the Maa­nulth First Nations.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 2 Map 1: Ka:’yu:k’t’h/ Che:k’tles7et’h’ territories. Map 2: Ucluelet territories. Map 3: Toquaht territory. Map 4: Uchucklesaht territory. Map 5: Huu-ay-aht territory. Project Personnel

First Nations Researchers

Huu­ay­aht First Nation Jane Peters, Researcher Jackie Mack, Assistant Researcher Clarence Dennis, Assistant Researcher

Uchucklesaht Tribe Patsy Baader, Researcher Karen McCoy, Assistant Researcher

Toquaht First Nation David Johnsen, Researcher Ann Morgan, Assistant Researcher

Ucluelet First Nation Maureen Touchie, Researcher Spencer Touchie, Assistant Researcher

Ka:'yu:k't'h/Che:k'tles7et'h' First Nation. Daisy Hanson, Researcher Samantha Oscar, Assistant Researcher

The following consultant specialists with Traditions Consulting Services, Inc. worked on the project

Kevin Neary Research Director, Report Writing, Project Management Alan Hoover Researcher, Writing Karen McCoy Researcher Terry Young Researcher, Writing Dean Snell Researcher, Cultural Heritage Site Database Management Jason Howes Cultural Heritage Site GIS, Map Production

Carmi Simpson of Chatwin Engineering managed the production of the cultural heritage site project maps for the First Nations consultations, and those provided in the Final Report appendices.

Methodology The project used the generally accepted community based and ethnographic research standards as outlined in the Traditional Use Study Program Guidelines of the Province of B.C. 2 As some cultural heritage site research had been previously conducted for each of the MFN, the research methodology was adapted to focus on identifying and filling information gaps in previous work, and to standardize project data standards and data management.

2 http://www.for.gov.bc.ca/aab/int_msrs/tus/intro.htm

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 8

In summary, the project pursued the following objectives for each of the five MFN:

• gathering existing information regarding marine cultural heritage sites and activities; • researching additional information on marine cultural heritage sites and activities; • collating information on marine cultural heritage sites and associated activities into a database and GIS to acceptable standards; and • conducting 3 separate consultations with each MFN community concerning the purpose, progress and results of the project, including public discussions.

The project objectives were achieved through a review of existing research, and through supplementary research. Each MFN community involved in this study, to the extent possible, used information gathered during previous Traditional Use Studies or other similar studies. Additional research and interviewing with key cultural advisors was pursued where documentation was sparse or lacking. Documentation of sites through groundtruthing was also undertaken, as considered necessary, and based on gaps identified in previous research.

Deliverables The deliverables for the project included: • Progress reports (monthly reports submitted monthly June – December, 2003; Interim Report submitted September 30, 2003); • Provincial Mandatory (PRM) data by February 2004, to defined standards.3 • Mapping by February 2004 to defined standards. • A final report by February 2004, to specified standards.

Information Sharing Mapping and database information regarded as confidential by the MFN is stored in the information storage system of the MFN community from which the information was gathered. The MFN acknowledge that, in treaty negotiations, the provincial government can only consider cultural heritage sites for which mapping and database products are provided to provincial negotiators.

The Parties acknowledge that the mapping and database products of this study, as listed in the project deliverables, will be provided to provincial representatives to support detailed consideration of treaty and other issues.

The Parties further acknowledge that any mapping and database products of this study will not be used by the provincial government, or anyone else, outside of treaty negotiations, as a substitute for any consultation process relating to potential MFN aboriginal rights or title.

3 http://www.for.gov.bc.ca/aab/int_msrs/tus/S3_PInt.HTM

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 9 Confidential mapping and database information provided to the provincial government by the MFN, and identified as such in writing, shall not be released to the general public and will be subject to applicable provincial policy and legislation, including the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act, and the Heritage Conservation Act.

Project Methodology and Schedule The Project Outline4 developed for the current project specified a number of phases, all completed according to schedule, with minor exceptions. Following are descriptions of the phases, and the tasks in each, as identified in the Outline.

Phase 1: Project Start­up (June 23rd – August 1, 2003) • At a meeting of Maa­nulth First Nations and other project participants at the offices of the Ucluelet First Nation on June 16, 2003, it was determined that the project should begin as soon as possible, and also that research was to include investigation of the general ethnographic context of each participating First Nation, in addition to the development of documentation concerning marine cultural heritage sites and activities; • The project workplan and methodology were finalized; • Researchers from each First Nation were identified and engaged; • Project information packages for each First Nation, including project methodology and data standards, were developed and discussed with each of the researchers; • Start­up meetings and training sessions were held with each of the project researchers at the offices of each of the First Nations; and • Each researcher was provided with the instruction and direction necessary to begin work on the compilation of existing data (Phase 4). Phase 2: Legal Assistance (June 23 rd, 2003 – January 30 th, 2004) • Work was conducted on the research and development of a backgrounder on legal and research issues with respect to the documentation of cultural heritage sites, and other information relevant to aboriginal interests. Project information and project reports were submitted for review by legal experts. Phase 3: Project Management (June 23 rd, 2003 – January 30 th, 2004) • Project researchers and assistant researchers identified and hired; • Scheduling and delivery of training and support for First Nations researchers as required; • Project tasks completed within budget and according to schedule; • Invoices and financial accounting prepared and submitted for work completed throughout project; • Purchase of project supplies and services (audio and video recording tape purchases, duplication of audio and video tapes, map purchase, production and duplication, report production, interview transcription, etc.); • Organization and completion of trips of consultant researchers to First Nations researchers’ worksites, organization and completion of project interviews and groundtruthing trips, organization and completion of First Nations’ researchers’ trips

4 Traditions Consulting Services, Inc. "Culture and Heritage Study, Marine Resources and Activities, Maa­nulth First Nations, Project Outline." Prepared for Maa­nulth First Nations and Province of British Columbia, June 17, 2003, 2003.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 10 to Victoria to research documents and other materials in the BC Archives, Royal BC Museum, and Surveyor General; • Research, organization and presentation of project materials at all Community Consultations (see Phase 5); • Production of project monthly reports, Interim Report and Project Deliverables. Phase 4: Compilation of Existing Data, Review (August 4 – 29th, 2003) • First Nations researchers assembled and reviewed extant information in their archives and offices on marine cultural heritage sites and activities with assistance from consultant researchers; • Reviews conducted of existing information for accuracy and completeness, and to identify additional documents to be reviewed for information relevant to MFN marine cultural heritage sites and activities; • Information on cultural heritage sites and activities referenced, copied and filed in the project’s information management systems (site files, research topic files, cultural heritage sites database, GIS); • Procedures developed to ensure that information about cultural heritage site and activities data was entered into project information systems in formats compatible with the project’s Final Database and GIS; and • Assistance and training provided as required to First Nations’ researchers by consultant researchers in order to complete required tasks. Project consultants made trips to assist researchers with project tasks to work sites located in Ucluelet, Port Alberni, Kyuquot and Anacla (Bamfield). Phase 5: Research; Data Entry (September 1 – Dec. 5th, 2003) • Completion of interviewing and groundtruthing with First Nations’ cultural advisors concerning marine cultural heritage sites and activities. Interviews and groundtruthing activities took place with the Huu­ay­aht, Toquaht, Ucluelet, Uchucklesaht and Ka:'yu:k't'h/ Che:k'tles7et'h' research teams, and with elders and cultural advisors from each of those communities; • First Nations’ researchers trip to Victoria for a week of training and research at archives and other information repositories. Researchers visited and obtained documents at the BC Archives, and the Royal BC Museum, and at the Surveyor General’s; • Conducted assessment of existing cultural heritage site database, GIS and associated records for each First Nation to identify data gaps; • Research and compilation of Project Bibliography (Appendix B) and review of sources for documentation containing information concerning marine resource sites and activities; • Identified, obtained and reviewed publications and other documents containing information concerning MFN marine cultural heritage sites and activities, including priority references in the Project Bibliography (Appendix B), and review of existing audio and video tapes in each First Nation’s archives; • Implementation of training programs for First Nations researchers in order to address identified data gaps, and in the methodology for the conduct of subsequent research, data management and other project tasks; • Assembly of archives of documents for each First Nation to include photographs, videos, audio tapes, publications, maps, archival and other records concerning marine

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 11 sites and activities; • Developed or improved the archival management system for each MFN First Nation; • Developed of list of standard questions for use in interviews to elicit detailed information concerning marine resource sites and activities, including the harvesting, processing, preparation, trade and other use of the resources; • Transcribed and analyzed documentation from interviews and “groundtruthing” expeditions with First Nations elders and cultural advisors concerning marine resource sites and activities; • Compiled information concerning marine resource sites and activities for entry into information management systems: cultural heritage site record files, GIS, database and archives; • Updated data for previously recorded cultural heritage sites in each First Nation’s information management system to project standards; • Entered data concerning previously unrecorded cultural heritage sites into information management systems to project standards; and • Compiled tabulated archives of information drawn from documentary, interview and groundtruthing and other sources concerning traditional and contemporary marine activities and resources, including ethnographic context. Phase 6: Community Consultations (October 17th, 2003– January 9th, 2003) Each of the Maa­nulth First Nations memberships were presented with three community consultation events at which the purpose, progress and results of the project were displayed on maps and information panels, and through personal explanations. The project researchers, and the project consultants participated in the community consultations by:

• Scheduling of dates, organizing facilities and catering for consultation events for each MFN community; • Compilation and development of display materials for consultations with each community, to include: 1. printouts of each First Nations Cultural Heritage Site Database; 2. Research, development and production of data requied for the maps for each First Nation, showing the locations of the following categories of cultural heritage sites: Fishing Sites; Seafood Collecting Sites; Dwelling Sites (from which marine resources were/are collected); Hunting Sites (e.g. seals, seal lions, ducks); and Other Sites (Named Places, Transportations Sites, Marker Sites, Ceremonial Sites, etc.) The data for these maps were updated to include the project’s final data for the final round of consultations in January, 2004. 3. Research and production of text copy and photographs for the information panels produced to explain project purpose and goals, and to present information concerning general ethnographic context. 4. Attendance at all Community Consultations with First Nations to explain purpose, scope and results of project.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 12 Table 1: Community Consultation Schedule Date First Nation Location of Meeting October 18, 2003 Uchucklesaht Port Alberni October 19, 2003 Huu­ay­aht Port Alberni October 20, 2003 Ka:'yu:k't'h/Che:k'tles7et'h' Kyuquot October 21, 2003 Ucluelet Ucluelet October 26, 2003 Toquaht Ucluelet Nov. 1st and 2nd, 2003 All Maa­nulth Nations Port Alberni November 21, 2003 Ka:'yu:k't'h/Che:k'tles7et'h' Campbell River November 22, 2003 Uchucklesaht Port Alberni November 23, 2003 Toquaht Ucluelet November 25, 2003 Ucluelet Ucluelet November 26, 2003 Huu­ay­aht Bamfield January 5, 2004 Ka:'yu:k't'h/Che:k'tles7et'h' Kyuquot January 10, 2004 Huu­ay­aht Port Alberni January 13, 2004 Ucluelet Ucluelet January 17, 2004 Uchucklesaht Port Alberni January 18, 2004 Toquaht Port Alberni

Phase 7: Data Collation (Dec. 8 – 31 th, 2003) • Reviewed data from First Nations for consistency to project standards; • Compiled data into Cultural Heritage Site Database and GIS for each First Nation (Appendix D); • Compiled information on historical and ethnographic context for marine cultural heritage sites and activities; and • Prepared Project Deliverables.

Results The following report section provides information resulting from the project research as specified for the final Deliverables.

History of Research The Maa­nulth First Nations have a long and detailed history, stretching back countless generations, in their territories in the regions which today are known as Barkley Sound, Kyuquot Sound and Checleset Bay. There are several tribal histories that recount some of the deeds and events of these times, passed down through oral accounts, some now written down.5

5 For examples, see: Nookmiis, Louie. "Interview by Eugene Arima. Translated by Harry Lucas and Robert Dennis, 1997." Huu­ay­aht First Nations, 1998; Carmichael, Alfred. Indian Legends of Vancouver Island. Toronto,: Musson Book Company, 1922; Sapir, Edward, and Morris Swadesh. Native Accounts of Nootka Ethnography. Vol. 21 (4), pt. 2, Indiana University Research Centre in Anthropology, Folklore, and Linguistics 1. Bloomington: Indiana University, 1955; Sapir, Edward, and Morris Swadesh. Nootka Texts: Tales and Ethnological Narratives. Edition: New York: AMS Press, 1978; Drucker, Philip. "Field Notes (Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes)." Smithsonian Institution, MS. 4516, pt. 23, vol.13, 1935­36. Notebook 8, pp. 101­2

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 13 The first detailed written documentation about the Maa­nulth First Nations are provided by mama>ni (white people). The first generally­known of these accounts were recorded in the 1770s and 1780s, over two hundred years ago. However, there now appears to be evidence that Sir Francis Drake made landfall in Checleset Bay in 1579, and interacted with Che:k'tles7et'h' people there.6 The appearance of mamatni in on the west coast of Vancouver Island, before the arrival of Cook 1778, is also recorded in Che:k'tles7et'h' oral traditions.7

From the time of these very first encounters with Maa­nulth First Nations, white people have written descriptions about the native people, their territory, activities and history. Some of the earlier accounts contain significant information about the Maa­nulth First Nations, about their histories, and about their marine resources and activities, and are reviewed in the next report section.

Early Accounts of the Maa-nulth First Nations Four of the Maa­nulth First Nations’ territories are located in region of Barkley Sound on the west coast of Vancouver Island (Maps 2­5), while the territory of the Ka:'yu:k't'h/Che:k'tles7et'h' is located in Kyuquot Sound and Checleset Bay region (Map 1). The report section immediately following provides an overview of early written accounts connected to the Maa­nulth from the Barkley Sound region, while the next section relates similar information from the Kyuquot Sound and Checleset Bay region.

Barkley Sound The first mama>ni (white people) known to come to Barkley Sound were Charles Barkley, his wife and crew in the Imperial Eagle in 1787. He anchored off Effingham Island; only brief accounts of his stay in Barkley Sound have survived.

In 1788, John Meares anchored in the same spot as Capt. Barkley had, and noted:

A large number of natives immediately came off in their canoes, and brought abundance of fish; amongst which were salmon, trout, cray and other shell­ fish...

On the mainland there are large and populous villages, well watered by rivulets, where great numbers of salmon are taken, which, when properly prepared, constitute a principal part of their winter’s food. 8

Some of the villages Meares noted were almost certainly those of Maa­nulth First Nations people, as were the people with whom he traded for fish and seafood.

6 Bawlf, Sam. The Secret Voyage of Sir Francis Drake, 1577 ­ 1580. Vancouver/Toronto: Douglas and McIntyre, 2003. pp. 278­9. 7 Williams, Barney. "Interview with Barney Williams by Kevin Neary on Sept. 30, 2003." Traditions Consulting Services, Inc., Victoria, B.C., 2003; Kenyon, Susan M. The Kyuquot Way: A Study of a West Coast (Nootkan) Community. Vol. Canadian Ethnology Service Paper No. 61, National Museum of Man Mercury Series. Ottawa: National Museums of Canada, 1980. p. 42. 8 Meares, John. Voyages Made in the Years 1788 and 1789 from China to the North West Coast of America. Amsterdam/New York: N. Israel/Da Capo Press, 1790. Reprint, 1967. p. 171.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 14

During the same year, 1788, the Washington under Captain Gray was becalmed off Barkley Sound. At 6 o’clock on the morning of August 28th, the crew watched two canoes approach their vessels, and then they “paddled out to sea where they hove too to fish.” Later the same day, three canoes, containing 46 people, approached and gave a ceremonial welcome to the ship and its company, including songs, dances and speeches. Not much trade occured, as Gray commented “they were very extravigant in there demands for every thing we wished to purchase.”9 The Washington returned to Barkley Sound in March of 1789, passing the village of “Cechasht,” 10 and later anchoring on the east side of the Sound. The crew of theWashington were unable to obtain any sea otter skins from the natives they encountered as all the available furs had been purchased by “Chief Wickananish” from Clayoquot Sound. After several days, the Washington departed, having only been able to purchase 4 sea otter skins.11

The next recorded visit to Barkley Sound was in 1790, by the longboat of the Argonaut, Capt. James Colnett. The longboat stayed and traded in Barkley Sound for five days, “when the Indians growing refractory” the boat was forced to leave the area.12

In 1791, the Spanish vessel Santa Saturnina, commanded by Jose Maria Narvaez, was sent to survey the “Puerto de Carrasco,” the name the Spaniards gave to Barkley Sound. The schooner spent 12 days in the sound, but was unable to explore the upper reaches due to bad weather, and to the fact that the ship was attacked on three separate occasions by Barkley Sound natives. These people were discouraged from approaching the Spanish vessel too closely when the Spaniards fired artillery into the air. Narvaez’s pilot, Pantoja, reported:

...the Indians were very numerous and close together in many canoes, showing themselves to be very warlike and daring. In what he had travelled over he had seen four large settlements. They all dress in the same way as those at Noca but there is some difference in language.13

Another report, from the same expedition:

...the captain told me that...He had seen five large settlements in the whole archipelago and believed that they contained more Indians than Nuca and Clayocuat, very warlike and daring and given to robbery. As a proof of this 200 endeavoured to attack him on two occasion, but he held them in check by means of some cannon shot...The customs of the natives, their clothing and their method of living are in every respect similar to those at Nuca,

9 Howay, F.W. Voyages of the Columbia to the Northwest Coast 1787­1790 and 1790­1793. Reprinted in 1969 by Da Capo Press; New York and in 1990 by the Oregon Historical Society; Portland; Massachusetts Historical Society, 1969. p. 43. 10 Possibly Ts’ishaa, Benson Island 11 Howay, “Voyages of the Columbia.” pp. 78­9. 12 Howay, Frederic W., ed. Journal of Captain James Colnett. Aboard the Argonaut from April 26, 1789 to November 3, 1791. Toronto: Champlain Society Publication XXVI, 1940. 13Wagner, Henry .R. Spanish Explorations in the Strait of Juan De Fuca. Reprinted in 1971; same title, A.M.S. Press Inc., New York ed. Santa Ana, California: Fine Arts Press, 1933. p. 172.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 15 except the language, of which a few words vary.14

One Spanish map made at the time, shows five native villages in Barkley Sound, one at the mouth of the Maggie River, one at the mouth of Uchucklesit Inlet, one on the east side of Tzartus Island, one in the Broken Group and another near the mouth of Effingham Inlet (see Map 6). Another Spanish map, also from 1791, also shows five native villages: one in the Broken Group, one near the mouth of Effingham Inlet, one on the west side of Tzartus Island, one at the mouth, and another at the head of Uchucklesit Inlet (Map 7).

14 Ibid. p. 149.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 16 Map 6: Spanish Map of Barkley Sound showing locations of native villages, 1791.

Map 7: Spanish Map of Barkley Sound showing locations of native villages, 1791. Map 8: Haswell’s map of Nasparti Inlet, 1791.

Map 9: Ingraham’s map of Kyuquot Sound, 1792. Also during 1791, members of the crew of the American vessel Columbia reported at “Nittenat” (as Barkley Sound was then known) venereal disease and smallpox being present in the region.15 As detailed later, these and other diseases had devastating impacts on the Maa­nulth and other First Nations in British Columbia, detailed later.

Etienne Marchand on La Solide also visited Vancouver Island in 1791. Although he only drifted off Barkley Sound in a fog bank for three days, Marchand was able to observe and record a a native whaling expedition:

“...at six o’clock in the morning, were perceived five canoes, which had come from the part of the coast that bore north­north­east, steering for the ship which then successively approached. Each of these canoes carried six men, all of a certain age: in that which came first came near the ship, was a man somewhat more advanced in years, who stood up, on approaching the side, and sang for several minutes. In these five canoes, no other furs were seen than some tolerably large pieces of bear skin.

...After having stopped near the ship for half an hour, they directed their route towards the offing, where, no doubt, they were going to wait for whales; and they drew up in a well­formed line, leaving an equal interval between each canoe.

...their whole clothing consisted of rugs, some of which were woven of the filaments of bark, and others, of wool, appeared, from the pattern, to be of Spanish manufacture; they also wore necklaces of glass­beads, ear pendants, and bracelets of plaited brass wire, from which hung some bobs of the same metal...Some had, round their head, a piece of blue cloth, twisted...Their hats of rush, plaited...in shape, which is that of a flowerpot turned upside­down, with strait rims, and terminated like a bell in its upper part. Our voyagers did not see them long enough to be able to examine their persons minutely; they appeared strongly made and robust, but very ugly and rather thin; their hair is black and straight: five or six men among them had their face smeared with a sort of ochre.

Their canoes are constructed with still greater intelligence and art than any of those which had been seen on the coast...they are likewise larger. They are from thirty to thirty­five feet in length, and their greatest breadth is three feet: they are hollowed out of a single trunk of a tree, and the stem is raised by pieces joined firmly, and in a workmanlike manner, to the body of the canoe: the after part is terminated in a round and perpendicular stern: they have throughout their whole length a slight sheer; and rising of their floor forward and aft is fashioned in a manner so advantageous for going through the water...The Americans move them with paddles which appear intended to serve both for an oar and an offensive weapon; for the blade, or the part which is dipped into the water, is terminated in a point; and, on the whole,

15Howay, Voyages of the Columbia. p. 195, 391

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 19 this paddle bears a resemblance to a lance.

No other weapon was seen in their canoes, nor any other European commodities than those which have been mentioned. But their implements for fishing particularly attracted the attention of the French seamen. A strong lance, twelve or thirteen feet long, cut to a point at one of the ends, and strengthened, at certain distances, by broad wooldings of cord which afford to the hand points of rest, and prevent it from slipping; two or three lances, more slender and without being strengthened, but of the same length; two or three pieces of rope of two inches or two inches and a half in circumference; and equal number of leathern bottles, three feet long by fifteen inches diameter, filled with air; lastly, a chest containing harpoons, lines, fish­hooks, and other fishing gear, composed the equipment of each of the canoes.

On the request of the French, the natives were eager to explain to them, in the best way they could, the use which they make of all of this furniture...in their great whale­fishing. The strong lance...is intended for striking the whale, when he presents himself on the surface of the water;...the slighter lances are employed for darting the harpoons, to each of which is fastened one of the long pieces of rope: the other end of the line is fixed to one of those large bladders filled with air: this sort of balloon, floating on the water, cease not to indicate the place where to find the whale, dead or wounded, that has carried with him a harpoon: and the fishermen, directed by this signal follow him up, and celebrate, by songs of joy, their victory and conquest. But the most difficult of all is not, undoubtedly, to deprive the monster of life; it remains for them to get possession of him: and it would never be believed, if we were not assured of the fact, that with skiffs so slight and ticklish, as canoes hollowed out of the trunk of a tree, a few men should succeed in dragging the space of four or five leagues an enormous mass, and contrive to run it on shore on a beach where they can cut it up: it cannot be believed that it was given to men, who are not sons of gods, to execute, with the sole help of their hands, these real labours of Hercules.” 16

This passage establishes the organized nature of the Maa­nulth First Nations marine pursuits in Barkley Sound at the time, provides some details of the preparations made for fishing and sea mammal hunting, as well as comments concerning clothing, canoes and the whale hunt. It also establishes that the whaling crews went “four or five leagues” (equalling 19 to 24 kilometers) offshore in order to capture and transport their prey.

In 1792, the sloop Advernture, Captain Haswell, spent a few days anchored at “Cechaht Cove” in Barkley Sound, and there purchased a few sea­otter skins and some oil.17

16 Fleurieu, C. P. Claret. A Voyage around the World, Performed During the Years 1790, 1791, and 1792, by Etienne Marchand. facsimile reprint 1969; Amsterdam, N. Israel ed. ed. 2 vols. London: Longman, Rees, Cadell and Davies, 1801. 17 Howay, Voyages of the Columbia. p. 316­7.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 20 Perhaps the most extensive descriptions of Barkley Sound in the eighteenth century comes from Bernard Magee, the first officer on the Jefferson under Captain Josiah Roberts. 18 This vessel stayed in Barkley Sound for two weeks during the summer of 1793, and later wintered over in Toquart Bay, from September 1793 until April of 1794. During the summer, Magee traveled in the ship’s jolly boat around Barkley Sound and conducted some trade (for furs), and visited four native villages, each of which he described as more “large and populous” than the last. Again, the visitors were told that all their furs had been purchased by chief “Wickinenish.” Magee and his crew spent the winter near a Toquaht village in Toquart Bay. The Americans were made welcome by the Toquaht, freely hunting for deer and geese to supply themselves with food. During their time in Toquart Bay, Magee recorded several transactions with the “Huiquis, chief of Tooquot,” and with other First Nations in the region. Capt. Roberts was visited at his winter anchorage by Chief Wickanninish, who entered into negotations to purchase the Jefferson’s schooner for 50 sea­otter skins; the sale never transpired. While at anchor, the Jefferson conducted trade with the Toquaht, with Chiefs Tatootcheticus and “Wickanensih” from Tla­o­qui­aht, “Tattio, Chief of Clahasset,” Chief “Hanna” from Ahousaht, the Tseshaht, the Hach’a%th= and with the Ditidaht. The trade included many items, mostly prime sea otter skins, from the First Nations for cloth, chisels, swords, copper, muskets, haiqua (dentalia shells) and the cabin carpet from the American vessels.

Relations were not always peaceful. One member of the Jefferson’s crew was killed while ashore in Toquart Bay; the “Clahasset” conducted a raid on a village of the local people, near the winter anchorage, plundering and carrying off two young girls as slaves. Chief Wickanninish told the Americans that he had to kill 40 of the local people as they were “troublesome” and had “paid him but little tribute.” Throughout the time the ship was in Toquart Bay, the Americans complained of having items stolen from the ship. In retaliation, the Americans raided the Tseshaht village (presumably on Benson Island), firing swivel and blunderbuss guns at this village, and wounded or killed a few the occupants. A few of the American crew then went ashore and “took anything of any consequence...a great quantity of dried fish, some towees, bits of copper, one musket...tore down a number of houses, stove some of large canoes, and took off 6 of the best canoes.” On April 12th, 1794, shortly after this attack, the Jefferson left Barkley Sound; as they departed, Magee noted “many canoes at the rock afishing, but at our approach (they) put off for shore to avoid us as much as possible.”

In 1795, the Ruby, Capt. Charles Bishop, made landfall near Ucluelet. He described “Chief Hyhocus” coming out to meet him “in a a large canoe attended by many smaller ones.” Bishop learned that the Ucluelet native people had 50 skins to sell, and that the Ucluelet would send word to Chief Wickanninish to bring more skins for sale. Wickanninish came to Ucluelet a few days later, and offered to buy the Ruby, for a ship­ full of sea­otter pelts. Bishop declined the offer, but made an agreement to return with another ship that he would sell to the chief. While at Ucluelet, Bishop learned that Chief Hyhocus had attacked and killed a canoe of enemy natives from the north, subjects of a chief “Clahoamas,” apparently for fishing in Ucluelet territory. Bishop also conducted

18 Magee, Bernard. "Voyage Made on Board Ship Jefferson to Northwest Coast 1791 ­ 1793." Victoria, B.C.: British Columbia Archives, Add Mss­1426, Reel A273­1, 1793.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 21 some trade with “two Chiefs from the East shore” of Barkley Sound, named “Yapasuet and Annathat.” 19

It was not until 1817 that there is evidence of another trading vessel in Barkley Sound. Capt. Camille de Roquefeuil, on board Le Bordelais, sailed into a harbour on the east side of Barkley Sound, now called Port Desire. He described this visit as follows:

This port, into which the natives told us no vessel had ever before entered, is situated two leagues from the passage, on the east side of the bay....

As far as I could understand, the natives call by the name of Anachtchitl and Oheia the district which surrounds their bay...They give the name Tchaxa or rather Tchacktza to Port Desire, and the district which surrounds it. 20

Roquefeuil had sailed into Grappler Creek, near Bamfield, in Huu­ay­aht territory. He renders the name “Tchacktza” relatively accurately. It is written as Ts’axts’a:?a in other sources, and is the name now used for a Huu­ay­aht Indian Reserve at Sugsaw Creek in Grappler Inlet. “Oheia” is Roquefeuil’s attempt to write Huu­ay­aht, and “Anachtchitl” is a version of the Huu­ay­aht name for the Sarita River “?anaqshitl”. Roquefeuil also noted:

We observed here the same hierarchy and the same subordination as at Nootka. Nanat appeared to be the grand chief (Cia a lesser chief); he exercised his authority with more arrogance than Macouina...

By the early part of the 19th century, the sea­otter fur trade was in decline. There are a few written records from this period, however, that refer to Maa­nulth First Nations indirectly. Gabrielle Franchere, accompanying David Thompson, described the presence of haiqua,21 dentalia shells, on the lower Columbia River in 1811. By 1821 haiqua was the major medium of exchange on the lower Columbia, and was used as a form of currency throughout the HBC’s Columbia District until the 1840s by both natives and non­natives.22 Neah Bay and Cape Flattery, across the Strait of Juan de Fuca from Barkley Sound, became a focus of commerce in the 1820s, and was frequented by American and Hudson’s Bay Company (HBC) vessels, trading in sea otter, land pelts, fresh fish, oil and haiqua.

For the HBC, the most important of these commodities were the oil and haiqua. The oil sought by the HBC was lamp oil or whale oil, and may also have included dogfish oil;

19 Roe, Michael, ed. The Journal and Letters of Captain Charles Bishop on the North­West Coast of America, in the Pacific and in New South Wales, 1794­1799. Cambridge, England: Hakluyt Society, Cambridge University Press, 1967. p. 106. 20 Roquefeuil, Camille de. A Voyage Round the World between the Years 1816­1819, in the Ship Bordelais. abridged translation ed. Vol. 9, In Phillips' New Voyages and Travels. London: Printed for Sir Richard Phillips by D. Sidney, 1823. 21 Haiqua were a common commodity of trade, and used as form of currency. The Kyuquot had a share in the control of the main source of these valuable shells. Drucker, “Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes.” p. 110­12. 22 Mackie, Richard. Trading Beyond the Mountains. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1997. p. 85; 284.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 22 the haiqua was certainly brought from upper coast of Vancouver Island and was a major item of trade. Although not specifically mentioned in documents, the Maa­nulth First Nations must have been involved in this trade of marine products with the HBC and American traders,23 particularly since the Ka:'yu:k't'h were co­owners of the valuable haiqua beds near Rugged Point. The Vancouver Island tribes’ central role in trade is also indicated by the Chinook trading “jargon” language, originally based on Nuu­chah­nulth words, which came to be used along much of the west coast of Canada, and as far south as the Columbia River.24

The next noteworthy white visitor among the Maa­nulth was William Eddy Banfield, who first operated a trading schooner on the west coast, and eventually lived at Bamfield Creek, from 1860 to 1863. During this period, Banfield was appointed a government agent, and sent a number of letters and reports to Governor Douglas, providing information about Barkley Sound and its inhabitants. He also wrote articles for the Victoria newspapers. One of his first letters, in 1855, gives some population estimates for the Huu­ay­aht (500) and the Ucluelets (350); in this letter he makes no mention of the numbers of Toquaht or Uchucklesahts.25 He also wrote a number of articles for the Victoria Gazette in 1858, including the following about the Maa­nulth tribes and their utilization of marine resources:

The Ohiat Indians are a large tribe, about four hundred and fifty or five hundred strong. They inhabit the eastern side of Nitinat (Barkley) Sound...The Indian villages are numerous from the very point. They are traceable for twelve or fourteen miles up the Sound, but in winter they assemble in one encampment, showing a full mile frontage. One chief controls the whole, his name is Cleshin.

Herrings come on this coast in February and March in immense quantities...They are caught with a small bag net. These Indians also catch a number of whales, and make a quantity of oil from dog­fish and seals. They are likewise great hunters of bears, land­otters, martins, beavers, mink, raccoons, and sea­otters. They exchange these commodities with white traders and the Indians in the interior for blankets, tobacco, powder, shot, calico, etc... 26

This passage touches on the aboriginal system of tribal governance, controlled by a head chief. It also highlights the abundance and importance of the marine resources of the region, how the native people benefited from this abundance of fish and other animals, and the fact that there existed significant commercial relations with outsiders. Banfield continued:

23 Ibid. pp. 231­34. 24 Ibid. pp. 295­6. 25 Banfield, William. "Letter to Sir James Douglas, July 1, 1855." Victoria, B.C.: BC Archives, GR 1372, File 588a, 1855. 26 Banfield, William E. "Vancouver Island: Its Topography, Characteristics, etc.: In the Netinett District." Victoria Gazette, 28 August, 1858, p.1.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 23 ...there is a small tribe of about 80 Indians, called Howcheaklesets; they are also fishermen and great hunters. Large quantities of oil and skins, furs, etc...Many finely modeled canoes are made at Ohiat...They trade these canoes off to the Macaws for muskets, etc.27

In another letter, Banfield wrote:

About 8 miles from Sheshaht, on a deep indentation of the bay, is a small tribe of Indians, about twenty in number, call Taquats, once a much larger tribe, but some ten years since they were engaged in an intertribal wars with the Nitinats, and in consequence were reduced to their present small number. The quantity of salmon and herring caught here is actually incredible.

On the western extremity of the Sound is a large tribe of Indians, numbering about four hundred and fifty, called Youcloulyets....28

In his reports to Douglas, Banfield describes the abundant fishery resources utlized by the Barkley Sound First Nations; mentioning salmon, halibut, codfish, herring and whales in particular.

During the 1860s and 1870s, several other white visitors came through Maa­nulth territory in Barkley Sound, as traders, prospectors, explorers or settlers; some left interesting records concerning the First Nations they observed.

Bishop Hills visited Barkley Sound in 1860, and wrote a few comments about the Huu­ ay­aht, Ucluelet and Uchucklesaht, and described the abundance of whales, salmon, herring, halibut, cod and oysters available to the native people in the area. 29

Gilbert Malcolm Sproat began his career in British Columbia at Alberni, where he managed the construction and operation of a mill in the early 1860s. Based on his experience with and observations of Barkley Sound First Nations at the time, he authored Scenes and Studies of Savage Life, the first attempt at a comprehensive description of native life on the west coast of Vancouver Island.30

Members of the Vancouver Island Exploring Expedition also visited the Barkley Sound region. Perhaps the most interesting record they left are a pair of scenes illustrated by expedition artist Frederick Whymper in 1864 at “Ouchucklesit” (Figs. 1 and 2). Figure 1 depicts people, a canoe, a pair of houses, and a system of fish weirs at the head of Uchucklesit Inlet, that illustrates the traditional method of salmon harvest and management. The sketch shown in Figure 2 illustrates people and houses at a Uchucklesaht village. Whymper described his visit to Uchucklesit Inlet in his journal:

27 Ibid. 3 September, 1858. 28 Banfield, William E. "Letters to Colonial Secretary." BC Archives, Colonial Correspondence, GR 1372, 1859. 29Hills, George. No Better Land: The 1860 Diaries of the Anglican Colonial Bishop. Edited by Roberta L. Bagshaw. Victora: Sono Nis, 1996. p.260 30 Gilbert M. Sproat, “The Nootka: Scenes and Studies of Savage Life,” ed. and annot. Charles Lillard (Victoria, B.C.: Sono Nis Press, 1987).

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 24

...entered Ouchucklesit Harbour. Here there is a tolerable village which I sketched returning...

...2 siwashes came on board and we allowed them to go with us and show us the stream leading to the Lake – You enter it through a dark passage between overhangin rocks – Inside this it widens and a little above there are falls or rather rapids – with salmon weirs and between these...3 lodges at this point... sketched the lodges31 . In 1868, there was another outbreak of smallpox in Barkley Sound, described by a missionary catechist:

40 Ohy­ahts had died of the disease which was fast spreading...those who were affected by it were so terrified that they were neglecting to lay in their winter’s store of salmon, so that starvation would probably ensue upon the disease...

...they were very ill­disposed towards us on account of the fatality caused by the small­pox among the Ohy­ahts, and which the Indians think was communicated to them purposely by the white men. 32

The effects of this outbreak of disease were devastating, and were later described in detail by Chief Louie Nookmiis of the Huu­ay­aht:

“There were many Ohiahts, over two thousand persons, with houses all over here all the way to M’a:lsit. The Ohiahts were a very big tribe. There was no more fighting. With no more war they began singing songs and dancing. Now I think this was at the year 1875 [likely earlier] when they stopped fighting and there was peace.

Then came a ship which entered harbour at N’aquowis, right across from Bamfield. The people went to the ship to see it, and they went aboard. The ship’s Captain allowed them to go aboard the ship. They looked down the hatch, the Ohiahts, and they saw that there was something wrong with many of the Whitemen, the sailors, for they were all groaning. It turned out that they were all sick, that they were sick with smallpox, the sailors. The White men had smallpox sickness. I think the ship came from San Francisco. The Canadian Indians at that time went to kill American Indians. Starting from Nootka, they had been at Ahousat. Now they came to this place where the ship now was. Said the Captain,

“For seven days you will be well. Then you will get that sickness.”

31 Whymper, Frederick. "Journal V.I.E.E." B.C. Archives Add Mss 794, 1864. 32 Guillod, Harry. "Extracts from the Diary of Mr. H. Guillod, Catechist, Alberni Mission." Columbia Mission Annual Reports (1869 ­ 78) 1869. p. 261­2.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 25

So he said to the Ohiahts. The Indians did not know what the sickness was; there was none like it in this country. The White men used the smallpox sickness to kill the Indians. Many Ohiahts died; only eighty families remained alive. It was the Americans who caused them to die. From two thousand persons, just eighty families remained alive.

“The Americans are the cause of the way we are now; we are few now,” my grandfather used to say when he told the story, telling about what they were like, the people of long ago.

Many died over the next six months. My grandfather moved to a mountain at Sarita Lake. By doing so he did not catch the smallpox sickness there. He quickly moved far away, taking along his family, his children, and by doing that he remained alive. The Americans caused them to die, the Canadian Indians, by giving them the bad sickness. All that was left alive is how many we are now. From that time we have not become many.” 33

It has been estimated that the Maa­nulth, like other First Nations in British Columbia, lost as much as 90% of their population due to a series of introduced diseases in the 18th and 19th centuries.34 There were at least eight varieties of epidemic diseases introduced to the Northwest Coast region during the first century after Europeans arrived in the Nuu­chah­ nulth region, including smallpox, malaria, measles, influenza, and typhoid fever.35 These epidemics took a terrific toll on the Maa­nulth tribes, not just in terms of the number of lives lost, but also resulting in comparable loss to the traditional culture through the deaths of many high­ranking and knowledgeable people.

Kyuquot Sound and Checleset Bay. There are fewer early historical records that document the Che:k'tles7et'h' and Ka:'yu:k't'h than exist for the Maa­nulth First Nations in Barkley Sound. As previously mentioned, there is some evidence that the earliest European visitor to the west coast of Vancouver Island was Sir Francis Drake.

The earliest well­documented non­native visitors to visit Che:k'tles7et'h' and Ka:'yu:k't'h territory arrived in 1787. An English trading expedition, inlcuding the vessels Princess Royal and Prince of Wale sunder the command of Capt. Colnett, anchored in Nasparti Inlet in Che:k'tles7et'h' territory on August 10 and 11th of that year. Andrew Taylor, third mate on the Prince of Wales, wrote:

33 Nookmiis, Louie. "War with the Clallams." In Between Ports Alberni and Renfrew: Notes on West Coast Peoples, edited by E. Y. Arima and Denis St. Claire et al, 13 ­ 202. Ottawa: Canadian Ethnological Service, 1991. 34 E.Y. Arima et al., Between Ports Alberni and Renfrew, pp. 1­2; Yvonne Marshall, “The Political History of the Nuu­ chah­nulth People: A Case Study of the Mowachaht and Muchalaht Tribes,” (Ph.D. diss., Simon Fraser University, 1993); Robert T. Boyd, The Coming of the Spirit of Pestilence: Introduced Infectious Diseases and Population Decline among Northwest Coast Indians, 1774­1874 (Vancouver/Seattle: UBC Press/University of Washington Press, 1999). 35 Cole Harris, “Social Power and Cultural Change in Pre­Colonial British Columbia,” BC Studies 115/116 (Autumn/Winter 1997/98): p 51.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 26 Two canoes joined us without the harbour, and followed us in as soon as the Vessels were at Anchor several Canoes came along side; we saw by some beads, that these People Visit Maquillas Village, the Language and customs are exactly alike....The Natives offered us some roasted Muscles on skewers and were perfectly civil. We purchased fifteen good skins of them...[on] the Starboard hand near the entrance [of the harbour] is a Village about fifty inhabitants had we made a longer stay they promised to bring us skins.36

The small village described by Taylor was likely a resource camp of the Che:k'tles7et'h' at the mouth of Nasparti Inlet, but was not drawn on the map or sketch Colnett made at the time.37

The Che:k'tles7et'h' at Nasparti Inlet were visited a few years later, in June of 1791, by another trading expedition, led by Capt. Gray on the Columbia.38 John Hoskins, the first mate, observed as Columbia approached“Chickleset Sound:” “many canoes with natives going out a fishing.” The Columbia came to anchor in “Columbia Cove” at the mouth of Nasparti Inlet (see Map 8). The Che:k'tles7et'h' brought “fish and skins” to the Columbia. Capt. Gray sent a boat to search for the “head village,” passing on the way a “small village” at upsowis. A few days later, Capt. Gray himself proceeded in the Columbia’s pinnace to the “head village,” and there was met by the “old Chief” and served “dried fish of various sorts, roasted clams and muscles” by the chief’s son. Gray’s party was also entertained with songs of welcome, but the Americans soon left the village, fearing an attack. On leaving Che:k'tles7et'h' territory, Hoskins noted that the native people had sold them various types of fish, including: “a sort of cod, red snappers, herrins, sardines, hallibut and a small silver bream.” He states that the village at upsowis had about thirty inhabitants. The “main village,” though not named by Hoskins is undoubtedly acous, which he described:

The head village is in the next sound, where the Chief resides...the village consists of about thirty houses; which contain between two hundred and three hundred inhabitants. Besides this, there are two or three other villages scattered about the sound; whether they are subject to the same Chief or not, I don’t know. It is impossible for me to form any kind of judgement of the number of this tribe.39

Haswell also created a map of “Chickleset Sound,” showing the location of “Opswees” and several other places with their Che:k'tles7et'h' names (Map 8). 40

The Columbia returned to Che:k'tles7et'h' territory the following year, 1792, and anchored again in “Columbia Cove” at the mouth of Nasparti Inlet. They were met by a “vast concourse of Indians...among whom was Necklar chief of the sound. They brought

36 Galois, Robert, ed. A Voyage to the North West Side of America: The Journals of James Colnett, 1786­89. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2004. p.122. 37 Ibid. pp.123­4 n195. 38 Howay, F.W. Voyages of the Columbia. pp. 190­94. 39 Ibid. 40 Ibid. p. 337.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 27 many more furs, than they did last season we visited them. Found these Natives so chearfull and oblidging that we did not apprehend any danger...”41 Despite these words, the relations between the Che:k'tles7et'h' and the Columbia ended in conflict. According to the American account, they observed a number of Che:k'tles7et'h' people in a fleet of canoes approach their vessel at night; fearing attack the crew of the Columbia fired on the canoes, wounding or killing many people. According to the Che:k'tles7et'h', they had been unable to agree with the Americans upon the price of furs during negotiations. The Columbia then attacked the Che:k'tles7et'h' village, killing seven, wounding others, and stole the rest of their sea­otter skins.42

The account of interest comes from the American vessel Hope, Capt. Joseph Ingraham. On July 27th, 1792, Ingraham approached Kyuquot Sound, thinking it was Esperanza Inlet. Five canoes of people came out to greet him, and the Hope proceeded into Kyuquot Sound, eventually anchoring somewhere in the southern portion of the sound. A man identified as the “chief of the port,” named “Summattlemulth,” welcomed Ingraham and sold him “a few skins.” The following day, after some trade, the Americans became worried. When 15 canoes, some “large and full of men,” approached the Hope, Ingraham ordered the “swivel gun” fired over their heads. When this did not divert the canoes, the Hope fired some “round and grape shot” at the canoes, forcing them to disperse, and presumably causing damage to their crews. After this action, Ingraham realized that further trade was impossible, and left Kyuquot Sound. When sailing southeast out of the sound, Ingraham passed “a vast number of canoes, every one with a sail...Some of these canoes were not less that six leagues from the land, so that if the weather came on thick suddenly or the wind began to blow strong offshore, they must be inevitably lost.”43 This last entry indicates that Ka:'yu:k't'h (or other Nuu­chah­nulth) mariners, were venturing far offshore,44 likely seeking fish or sea mammals. In addition to his journal entries, Ingraham also produced a sketch map of the Kyuquot Sound, showing the locations of four Ka:'yu:k't'h villages (Map 9).45

Summary of Early Accounts From the observations of the Maa­nulth First Nations available in the accounts described above, the following points are made in summary:

• The native people had organized societies, called tribes, headed by chiefs, who occupied distinct territories; • The Nuu­chah­nulth, including the Maa­nulth First Nations, were marine­oriented and marine resources were the basis of their economy and provided them with their staple foods, including fish, sea­mammals, and intertidal and subtidal resources; • The native people ranged far offshore to fish and hunt, 25 kilometers and more being described; • Several non­native observers describe native “welcomings;” being met, offshore by

41 Ibid. p. 400. 42 Ibid. p. 400n. 43 Ingraham, Joseph. "Joseph Ingraham's Journal of the Brigantine Hope on a Voyage to the Northwest Coast of North America 1790 ­ 92." edited by Mark D. Kaplanoff. Barre, Massachusetts: Imprint Society, 1971. p. 207­11. 44 Six leagues equals approximately 28 kilometers. 45 Ibid. p. 179.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 28 delegations of native people, who greet their visitors with songs, speeches and ceremony; • There are many accounts of violence, threats of violence, or perceptions of threats, between the natives and the traders, and between native groups; • The relationship between the natives and non­natives was essentially commercial in nature, based on marine resources (furs, fish, oil, haiqua) from the natives for metals and manufactured goods from the whites. • There were trading relationships between native groups in Barkley Sound and Clayoquot Sound to the northwest, with the Makah to the southeast, and with other groups

Early Government Records In addition to other sources, early government records provide information on the Maa­ nulth First Nations and their marine resources and activities. After British Columbia’s confederation with Canada in 1871, the influence of the Dominion Government was asserted over native tribes, in large part through the Department of Indian Affairs and the Department of Marine and Fisheries. An Indian Agent for the West Coast Agency was appointed in 1881. The annual reports of the West Coast Agency Indian Agent over the next decades are a sources of information on Maa­nulth First Nations marine resources and activities,46 as are dominion and provincial fisheries records. A few examples of government records are reviewed here as they document the primary role that marine resources and activities played in traditional culture and economy.

In 1874, George Blenkinsop was sent to Barkley Sound by I.W. Powell, Indian Commissioner for British Columbia, Department of Indian Affairs. Blenkinsop spent three months in Barkley Sound. His purpose was to investigate the land question in preparation for the establishment of Indian Reserves in the area. Blenkinsop wrote a detailed report of his research.47 His report described the “Resources and Occupations” of the First Nations of Barkley Sound, as well as describing “Villages and Fishing Stations;” provided a census of the tribes, and included a map showing village locations, fishing stations, trading stations, burial sites and Blenkinsop’s understanding of the boundaries of the various tribal territories. Blenkinsop made many observations in his report, including the following about First Nations and marine resources and activities in Barkley Sound:

• The marine resources are very rich, and native people are able to make between $500 and $700 (in 1874 dollars) per year from their fishing and sealing activities; • Individual chiefs own the rights to respective fishing streams, but are under the control of the head chief of the tribe, to whom the chiefs invariably contribute a portion of their take whenever the salmon season is over; this rule applies to all other kinds of food resources also; • The chiefs own the rights to the resources in their territories, and others must pay them, for example, for the wood required to make canoes, or to build houses; • Property cast on shore, whales included, and all animals killed swimming in the

46 Canada. Indian Affairs Annual Reports 1864 ­ 1990 National Library of Canada and Indian and Northern Affairs, 2003 [cited 2003]. Available from http://www.nlc­bnc.ca/2/23/index­e.html. 47 Blenkinsop, George. "Report to I.W. Powell, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, by G. Blenkinsop, 23 September, 1874." Department of Indian Affairs RG 10, V. 3614, f. 4105, 1874.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 29 water are given up to the chief, who selects that portion which, according to usage, he is entitled to; • Blenkinsop suggests that the “Indians” be given reserves, fishing stations, and that later “other arrangements would have to be made regarding their exclusive right to fish in these waters;” • He describes the abundance of fish in Barkley Sound and the tribes’ reliance on fish (salmon, halibut, cod, dogfish and herring) and fish oils, sea mammals (and their oils), and other marine resources, their seamanship (reporting that native canoes and their crews ventured many miles offshore), leading him to observe that “the ocean is more the home of these people than land”; • He describes the “Villages and Stations” of the Barkley Sound tribes, including the Ucluelet, Toquaht, Uchucklesaht and Huu­ay­aht, names some of their salmon streams and fishing banks (also shown on his map), and includes a census of each tribe: Ucluelet ­ 287; Toquaht – 47; Huu­ay­aht – 262; Uchucklesaht – 91.

In 1881, the first federal census was completed for the west coast of Vancouver Island. The following instructions were included in those provided to the census takers:

All persons will be registered in the Province and locality in which their home and family reside, whether they may be absent, such as fishermen or lumbermen, or those who are travelling abroad.

And:

A family, as understood for the purpose of the census, may consist of one person living alone, or any number of persons living together under one roof, and having their food provided together.48

In the census, the “occupations” of the men were described; unfortunately in all but one instance, the occupations of the women were not listed.49 Table 2, below summarizes some of the information from the census for Maa­nulth First Nations. The “percentage” column indicates the proportion of men whose “occupation” was described as “fisherman.” The table demonstrates that approximately 90% of the men included in the 1881 census were classified as “fishermen” for occupation, confirming the primary role of this pursuit in the native economy of the day.

48 “Vancouver Island 1881 Census ­ Summary of Census Enumerators' Instructions,” (Ottawa, 1881). Available at http://viHistory.ca/content/census/1881/instructions.aspx. 49 “Dominion Census of 1881” (Ottawa, 1881). Available at http://viHistory.ca/content/census/1881/.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 30 Table 2: Summary of 1881 census data for Maa­nulth First Nations First Nation Men Fishermen Percentage Women Children 16 and under Population Ka:'yu:k't'h 236 213 90% 222 204 662 Che:k'tles7et'h' 51 47 92% 45 52 148 Ucluelet 72 69 96% 76 77 225 Toquaht 11 9 82% 13 8 32 Huu-ay-aht 82 74 90% 70 85 237 Uchucklesaht 17 14 82% 17 22 56 Totals/Average 469 426 91% 443 448 1,360

In 1882, the Ucluelet, Uchucklesaht, Toquaht and Huu­ay­aht, along with the other Barkley Sound Tribes were visited by Indian Reserve Commissioner Peter O’Reilly. The purpose of the visit by the Indian Reserve Commission was to visit each of the tribes in British Columbia to determine for each the “number, extent, and locality of the reserve or reserves to be allowed to it,” taking into account the “habits, wants and pursuits of [each] nation...the amount of territory available in the region occupied by them...” The Commission would visit a region, size up the land and its peoples, and make a just and liberal allocation of reserves while keeping the settlers’ needs in mind.50

Following is a summary of the schedule of the Reserve Commission’s investigations and activities in Barkley Sound in 1882, from the diary of the Reserve Commissioner Peter O’Reilly:51

May 26 Arrive at Dodgers Cove May 27 Meet with Huu­ay­aht, lay off “a number of reserves”, spend night at Dodgers Cove May 28 Sunday. At anchor all day. O’Reilly wrote letters. May 29 Laid out reserve at Helby island, worked all day, anchored at Green Cove. May 30 Laid out Uchucklesit reserves, anchored at Alberni Mill. May 31 O’Reilly laid up by lumbago. Visited on board by Seshaht and Hupacasath chiefs. Green surveying on Somass River. June 1 O’Reilly lays out several reserves near Alberni. June 2 leaves Alberni without “Indians” who are dissatisfied with not getting Clarke and Taylor farms. Anchors at Effingham Inlet. June 3 Work all day. Anchor at Pipestem Inlet. June 4 Sunday, At anchor all day. O’Reilly wrote letters. June 5 Marked off Reserve at Toquart River. Worked in Ucluelet Arm. June 6 Laid out reserve at Village Island. Proceed to Port San Juan and lay out 2 reserves.

During the 12­day period described above, two of which were Sundays on which work did not occur, the Indian Reserve Commission allotted 42 reserves, meaning that they allotted, on average, more than 4 reserves per day of work. Based on a similar type of schedule, O’Reilly laid out reserves for the Ka:'yu:k't'h and Che:k'tles7et'h' in 1889.52

50 Harris, Cole. Making Native Space. Vancouver/Toronto: UBC Press, 2002. p. 95­6. 51 O'Reilly, Peter. "Diaries." B.C. Archives, MS­2894, 1858­1905. 52 Ibid.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 31

Table 3, below, is based on the records of the Indian Reserve Commission of the 1880s, and of the Royal Commission on Indian Affairs for the Province of British Columbia.53 The table classifies the Reserves assigned to the First Nations based on a “fisheries” criterion , meaning whether a Reserve was assigned on the basis of, or described as a fishing or sea­mammal hunting village or “station” by the Indian Reserve Commission or the Royal Commission on Indian Affairs. Table 3 illustrates that 85% of the Maa­nulth First Nations’ Reserves were assigned to them on the basis that they were required for accessing marine resources, or were characterized as being utilized for fisheries purpose. Again, this emphasizes the extent to which the Maa­nulth First Nations relied on marine resources as the base of their economy, and that this was clearly understood and documented by the governments of Canada and British Columbia. Table 3: Maa­nulth First Nations Reserves, Purpose or General Character First Nation Number of “Fisheries” Percentage Reserves Reserves Ka:'yu:k't'h'/Che:k’tles7et’h’ First 23 17 74% Nation Ucluelet First Nation 9 9 100% Toquaht First Nation 5 5 100% Uchucklesaht Tribe 2 2 100% Huu-ay-aht First Nation 13 11 85% Totals/Percentage 52 44 85%

Anthropological Research Although some information on the Maa­nulth First Nations can be found in the early reports of fur traders, missionaries, explorers, and government agents, the views and records are essentially those of “outsiders” and record only the most observable information about native people and their territory. The most extensive and detailed information on the Maa­nulth is available directly or indirectly from the Maa­nulth themselves; as recorded through interviews, notes, audiotapes and videotapes. Such work of recording this information began with the work of George Blenkinsop in 1874,54 and has been continued by a number of amateur and professional anthropologists, and other researchers. Such research continues today, through “traditional use studies” and similar investigations.

During the last one hundred and fifteen years, “formal” research has been conducted on the history, culture and archaeology of the Maa­nulth First Nations. This period began with the work of anthropologists Franz Boas, Edward Sapir and Morris Swadesh in the Barkley Sound area, and continued with the work of Philip Drucker and Susan Kenyon with the Ka:'yu:k't'h/Che:k'tles7et'h', and by other people in more recent decades. In all instances, the information recorded was provided through narratives and other

53 British Columbia. Report of the Royal Commission on Indian Affairs for the Province of British Columbia. 4 vols. Victoria, B.C.: Acme Press, 1916. 54 By the time Blenkinsop visited Barkley Sound, he had extensive experience with and knowledge of native people in British Columbia. See: Mackie, Richard. "George Blenkinsop." In Dictionary of Canadian Biography: Volume XII; 1901 to 1910, edited by Ramsay Cook. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 32 descriptions recorded from Maa­nulth elders and cultural advisors.

The first formal anthropological work to be carried out in the Barkley Sound region was conducted by Franz Boas, who was at Port Alberni from August 1 – 12, 1889. During this time he transcribed 23 accounts from native cultural advisors. The majority of this information relates to the Tseshaht and Hupacasath First Nations.55 Boas also recorded some ethnographic information that was published in a report titled The Nootka,56 and contains some information about the Maa­nulth tribes.

Amateur historian Alfred Carmichael recorded significant additions to the ethnographic information available about the Maa­nulth, specifically relative to the Huu­ay­aht and Toquaht. Carmichael worked in the Alberni area in the 1890s, and had recorded some “Indian lore” at that time. During a holiday to the Bamfield area in 1892, Carmichael visited the Huu­ay­aht village at kiix?in, and also met and became friendly with Huu­ay­ aht members Sa­sa­watin (Mr. Sport) his wife Yim­a­uk (Lucy), and Ka­coop­et (Mr. Bill). Carmichael wrote down some of the stories related to him by these people. Modified versions of the stories were published in Indian Legends of Vancouver Island.57 Carmichael prepared a second volume of stories in manuscript form, but these were never published. There are also some manuscript notes and newspaper clippings compiled by Carmichael which contain information about the Maa­nulth, now in the B.C. Archives.58

The first professionally trained researcher to conduct intensive work in Barkley Sound, and to conduct detailed interviews specifically related to the Maa­nulth First Nations, was Edward Sapir. Sapir had completed his doctoral dissertation with Dr. Franz Boas at Columbia University in 1906. In 1910, Dr. Sapir became a staff ethnologist in the Geological Survey of Canada, and in 1911 became head of its Division of Anthropology. In 1910, he spent two months conducting field work in the Alberni region, and compiled six notebooks of ethnographic information, recorded 67 songs, and collected artifacts for the National Museum of Canada. While at Alberni, he worked with several First Nations advisors, mostly Tseshaht; these people provided Sapir with information relating to the Maa­nulth.

Sapir returned to the Alberni area for five months in 1913­14, compiling 18 notebooks of ethnographic information, and collecting more artifacts for the National Museum. Again, he collected information relevant to Maa­nulth culture and history. During this trip, Sapir also trained Alex Thomas as an ethnographer. Between 1914 and 1923, Thomas recorded 72 texts of stories and information about the First Nations of the Barkley Sound region. Some of this information reflects Maa­nulth history. The Sapir archival material includes not only his original notebooks and texts, but also typewritten notes taken from the original material, and organized into 31 topic areas such as “Notes on Whaling,”

55 Bouchard, Randy, and Dorothy Kennedy, eds. Indian Myths and Legends from the North Pacific Coast of America. Vancouver: Talonbooks, 2002. p. 241 56Boas, Franz. "The Nootka." Second General Report on the Indians of British Columbia. vol. 60,1891, no. Report of the Sixtieth Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1890. (1891): 582­715. 57 Carmichael, Alfred. Indian Legends of Vancouver Island. Toronto,: Musson Book Company, 1922. 58 Carmichael, Alfred. "Correspondence, Manuscripts, and Clippings." Victoria: BC Archives, Add Mss 2305, 1892­ 1950s.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 33 “Notes on Rights,” “Ceremonial and Potlatches,” etc. Sapir’s archival material also include valuable information about Maa­nulth marine cultural heritage sites and activities. Although Sapir is recognized primarily as a linguist, his abilities as an ethnographer should not be overlooked. His field notebooks and typescript notes are meticulous, detailed and accurate.

Sapir planned to publish much of the material he recorded at Alberni in an ethnography of “Nootka” culture. However, his routine work at the museum prevented him from completing this task. In 1925, he became a faculty member of the University of Chicago, and in 1932 moved to Yale University. While at Yale, Sapir, with the help of Alex Thomas and Morris Swadesh, one of Sapir’s students, worked on the ethnographic material from the Alberni region. This resulted in the publication of Nootka Texts. Tales and Ethnological Narratives59 in 1939, shortly after Sapir’s death.

In the 1940s, Morris Swadesh, Sapir’s student, continued with working on publishing the material compiled by Sapir and Alex Thomas. In 1949, Swadesh traveled to Port Alberni where he gathered more information from a number of Maa­nulth people. Swadesh compiled 5 notebooks of information which remain unpublished.60 In 1955, in cooperation with Helen Roberts, Swadesh published an article about the songs collected by Sapir in 1910 and 1913­14 as Songs of the Nootka Indians of Western Vancouver Island.61 Also in 1955, Swadesh, with Sapir as co­author, brought to publication Native Accounts of Nootka Ethnography.62 This publication included 35 texts, several of which contain information relevant to the Maa­nulth. All of the material recorded by Sapir and Swadesh was reviewed by researchers for the current project to identify information relevant to the Barkley Sound Maa­nulth First Nations and their marine resource sites and activities.

During 1934 and 1935, anthropologist Philip Drucker conducted ethno­historical research amongst the northern and central Nuu­chah­nulth people, including the Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’/Che:k’tles7et’h’, focusing on an “ethnographic horizon” period of 1870­ 1900. Drucker worked mainly from Yuquot (“Nootka”) and Hesquiat, interviewing people who were living and working in these areas. He did little traveling as a part of this study.63 As a result, the amount of detail Drucker recorded for individual tribes is not consistent. For example, he recorded much greater detail concerning the history and culture of the Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’ than he did for Che:k’tles7et’h’. The results of Drucker’s 1934­35 fieldwork was published in 1951 in The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes.64 In addition to his publication, Drucker’s field notes65 are an excellent source of information on Maa­nulth First Nations marine cultural heritage sites and activities, most

59Sapir and Swadesh, Nootka Texts. 60Swadesh, Morris. "Nootka Ethnographic Notes." Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society Library, Franz Boas Collection of American Linguistica, 1949. 61 Roberts, Helen H., and Morris Swadesh. "Songs of the Nootka Indians of Western Vancouver Island." Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia 45, no. 3 (1955): 199­327. 62Sapir and Swadesh, Native Accounts. 63 Kenyon, The Kyuquot Way. 64 Drucker, Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. 65 Drucker, "Field Notes.”

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 34 especially for Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’. Mrs. Sarah Olabar provided a wealth of Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’ information, recorded by Drucker in his field notes.

In 1964, Huu­ay­aht Chief Louie Nookmiis met with Parks Canada anthropologist Eugene Arima, and recorded an extensive series of narratives and accounts of Huu­ay­aht traditions. Some of these recordings were later translated by Alex Thoma, before his death in 1971, and are now with National Historic Parks and Sites in Ottawa in manuscript form.66 The translated Chief Louie Nookmiis material was incorporated into the 1991 publication Between Ports Renfrew and Alberni: Notes on West Coast People.67

The Chief Louie recordings are extremely valuable sources of information on the origins and histories of the Huu­ay­aht and other Maa­nulth First Nations. Some have only recently been translated.68 Chief Louie was well aware of the importance of the information he was recording, and expressed his feelings as follows:

“I’m going to tell and inform you, the ones that are going to listen to what I have to say. To hear the long passing of the information in what I am doing, trying to inform you people. I know someone will benefit with money with this important information, what I am releasing, to teach our people in the order of our ancestors, the traditions, culture and language. Because I know some day this information will be needed. Probably put in some sort of books. I know then someone will learn the histories of what I know. Because of the way I have to deal with this story with very little money, for telling. It will be the now generation who will benefit, which will be properly put on paper. About the ways of our ancestors. Because this is good to show and let everyone know about our histories.

I’m not getting anything for this but I would like to educate you people about our ways. I just want to make certain someone out there will absorb what I have to say. I know some good white people might assist to make sure everyone learns on how our ancestors were in the way I grew up. There aren’t many people around who want to educate anyone without teachings.

I was born on the 15th of March, 1881 at capis...”

There are several general ethnographies about the Nuu­chah­nulth of Vancouver Island that contain information about the Maa­nulth. Of these, the best­known is Drucker’s Best­known of these is Drucker’s The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes.69 This publication includes abundant information about the Ka:'yu:k't'h, but little relating directly to the Maa­nulth First Nations of Barkley Sound. Another publication, The North American Indian, Volume II: The Nootka; The Haida,70 also contains little

66Arima, Eugene. "Ho:!i:?ath Historical Traditions as Told by Chief Louie." edited by Translated by Alex Thomas. Ottawa: National Historic Parks and Sites, 1983. 67Arima et al. Between Ports Alberni and Renfrew. 68Nookmiis, Louie. "Interview.” 69 Drucker, 1951. 70 Curtis, Edward. The North American Indian, Volume Ii: The Nootka; the Haida. Edited by F.W. Hodge. Johnson

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 35 information directly relevant to the Maa­nulth. Another general ethnography of the Nuu­ chah­nulth, The West Coast People: The Nootka of Vancouver Island71 contains information on the Maa­nulth, but the focus of the volume is of a general ethnographic nature, derived from other sources, and so contributed little to the purpose of the current study. • It was not until the 1970 and 1980s that specific, detailed ethnographic publications about the Maa­nulth First Nations of Barkley Sound began to appear.72

Starting in 1973, Denis St. Claire recorded information on place names, site usage, history and the territorial boundaries of First Nations groups in Barkley Sound. St. Claire interviewed a number of Maa­nulth First Nation cultural advisors, and mapped information about place names. The information recorded by St. Claire proved extremely valuable as source material concerning Maa­nulth marine cultural heritage sites. Some of the information provided to St. Claire has appeared in various publications and manuscripts, including Alberni Prehistory,73 Between Ports Renfrew and Alberni: Notes on West Coast Peoples,74 Pacific Rim National Park Ethnographic History,75 and Ohiaht Geography.76 The information provided by elders through interviews to St. Claire, and through his research, has added substantially to information about Maa­nulth First Nations.

In 1972 and 1974, Susan Kenyon spent four months and six months respectively living at Kyuquot; her research work there eventually culminating in an anthropology Ph.D. thesis, The Kyuquot Way.77 This publication is a good source of information concerning Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’ marine cultural heritage sites and activities. As is the case with Drucker’s research, her emphasis was primarily on the Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’.

In 1982, James Haggarty and Richard Inglis of the B.C. Provincial Museum undertook a major research project on the First Nations history of the Pacific Rim National Park (PRNP). The project, completed in 1986, integrated results from the first systematic archaeological survey on the west coast of Vancouver Island with ethnographic information. The project research included interviews with contemporary elders, some Maa­nulth First Nations members, mostly conducted by Denis St. Claire. Researcher Cairn Crockford worked on compiling information from a variety of archival and recorded sources on the geographies of the First Nations in Pacific Rim National Park.

Reprint Corp., New York; 1970 ed. 20 vols. Vol. II. Norwood, Illinois: Norwood Publishing, 1916. 71 Arima, Eugene. The West Coast People: The Nootka of Vancouver Island and Cape Flattery. Vol. 6, British Columbia Provincial Museum Special Publication. Victoria: British Columbia Provincial Museum, 1983. 72 Drucker (1951) had published such an ethnography with information about the Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’. 73McMillan, Alan D., and Denis E. St. Claire. Alberni Prehistory: Archaeological and Ethnographic Investigations on Western Vancouver Island. Port Alberni/ Penticton, B.C.: Alberni Valley Museum/ Theytus Books, 1982. 74 St. Claire, Denis. "Barkley Sound Tribal Territories." In Between Ports Alberni and Renfrew: Notes on West Coast Peoples, edited by E. Y. Arima and Denis St. Claire et al, 13 ­ 202. Ottawa: Canadian Ethnological Service, 1991. 75 Inglis, Richard, and James C. Haggarty. "Pacific Rim National Park Ethnographic History." Parks Canada Report Series No. 257. Calgary: Manuscript on file with Parks Canada, Western Region, 1986. 76 Crockford, Cairn. "Ohiaht Geography." Victoria, B.C.: Report on file at the Royal B.C. Museum, 1985. 77 Kenyon, Susan M. The Kyuquot Way: A Study of a West Coast (Nootkan) Community. Vol. No. 61, Canadian Ethnology Service, Mercury Series Paper. Ottawa: National Museum of Man, 1980.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 36 Crockford’s research resulted in manuscripts on Barkley Sound First Nations geography, now at the Royal B.C. Museum, and largely reproduced in the PRNP project’s final reports. The PRNP project resulted in two publications, both comprehensive sources of information on the Barkley Sound Maa­nulth First Nations’ marine cultural heritage sites. Pacific Rim National Park Ethnographic History78 provides an overview of the ethnography of the First Nations in Barkley Sound; Pacific Rim Historical Resources Site Survey and Assessment Pacific Rim National Park79 summarizes the results of the archaeological survey conducted in the First Nations’ territories included in Pacific Rim National Park, taking in parts of Huu­ay­aht and Ucluelet territory.

The Ohiaht Ethnoarchaeology Project was conducted during 1984 and 1985, and included an intensive archaeological survey of the shoreline in selected areas of Huu­ay­aht territory. As part of the project, Denis St. Claire conducted interviews with several Huu­ ay­aht elders and cultural advisors. The interviews recorded a great deal of information about Huu­ay­aht place names, in particular. The project fieldwork resulted in the documentation of many previously unrecorded archaeological sites, including some tree resource areas that remain to be officially designated as archaeological sites. The project recovered substantial information that is now included in the Huu­ay­aht’s cultural heritage site database and GIS. The 1984 Ohiaht Ethnoarchaeological Survey Final Report80 provides information about the project; some has also recently been published in Emerging from the Mist.81

A significant contribution to the study of the history of the First Nations of Barkley Sound was made with the appearance of the publication Between Ports Alberni and Renfrew: Notes on West Coast Peoples.82 The first part of the publication provides an overview of Barkley Sound Tribal Territories, prepared by Denis St. Claire, and includes detailed maps showing named places and information associated with them, provided by Maa­nulth and other First Nations cultural advisors. The second section of the publication was compiled by Eugene Arima, and provides information about the region to the southeast of Barkley Sound as far as Port Renfrew. This publication contains detailed information about the Barkley Sound Maa­nulth First Nations marine resource sites and activities, provided to the authors by First Nations’ cultural advisors past and present.

Some information on Nuu­chah­nulth perspectives on forestry and other resources, and traditional practices is included in the reports of The Scientific Panel for Sustainable Forest Practices in Clayoquot Sound. Some information specific to the Ucluelet and Toquaht First Nations is included in the project reports.83 Appendices V and VI of the

78 Inglis and Haggarty, “Pacific Rim.” 79 Haggarty, J.C., and R.I. Inglis. "Pacific Rim National Park Historical Resources Site Survey and Assessment Project Final Report." Report on file with Parks Canada, 1985. 80Mackie, Alexander P., and Laurie Williamson. "1984 Ohiaht Ethnoarchaeological Survey Final Report." Victoria, B.C., 1986. 81 Mackie, Alexander P., and Laurie Williamson. "Nuu­chah­nulth Houses: Structural Remains and Cultural Depressions on Southwest Vancouver Island." In Emerging from the Mist: Studies in Northwest Coast Culture History, edited by R.G. Matson, Gary Coupland and Quentin Mackie. Vancouver/Toronto: UBC Press, 2003. 82 Arima et al., 1991. 83 Scientific Panel for Sustainable Forest Practices Standards in Clayoquot Sound. "Report 3: First Nations'

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 37 project reports provide information on culturally significant plants, animals and areas.

The Toquaht Archaeological Project conducted research on sites in Toquaht territory between 1991 and 1996, and resulted in a number of reports that provide detailed information concerning the Toquaht’s extensive history in their territory. Five sites, including 3 large village sites, were excavated. The work of the Toquaht Archaeological Project has been detailed in a number of reports,84 and is summarized in Since the Time of the Transformers.85 Information about faunal remains recovered during the Toquaht Archaeological Project provides detailed information about prehistoric use of marine resources;86 some research on the faunal material is still ongoing.

In addition to containing information about the Toquaht Archaeological Project, the publication of McMillan’s Since the Time of the Transformers87 provided the first comprehensive overview of information on Nuu­chah­nulth heritage, with a focus on archaeology, and presents references to many sources containing information about Maa­ nulth First Nations. Another recent book, The Whaling Indians,88 also contains information pertinent to the Maa­nulth. This publication contains previously unpublished texts and accounts obtained from elders and advisors by Edward Sapir and Alex Thomas between 1910 and 1923, mostly about supernatural encounters and spirit powers. Several of these relate to traditional marine activities, though few relate specifically to Maa­nulth First Nations.

Only limited archaeological work has been carried out in Ka:’yu:k’t’h and Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation territories. James Haggarty and Richard Inglis of the B.C. Provincial Museum surveyed part of the area in 1981 and 1984 as part of the Brooks Peninsula Refugium Project.89 They directed a judgemental shoreline survey. This was a

Perspectives Relating to Forest Practices Standards in Clayoquot Sound." Report on file at the Ministry of Forests, Victoria, B.C., 1995. 84 McMillan, Alan, and Denis St. Claire. "The Toquaht Archaeological Project: Report on the 1991 Field Season." Victoria: Culture Library, Ministry of Small Business, Tourism and Culture, 1991. ———. "The Toquaht Archaeological Project: Report on the 1992 Field Season." Victoria: Culture Library, Ministry of Small Business, Tourism and Culture, 1992. ———. "The Toquaht Archaeological Project: Report on the 1994 Field Season." Victoria, B.C.: Report submitted to the Toquaht Nation, Ucluelet and the Archaeology Branch, Victoria., 1994. ———. "The Toquaht Archaeological Project: Report on the 1996 Field Season." Victoria: Culture Library, Ministry of Small Business, Tourism and Culture, 1996. 85 McMillan, Alan D. Since the Time of the Transformers: The Ancient Heritage of the Nuu­Chah­Nulth, Ditidaht, and Makah, Pacific Rim Archaeology,. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1999. 86Monks, Gregory G. "Preliminary Faunal Report." In Toquaht Archaeological Project: Report on the 1992 Field Season, edited by Alan D. McMillan and Denis E. St. Claire. Unpublished report submitted to the Archaeology Branch, Victoria, B.C. and to the Toquaht Band, Ucluelet, 1992. 87 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. 88Sa:ya:ch'apis, Tom, William, Dick La:maho:s, Captain Bill, and Tyee Bob. The Whaling Indians: West Coast Legends and Stories; Tales of Extraordinary Experience. Edited by Eugene Arima, Edward Sapir, Morris Swadesh, Alexander Thomas and John Thomas. Vol. 134, Mercury Series, Canadian Ethnology Service. Ottawa: Canadian Museum of Civilization, 2000. 89 Haggarty, James C. "Archaeology of Brooks Peninsula." In Brooks Peninsula: An Ice Age Refugium on Vancooouver Island, edited by R. J. Hebda, J.C. Haggarty and R. Inglis. Victoria, B.C.: Ministry of Environment, Lands and Parks, 1997.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 38 preliminary reconnaissance, however, and not a complete inventory. The focus was on the identification of defensive sites, therefore other site types such as rock art, burials and culturally modified trees (CMTs) were possibly overlooked. Ethnographic research was also conducted as part of the Brooks Peninsula Refugium Project.90 There are also two archaeological overview­type studies that have included Ka:’yu:k’t’h/Che:k’tles7et’h’ territories 91 One of these studies provided a GIS modelling of archaeological potential for a large portion of the west coast of Vancouver Island.92

During 2003, work commenced on an Archaeological Inventory Study for Ka:’yu:k’t’h and Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation territories.93 To date, this Archaeological Inventory Study has conducted survey work in three areas in Ka:’yu:k’t’h/Che:k’tles7et’h’ territories.94

Traditional Use Studies and Cultural Heritage Site Studies During the mid­1990s, in response to legal requirement to consult with First Nations, the Province of British Columbia began to fund research on First Nations cultural heritage sites and activities. Some of these research project and reports, relevant to the Maa­nulth First Nations, are described here as they developed much of the information that is now included in the Cultural Heritage Site databases and GIS databases for the current project. The studies and reports described below were mostly produced according to the standards established by the B.C. Ministry of Forest’s Traditional Use Study guidelines.95

In 1995 the Huu­ay­aht First Nations applied for and received research funding from the Ministry of Small Business, Tourism and Culture under the Cultural Inventory program. Funding was made available for Phase I of a Cultural Inventory Project, completed by March 31st, 1996. This project resulted in a report96 which provides a brief overview of

90 Inglis, Richard I. "Ethnographic History of Brooks Peninsula Region." In Brooks Peninsula: An Ice Age Refugium on Vancouver Island, edited by R. J. Hebda, J.C. Haggarty and R. Inglis. Victoria, B.C.: Ministry of Environment, Lands and Parks, 1997. 91Archeo Tech Associates, and Arcas Consulting Archeologists Ltd. Chicklesaht Bay and Outer Kyuquot Sound Cultural Heritage Resource Overview: Report prepared for and on file with BC Parks, Parksville, BC, and the Kyuquot First Nation. Kyuquot, BC., 1995. 92Arcas Consulting Archeologists Ltd. GIS Modeling of Archaeological Potential for the Northern Nuu­Chah­Nulth Hahoulthees: Report prepared for and on file with Nootka First Nations Forest Products Ltd. Gold River, B.C., 1998. 93 McLaren, Duncan, Kevin Neary, and Shauna McRanor. "Archaeological Inventory Study: Ka:’yu:k’t’h and Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation Territories Phase I Report." Traditions Consulting Services, Inc., 2003. Report on file at Archaeolgy Branch, Victoria, B.C. 94 McLaren, Duncan, Jim Stafford, Dean Snell, and Kevin Neary. Archaeological Inventory of Ka:’yu:k’t’h/Che:k’tles7et’h’ Territory; Phase II ­ Report for Qa'opinacath Hahoothlee, Kauwinch Drainage: Volume prepared for Ka:’yu:k’t’h/Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation, International Forest Products Limited, Campbell River Operations, Ministry of Forests, Campbell River District, and British Columbia Archaeology Branch (2003­206), 2003; McLaren, Duncan, Jim Stafford, Dean Snell, and Kevin Neary. Archaeological Inventory of Ka:’yu:k’t’h/Che:k’tles7et’h’ Territory ­ Phase II ­ Report for Maqcupi?ath Hahoothlee and Ciqis?ath Hahoothlee (Malksope Drainage and Bunsby Islands). Volume Prepared for: Ka:’yu:k’t’h/Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation, International Forest Products Limited, Campbell River Operations, Ministry of Forests, Campbell River and British Columbia Archaeology Branch (2003­206), 2003. 95Ministry of Forests, “TUS Program Guidelines.” 96Ernst, Andrea M. "Huu­ay­aht Cultural Inventory Project Phase 1." Unpublished report submitted to B.C. Ministry of Forests and to the Huu­ay­aht First Nation, Bamfield, B.C., 1996.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 39 Huu­ay­aht history.

A Traditional Use Study of the northern portion of Huu­ay­aht traditional territory was commissioned by the Huu­ay­aht First Nations in July, 1996, and funded by MacMillan Bloedel, Ltd. The study and accompanying report, Huu­ay­aht Traditional Use Sites in the Coleman Creek, Spencer Creek, and Sarita River Watersheds,97 were completed in September 1996, by Shoreline Archaeological Services, Inc. This study was conducted to assess potential impacts of proposed timber harvesting areas in Tree Farm License (TFL) 44 and associated tenures held by MacMillan Bloedel Ltd. in the inland areas of the western portion of Barkley Sound on Vancouver Island. Research and documentation about cultural heritage sites developed during this project formed the basis for later research conducted by the Huu­ay­aht. The Huu­ay­aht First Nation later conducted a comprehensiveTraditional Use Study that included all their territory. The project began in early January 1997, and ended on January 31, 1998.98 The program was funded through the Traditional Use Study Program, Aboriginal Affairs Branch, Ministry of Forests. The Huu­ay­aht TUS program employed seven Huu­ay­aht people, and was conducted with assistance from consultants from Shoreline Archaeological Services, Inc. Information from previous research projects, published and unpublished materials were reviewed during the project. Twenty­eight interview sessions involving 37 Huu­ay­aht cultural advisors were completed during the course of the project, and 14 groundtruthing trips were organized and completed. During these field trips cultural advisors were transported by vehicle and boat on visits to 157 traditional use sites and areas. The Traditional Use Study resulted in data concerning 905 cultural heritage sites, archived in cultural heritage site files, a site database, and a GIS database. Research conducted during subsequent projects has added information to the Huu­ay­aht’s cultural heritage site database and GIS.99

Between 1999 and 2001, the Uchucklesaht, Toquaht and Ucluelet First Nations participated in the Southern Nuu­chah­nulth Traditional Use Study project, along with the Hupacasath First Nation. The research for the first phases of the project took place between January and December of 1999, and resulted a report dated December, 1999.100

97Little, Tamara, Kevin Neary, and James C. Haggarty. "Huu­ay­aht Traditional Use Sites in the Coleman Creek, Spencer Creek, and Sarita River Watersheds." Unpublished Report by Shoreline Archaeological Services, Inc. submitted to B.C. Ministry of Forest, Victoria, B.C., MacMillan Bloedel, Port Alberni B.C., and to the Huu­ay­aht First Nations, Bamfield, B.C., 1996. 98Neary, Kevin, James C. Haggarty, and Dee Sanders. "Traditional Use Study of the Huu­ay­aht First Nations Final Report." Unpublished report by Shoreline Archaeological Services, Inc. submitted to Huu­ay­aht First Nations, Bamfield, B.C. and to the Ministry of Forests, Victoria, B.C., 1998. 99 Haggarty, James C., Kevin Neary, and Stella Peters. "Cultural Assessment of Three Huu­ay­aht First Nations Reserves: Kich ha IR 10, Clutus IR 11 and Ma sit IR 13." Unpublished report by Traditions Consulting Services, Inc. submitted to Huu­ay­aht First Nations, Bamfield, B.C. and to Parks Canada, Ucluelet, B.C., 1999; Haggarty, James C., Kevin Neary, and Stella Peters. "Archaeological Survey and Traditional Use Assessment of Ts'a:?aqo:?a (Frederick Creek), Numukamis IR 1." Unpublished report by Traditions Consulting Services, Inc. submitted to the Huu­ay­aht First Nations Treaty Office, Port Alberni, B.C., 1999.; Neary, Kevin. "Huu­ay­aht Traditions on the Collection and Use of Herring Spawn (Siih M'uu)." Victoria, B.C.: Unpublished report by Traditions Consulting Services, Inc. submitted to Huu­ay­aht First Nations, Bamfield, B.C., 2000. 100Ucluelet First Nation, Toquaht First Nation, Uchucklesaht First Nation, Hupacasath First Nation, and D.M. Cultural

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 40 Later, further research took place, resulting in another project report, dated March, 2001.101

The purpose of the study was to identify all sites on land and water that were of significance to the participating First Nations. The project was completed according the standard traditional use study methodology, including interviews with First Nations cultural advisors and groundtruthing trips. The first project report includes descriptions of the traditional territory and history of each of the First Nations, and also includes sections that describe fishing, sealing, whaling and game hunting; these descriptions are presented in a very general way. The second report is essentially an expansion of the first report. The First Nations researchers working on the project included Maureen Touchie (Ucluelet), David Johnsen (Toquaht), Charlie Cootes, Jr. (Uchucklesaht) and Jody Miller (Hupacasath). Some of the elders and cultural advisors interviewed for the project included: Ernie Chester, Ernest Jack, Rosie Cootes, Aggie Peters, Samson Robinson, Helen Robinson, Hughie Watts, Georgina Laing, Robert Dennis, Ron Hamilton, Amelia David, Archie Thompson and Bert Mack.

The Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’/Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation conducted a Cultural Heritage Site Review Project, with funding from the Province of British Columbia and the Government of Canada. 102 The project began in June, 2000, and was completed in March of 2001: The purpose of the Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’/Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation Cultural Heritage Site Review Project was to identify, document and map cultural heritage sites located in the territory of the Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’/Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation and to collect detailed information on the Relationship (cultural significance), Conservation Needs, and General Condition of all sites identified and documented during the study. All information collected and the data generated from research conducted on the project is organized, stored and maintained at the Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’/Che:k’tles7et’h’ Treaty Office in the administrative building (Band Office) on Houpsitas IR 6, Kyuquot, B. C. This information is available for use in treaty negotiations and locally for the purposes of cultural, educational, land, resource, and referral uses within the Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’/Che:k’tles7et’h’ community.”

The project employed the services of 4 Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’/Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation researchers, researched and incorporated information from publications and other documents, included interviews with elders and cultural advisors, and resulted in a project bibliography, and cultural heritage sites files, database and GIS for 560 cultural

Services Ltd. "Understanding Our Land: Southern Nuu Chah Nulth Traditional Use Study." Unpublished report submitted to Aboriginal Affairs Branch, B.C. Ministry of Forests, 1999. 101Ucluelet First Nation, Toquaht First Nation, Uchucklesaht First Nation, Hupacasath First Nation, and D.M. Cultural Services Ltd. "Understanding Our Land: Southern Nuu Chah Nulth Traditional Use Study." Unpublished report submitted to Aboriginal Affairs Branch, B.C. Ministry of Forests, 2001. 102Smith, Tess, Verna Hanson, Stacey Hanson, Kevin Neary, James C. Haggarty, Terry Ann Young, and Dee Cullon. "Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’/Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation Cultural Heritage Site Review Project Final Report." Unpublished report by Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’/Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation and Traditions Consulting Services Inc. submitted to Ministry of Forests, Victoria, B.C. and to Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’/Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation, Kyuquot, B.C., 2001.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 41 heritage sites.

Most recently, the Maa­nulth First Nations participated in the Nuu­chah­nulth Tribal Council (NTC) Culture and Heritage Study.103 This project was initiated as a Treaty Related Measure (TRM), and was referred to in the settlement offer made by Canada and the Province of British Columbia on December 11, 2000 to the Nuu­chah­nulth Tribal Council.

The goals of the project were to: • provide the funds necessary for the Nuu­chah­nulth to begin identifying, describing, and assessing key cultural sites; • encompass areas of interest to the Nuu­chah­nulth within their Statement of Intent Area; • allow the Nuu­chah­nulth to participate more fully in resource management by having this information in a standardized mapped and database format; • provide information required to complete Agreement­in­Principle negotiations regarding the protection of burial sites and human remains, other heritage sites and key geographic features by: • further enhancing the ability of the Nuu­chah­nulth to collect, organize, map and manage information about cultural heritage sites of significance to their communities; and, • developing mutually agreed to datasets and maps of key Nuu­chah­nulth cultural heritage sites for use by the three parties at the tri­partite treaty table. 104

The work of NTC Culture and Heritage Project commenced on October 1, 2002 and was completed on March 31, 2003, and was primarily accomplished by researchers from each of the participating First Nations, including the Huu­ay­aht (Jane Peters), Uchucklesaht (Charlie Cootes Jr., Ginger Johnson), Toquaht (David Johnsen), Ucluelet (Maureen Touchie) and Ka:'yu:k't'h/Che:k'tles7et'h' (Verna Hanson, Irene Hanson).

The NTC Culture and Heritage Project resulted in a database that included 5,807 cultural heritage sites recorded for the 11 participating First Nations. Much of the information on cultural heritage sites had been derived from previous “traditional use studies” and similar research. A summary of the Maa­nulth First Nations cultural heritage site totals from the NTC project is presented in Table 4:105

103 Neary, Kevin, and Dean Snell. "Nuu­chah­nulth Tribal Council Culture and Heritage Study Final Report." Prepared for the Nuu­chah­nulth Tribal Council, Port Alberni, B.C. and the Governments of Canada and British Columbia by Traditions Consulting Services, Inc., 2003. 104 Ibid.” p.i 105 Ibid. p. ii

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 42 Table 4: Nuu­chah­nulth Culture and Heritage Project Sites First Nation Number of Cultural Heritage Sites Ka:'yu:k't'h'/Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation 545 Ucluelet First Nation 499 Toquaht First Nation 285 Uchucklesaht Tribe 488 Huu­ay­aht First Nation 982

The project achieved its specified goals of collecting cultural heritage site information in a standardized mapped and database format, thus providing information to conduct negotiations, and enhancing the ability of the Nuu­chah­nulth to collect, organize and map information about cultural heritage sites. The information collected in the NTC Culture and Heritage Project resulted in a standardized set of data, and formed an important base cultural heritage sites data for the current project.

Maa-nulth First Nationsʼ Ethnographic Context Following is a summary of ethnographic information relating to the Maa­nulth First Nations, especially concerning marine resources and activities.

Introduction This part of the report reviews information on “traditional” Maa­nulth First Nations society, as it was prior to erosion caused by many factors, including but not limited to: epidemics of introduced diseases, the efforts of missionaries and others to persuade native people to give up the “old ways,” the alienation of traditional territory by the government of Canada and British Columbia, the loss of language and culture through the residential school system, the banning of the potlatch, and the imposition of an alien jurisdiction over lands, resource management, and other aspects of traditional social and political life.

The information presented in this summary was substantially provided by Maa­nulth people themselves, and largely derives from two types of sources: (1) interviews with Maa­nulth people, conducted in the course of the current project and during previous research efforts; and (2) the words and ideas of Maa­nulth people recorded in books and archival documents. To be more precise, the information relied upon has been provided by Maa­nulth h=aw`iih (chiefs), elders, and cultural advisors in recent interviews,106 as well as in earlier discussions with anthropologists and other researchers previously referenced, particularly Edward Sapir,107 Morris Swadesh,108 Philip Drucker,109 Eugene Arima,110 and

106 Sources especially relied upon were: Bert Mack, “Interview by Kevin Neary,” Traditions Consulting Services, Inc., December 4, 2003; Robert Peter (Hutsa) and Stanley Sam, “Interview by Kevin Neary and Katie Fraser,” Traditions Consulting Services, Inc., September 18, 2003; Archie Thompson and Vernon Ross, “Interview by Kevin Neary,” Traditions Consulting Services, Inc., September 9, 2003; Archie Thompson, “Interview by Kevin Neary,” Traditions Consulting Services, Inc., November 28, 2003; Robert Dennis Sr., “Interview by Kevin Neary,” Traditions Consulting Services, Inc., November 14, 2003; Charlies Cootes Sr., “Interview by Kevin Neary,” Traditions Consulting Services, Inc., November 12, 2003. 107 Sapir and Swadesh, Nootka Texts; Sapir and Swadesh, Native Accounts; Edward Sapir, Miscellaneous Nootka

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 43 Denis St. Claire.111 Valuable information was also encountered in the research notes of Huu­ay­aht historian Robert Dennis, based on his interviews and discussions with Huu­ ay­aht elders.112 Wherever possible, information from original source materials (that is, elders’ oral history contained in interview notes, transcripts, and audio and video tapes) is presented, in preference to secondary sources.

The information that follows below comes from, to the extent possible, the Maa­nulth First Nations in particular. Where details about Maa­nulth First Nations’ ethnographic context could not be obtained, however, descriptions pertaining to neighbouring Nuu­ chah­nulth Nations have been used. Although there are many and significant differences amongst the various and independent Nuu­chah­nulth First Nations with respect to details of culture and history, the main elements and structure of Maa­nulth First Nations traditional society and governance is generally the same as those of other Nuu­chah­nulth First Nations.

Social Organization and Governance The Maa­nulth are five of the Nuu­chah­nulth First Nations whose collective territories extend along the west coast of Vancouver Island and neighbouring waters from Cape Cook to Jordan River.113 The roots of Maa­nulth First Nations’ culture extend back many thousands of years, as evidenced on the one hand by native oral traditions,114 and on the other by archaeological evidence. In terms of the latter, exploratory investigations and/or testing at three Maa­nulth First Nations’ sites have yielded an archaeological record covering at least the last 5,000 years. For instance, samples from the Huu­ay­aht village site at kiix?in have been dated as ranging from 5,320 to 5,050 years old;115 the date of the basal component at the Toquaht village of ch’uumat’a has been put at 4,800 years old; and 5,000­year­old samples have been found in an archaeological site in Ka:’yu:k’t’h/Che:k’tles7et’h’ territory.116 Moreover, the histories and accounts provided by Nuu­chah­nulth elders provide illustrations of how the culture and governance structure of the Maa­nulth First Nations’ developed over countless centuries, and how, at the same time, generations of Maa­nulth First Nations’ ancestors occupied and used the land, the rivers, the lakes, and the oceans making up their territories.

Material, Field Notes, 1910­14, American Philosophical Society Library (Philadelphia), Franz Boas Collection of American Linguistica. 108 Morris Swadesh, Nootka Ethnographic Notes, 1949, American Philosophical Society Library, Franz Boas Collection of American Linguistica. 109 Drucker, “Field Notes;” idem, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. 110 Louie Nookmiis, “Interview.” 111 Ibid. 112 Robert Dennis Sr., Huu­ay­aht Notebooks, 1990­1997, on file at the Huu­ay­aht Information Office, Bamfield, B.C.. 113 For an anthropological overview of Nuu­chah­nulth culture and history, see Eugene Arima and John Dewhirst, “Nootkans of Vancouver Island,” in Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 7, Northwest Coast, ed. Wayne Suttles, pp. 391­ 411 (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1990). 114 For examples, see: Nookmiis, “Interview.” and Sarah Olabar as recorded in Drucker, “Field Notes.” 115 Ian Sumpter, Denis St. Claire and Stella Peters, “Mid­Holocene Cultural Occupation of Barkley Sound, West Vancouver Island,” The Midden 34, no. 4 (2002): 10­11. 116 Duncan McLaren et al. “Report for Maqcupi?ath Hahoothlee.” p.42.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 44

The Maa­nulth and other Nuu­chah­nulth tribes were once populous. Based on the late­ eighteenth century records of Spanish observers, the native population of Barkley Sound was greater than that of Nootka or Clayoquot Sound,117 with at least one source estimating that the number of people living at Barkley Sound exceeded 8,500.118 Comparing the Ka:’yu:k’t’h and Che:k’tles7et’h’ populations with those of the native groups in Barkley Sound, as recorded by a census in 1860,119 and assuming similar ratios of population, calculations indicate that the Ka:’yu:k’t’h and Che:k’tles7et’h’ may have numbered approximately 5,900 people in the late eighteenth century. The traditional social and political structures required to manage diplomatic, resource and other issues within and between these tribes, comprising sizeable populations, demanded rigorous and well­defined mechanisms of governance.

The Maa­nulth First Nations of today were formed from alliances forged amongst what had previously been a number of independent, but related, “local groups” or “houses.” Most of these alliances were likely established by the early or mid­nineteenth century, by which period many local groups had been forced to amalgamate due to depopulation from the epidemics of introduced diseases, and from the inter­tribal wars that had occurred up to ca. 1850. Indeed, because large numbers of people were required to provide the communal efforts necessary for adequate defense and for many other tasks, smaller groups were at peril. According to traditional law, when the local groups allied to form the Maa­nulth and other Nuu­chah­nulth tribes, they also merged, as a part of the process, their respective rights to territories and resources.120

Traditional society and governance was based on rank and its associated rights and privileges. Within each tribe, there was only one ta’yii h=aw`i> (head chief), who was recognized as the leader of all members of the tribe. The rights and privileges of the ta’yii h=aw`i> extended into both the economic and ceremonial realms.

Other h=aw`iih (chiefs), who, like the ta’yii h=aw`i>, were members of the noble class, also owned economic and ceremonial privileges. The relative positions and rank of the h=aw`iih was proclaimed and recognized in the arrangement of the formal “seats” occupied by each h=aw`i> at feasts and potlatches. Each of the chieftainships and “seats” carried with them an array of hereditary rights, privileges and responsibilities. The chieftainships and “seats” are traced back in time through many generations to heroic ancestors. The h=aw`iih owned the rights to resources and territory (h=ahuu>i); they were also the only ones who could own village sites, places to land canoes, and places to build houses, amongst other privileges.

People who had no rights to economic or to senior ceremonial rights or privileges were mastchim (sometimes translated in English as “commoner”). Just as the h=aw`iih were ranked, so too were the mastchim. The h=aw`iih relied on good relations with their

117 Wagner, Spanish Explorations. 118 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. 119 Sproat, The Nootka. p. . 120 Arima et al., Between Ports Alberni and Renfrew, pp. 27­76; Drucker, Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes, pp. 222­225.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 45 mastchim to support them in their enterprises.

Local Groups and Tribes Fundamental to understanding the culture of the Maa­nulth and other Nuu­chah­nulth First Nations is the nature of the responsibilities of the h=aw`iih (chiefs) and their relationship with their territories (h=ahuu>i), and with the members of their tribes and “local groups,”121 as these basic social units are termed by anthropolgists.

The organization and rights of the h=aw`iih and their local groups are central elements in Maa­nulth First Nations’ and wider Nuu­chah­nulth society. Drucker described the Nuu­ chah­nulth local group as:

...a family of chiefs who owned territorial rights, houses and various other privileges. Such a group bore a name, usually that of their “place” (a site at their fishing ground where they belonged)...and had a tradition, firmly believed, of descent from a common ancestor.122

Kenyon elaborated:

...the Nootkan local group was conceived of as an idealized family, expanded over time, which owned a distinct territory and shared common ceremonial and ritual property. Members of this family were ranked on the basis of primogeniture and it was the highest ranking member who was regarded as the owner of most of the group’s property. 123

The five Maa­nulth First Nations of today are comprised of the descendants of five tribes, each originally formed through the amalgamation of a number of “local groups,” each headed by a ta’yii h=aw`i>, who, on behalf of his local group, held rights to a distinct territory.

Each local group, in turn, was made up of a number of lineages, or “houses.” The inter­ related families or lineages forming the local group were known as %oshtaqimi>,124 t=ak=u^mhl,125 takam>,126 or taqim>, meaning “bunch,” “bundle,” or “group of people.” The people who lived together in a specific house were known as yaktakam>.127 Each of the %oshtaqimi> was led by a h=aw`i>, and each h=aw`i> owned an array of rights, prerogatives, and responsibilities on behalf of his people.

As stated, Nuu­chah­nulth traditional society was based on rank. For example, within

121 In Nuu­chah­nulth, either a tribe or a “local group” can be referred to as matmas. Philip Drucker, Typescript of Field Notebooks (Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes), 1935­36, National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution, MS. 4516, pt. 23, vol. 13. 122 Drucker, Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes, p. 220. 123 Kenyon, The Kyuquot Way. p. 84. 124 Arima et al., Between Ports Alberni and Renfrew, p. 33. 125 Curtis, The North American Indian. p. 181. 126 Drucker. “Typescript of Field Notebooks.” 9:N. 127 Ibid.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 46 each local group, the h=aw`iih of the various taqimi> or lineages were ranked, with the h=aw`i> of the highest­ranking taqim> ranked as the ta’yii h=aw`i> of the local group. As previously described, amalgamations or confederacies of local groups occurred to benefit their members, in which instances the h=aw`iih of the local group joining another local group acknowledged the h=aw`i> of the group with which they joined as the ta’yii h=aw`i> of the amalgamated group or tribe.

The names of the local groups are generally made up of the name of the place, river, or village of origin of the highest­ranking taqim> of the group, and the suffix “­aht,” meaning (person, or people of). An example is the name “Uchucklesaht,” or ho:choqt>is­ aht, which means “people of ho:choqt>is,” a village on Uchucklesit Inlet. In the 1860s and 1870s, the Nuu­chah­nulth nations, as a whole, were referred to by Sproat, and others, as the “Ahts.”128 Through the use of the suffix “aht,” the local group is tied by its name to its place of origin, and to its long history in its h=ahuu>i. Similarly, the names of the %shtaqimi> lineages generally take the name of a chiefly ancestor, or place of origin, and end with the suffix “­taqim>%ath=” (“bunch”). Every recognized %shtaqimi> had one or more large multi­family houses, symbolizing the group and its identity, and this is why the %shtaqimi> are sometimes referred to as “houses.”129

H=ahuu>i Ownership of the local group’s heritage and property were vested in the ta’yii h=aw`i>, and passed on to his eldest son, often long before the death of the elder chief. The rights of the ta’yii h=aw`i> and of the other h=aw`iih included ownership of privileges in the economic realm, referred to as h=ahuu>i. These rights have been described as follows:

Not only were houses themselves owned, but the entire village sites as well were the property of the chief of the local group or tribe residing there. If others built houses at the place, it was with the owner’s express permission...In fact, all the territory, except for remote inland areas, was regarded as the property of certain chiefs.130

And:

There were numerous rights within each of these territories, such as that to put a weir in a certain place in a salmon stream, the right to a certain cut of blubber from whales that drifted ashore on some stretch of beach, the right to the second picking of salmonberries at the yaluactakam>ath chief’s berry grounds at Laiyaqaq up tacis river, and so on…The major territorial claims were referred to as hahau>i, a term that would not be used for rights of usufruct.

Salmon streams constituted the most important economic properties of the

128 Sproat, The Nootka. pp. 11­12. 129 Susan Golla, “He Has a Name: History and Social Structure among the Indians of Western Vancouver Island” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1987), pp. 99­111. 130 Drucker, Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes, p. 248.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 47 Nootkan chiefs. Though they gave rights to set salmon traps in certain places to kin and henchmen, the chiefs exercised their right to claim the entire first catch of the traps made in their individual rivers.

Not only rivers, but inlets, bays, and the outside seas were divided by natural landmarks into tracts which belonged to various chiefs…Traditional histories have been quoted, describing how such extensive claims were acquired. These domains might be utilized by anyone of the owner’s group, or even confederacy, with the understanding that it was by virtue of the chief’s bounty, and subject to certain conditions.

The conditions under which a group member was permitted to exploit a chief’s territory expressed public acknowledgment of the legitimacy of ownership. These were as follows: No one might fish on any important fishing ground until the owner formally opened the season either by ordering some men to go out to procure the first catch or the first two catches for him, or by calling on all to accompany him on the first expedition of the season. After this, men could go when they pleased. Sometime during the season, or afterward when the product had been dried, the chief sent men to collect “tribute” (o’umas) for him…The foodstuff collected in this fashion was always used to give a great feast, at which the giver announced it had been obtained as tribute, and explained his hereditary right to demand tribute from that place. He invariably concluded by requesting the people to remember that the place belonged to him, “to take care of it for him,” though they might use it when they wished after the formal seasonal opening. The right to exact this tax demonstrated very neatly the relationship between chiefly status and property ownership. Each chief collected his tribute from whatever fishing grounds he owned, river, inlet, or fishing banks.131

Although the rights of the h=aw`iih extended over the resources within their h=ahuu>i, these rights were likely not always exercised, such behaviour being considered petty. The h=aw`iih also had discretionary rights within their h=ahuu>i that could be assigned to individuals, kin, or allies, such as the right to construct and use a fish weir at a certain place on a river for a period of time, the right to construct and operate a dead­fall trap, or the right to fish at a site on a river or at an offshore bank. Furthermore, there were territorial and resource rights to specific areas within a tribe’s territory that were recognized as being the h=ahuu>i of h=aw`iih other than the ta’yii h=aw`i>. That is to say, the local groups and taqimi> within a tribe also had h=ahuu>i, to which the h=aw`i> of the local group or lineage held rights.

H=aw`iih (Chiefs) and Chieftainship The rights and nobility of the ta’yii h=aw`i>, and of other h=aw`iih, are traced back to ancient family ancestors or “first ancestors,” who were the founders of the local group, tribe, or taqim>. The h=aw`iih are viewed as the representatives of these old and noble lines of descent.

131 Ibid.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 48

The rights of ta’yii h=aw`i> were inherited by the chief’s oldest son, and were commonly passed on prior to the father achieving his elder years. The transfer of these rights were publicly announced, described in detail, and thereby officially “stamped” at potlatches,132 and/or displayed and similarly validated at tluuk#aanas.

The lines of nobility of some of the Maa­nulth First Nations’ ta’yii h=aw`iih are unbroken, extending back many generations. The ta’yii h=aw`i> and other h=aw`iih received training from the earliest age in the rights, duties, and responsibilities of chieftainship. For example, parents would repeat words of advice into the ears of baby h=aw`iih, even before the infants could speak, in the belief that the words would stay with the children as they grew; the parents would also give the young h=aw`i> special medicines.133

The rank of ta’yii h=aw`i> included sacred, ceremonial and secular roles and responsibilities. The tangible privileges owned by the h=aw`iih were referred to as h=aw’i>mis (meaning “wealthy, chief”), while all rights and prerogatives were referred to collectively as topa.ti.134

The topa.ti could include names (names of men, women, slaves, harpoons, canoes), house­building privileges (paintings, carved house posts), family histories, tattoos, games, marriage ceremonial rights, ritual rights (details of tluuk#aana rituals, dances, sacred songs), burial rights (carvings), puberty ceremonials, doctoring rights, various types of songs, property rights (fishing at definite points, setting traps at particular places, hunting rights, burying rights, rights to drift whales and seals), potlatch rights (order of seating, order of inviting, order of receiving gifts), rights to certain types of ?Uusimch135 (ritual preparations for whaling, sea­lion hunting, sea­otter hunting, sealing, spearing fish, trolling for fish, net fishing, doctoring power, etc.), and medicines.136

The rights and rank of the ta’yii h=aw`i> were recognized at cultural events and ceremonies, such as potlatches and feasts, were described through traditional histories and genealogies, and were displayed to guests through a wealth of songs, dances, ceremonial screens, rattles, house­building privileges, and more. The h=aw`iih kept their most important regalia, symbols of their authority, in a carved trunk known as a h=uupuK#anum, and were only used on occasions when the rights of the h=aw`iih were to be announced, described in song or words, or otherwise displayed. Within Nuu­chah­nulth thinking, the regalia of the chief, including his songs (some of which described his property rights), headdress, rattle, painted screens and h=uupuK#anum , are all symbols of his authority.137

Having this authority, however, also meant that the ta’yii h=aw`i>, and all h=aw`iih, bore the sacred trust of managing the h=ahuu>i and their chiefly prerogatives for the benefit of their

132 Hutsa, “Interview”; Dennis Sr., “Interview.” 133 Hutsa, “Interview.” 134 Roberts and Swadesh, “Songs of the Nootka.” pp. 199­327. 135 These are prayer rituals. 136 Sapir, “Notes on Rights,” in “Miscellaneous Nootka Material.” 137 Hutsa, “Interview.”

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 49 people. As such, the responsibilities of the h=aw`iih extended to the practice of ?Uusimch, which enabled them to secure abundant runs of fish and game, as well as peace and success, for their groups.

The authority or rank of the ta’yii h=aw`i> had to be actively maintained. This could be effected, for example, through arranged marriages between the chiefly line and other noble lineages of equal or greater rank, or through feasts and potlatches, wherein rights and privileges were displayed or proclaimed; wherein the ta’yii h=aw`i> honoured and rewarded other h=aw`iih and his mastchim for “looking after” his h=ahuu>i for him through the distribution of his wealth in the form of foods, gifts, and privileges. While the ta’yii h=aw`i> exercised authority for the entire tribe, he delegated authority and conferred rights to other h=aw`iih, to trusted mastchim, and to in­laws and allies.

The other h=aw`iih had significant rights, responsibilities, and privileges similar to those of the ta’yii h=aw`i>. The h=aw`iih positions were hereditary, and were formally and continuously acknowledged by their chiefly names and by a ranked ceremonial “seat” at potlatches and feasts. An example shows the positions of the formal “seats” of the Ka:'yu:k't'h h=aw`iih within the bighouse for potlatches:138

Some of the “seated” h=aw`iih were the chiefs of local groups or taqim>, while others were junior members of chiefly families. Of the h=aw`iih from the chiefly families, a portion of them were given specific roles, such as that of war­chief or of guardian over parts of the h=ahuu>i.

Like the ta’yii h=aw`i>, the other h=aw`iih had rights they could assign at their discretion (e.g., rights to fishing and hunting, ceremonial rights). Still, although some of these rights could be temporarily given to certain individuals, most were permanently held and maintained by the h=aw`iih.

While the h=aw`iih were responsible for making executive decisions on behalf of their groups, they required the help and support of their mastchim and relatives in directing ceremonial activities, as well as in planning, organizing and hosting potlatches, feasts,

138 Drucker, Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes, p. 261.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 50 and tluuk#aana (Wolf Dance).

Specialists As previously indicated, there were, in addition to the h=aw`iih, other people who held formal positions, and who, as such, performed services for, and provided advice to the h=aw`iih when required. These positions were generally held by junior h=aw`iih, or by high­ ranking mastchim, and were usually hereditary, as most required extensive training and expertise, acquired during upbringing. At the discretion of the h=aw`iih, however, people of unusual ability could also be assigned to these roles.

The role of “speaker” for the h=aw`iih was a specialist position, and often hereditary in certain families: “Not everyone could be a speaker, for first of all he had to know all the family traditions and rights, and, secondly, be able to discourse in the laconic, somewhat explosive style mandatory for formal address.”139 The speakers received broad training in history, genealogy, protocol and ceremonial rights, and were required to make formal speeches for the h=aw`iih at feasts and potlatches.

War chiefs, also specialists, were the military leaders, educated from a young age in their craft, and physically and spiritually trained through ?Uusimch: “In addition to the title [of war­chief], each war­chief commonly had [his] secret bathing ritual and “medicines” which the sons were taught from early childhood to make them fearless and invincible in war.”140 As such, they were the recognized leaders of war expeditions.

Other specialist positions include types of “keepers,” people who were assigned special responsibilities for monitoring a portion of the h=aw`iihs’ rights or h=ahuu>i, or for performing specialized “keeping” functions, such as beachkeeper, peacekeeper, keeper of the forests, lookout or boundary guardian, and river guardian. These specialists, like others, were relied upon to provide their skill, advice and assistance to the senior h=aw`iih, as required. All people were required to assist in monitoring and maintaining the resources in the tribe’s territory.

Mastchim and Slaves People who did not have the rights of a h=aw`i> were referred to as mastchim, described as:

...those living with the chief in his house, or else, if too many for one house, living in a smaller house subject to the chief’s house. Mastchim are supposed to be related to [their] corresponding chief as “younger brothers,” uncles and so on...[T]here is no hard and fast line between mastchim and chiefs[.]141

Like the h=aw`iih, the mastchim were ranked according to heredity, but could earn “good names” for themselves through effort and ability. Through kinship, the mastchim were usually related to the family of more than a single h=aw`i>, and over the years would

139 Drucker, Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes, p. 269. 140 Ibid. p. 270. 141 Sapir, “Notes on Rights,” in “Miscellaneous Nootka Material.”

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 51 usually move from the house of one chief to another, by arrangement, thus providing “support” to each h=aw`i> in turn. As the owner of one or more houses, each h=aw`i> had places in his house that would be occupied by his mastchim and their families. To the Ka:’yu:k’t’h, the people who lived in the house of the h=aw`i> were known as his maiyusts.

The mastchim accessed the bounty of the resources of the h=ahuu>i through a permission based on kinship and “belonging” to the house of the h=aw`i>, or through the pre­arranged consent of the h=aw`i>.142 The mastchim therefore “depended on their chiefs for the necessities of life, and in return gave their services as fishermen, hunters, and craftsmen to their lords. Pay, usually in kind, was given for labour. Thus the men who carried a chief’s catch on salmon­spearing expeditions, the women who picked berries or cut fish for him, were given some of the produce for their services.”143 Tribute was given to the h=aw`i> with the expectation that it would be distributed at a feast or potlatch, where the people who had provided it were recognized and honoured, helping to earn a “good name” for themselves.144 As a part of this system, the mastchim were obliged to “look after” the h=aw`i>’s h=ahuu>i for him, to monitor resources, to watch for intruders, to harvest resources with respect (never taking more than needed), to bring news of any important “salvage,” and to report noteworthy events. The mastchim worked together in this regard, under the direction of the h=aw`i>.

Most mastchim families specialized in certain pursuits, developing skills and using ?Uusimch practices that had been passed down through generations. These mastchim, who functioned, for example, as hunters, fishermen, canoe­makers, ritualists, weavers, and carvers, were prized community members.

The traditional society of the Maa­nulth First Nations also included slaves, usually people who had been captured during war or purchased from another tribe. The slaves performed menial duties for their owners, such as getting water and firewood.

Resources and Resource Management Access to land and sea resources was managed by the h=aw`iih, who made the decisions on significant resource issues, such as the timing of the seasonal moves of their groups; the construction of houses, fish traps or weirs, and deadfall traps; the opening and closing of fishing sites and rivers; and other activities requiring communal effort. The h=aw`iih were responsible for ensuring that these decisions were wise ones, arrived at through deliberations amongst themselves, and with the advice of their specialists and ta pat sii (councillors). In this way, the h=aw`iih could guarantee the continuation of plentiful runs of fish and game, a continuity also promoted through the practice of ?Uusimch.

The rights to fish, hunt, or collect berries at highly­productive locations were assigned by the h=aw`i> to individuals or families who, as a result, would owe a portion of what they caught or collected as tribute. Members from other tribes could fish and hunt in a h=aw`i>’s h=ahuu>i, provided that permission had been previously arranged with the

142 Drucker, “Typescript of Field Notebooks.” 9:N. 143 Idem, Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes , p. 272. 144 Idem, “Field Notes.” Notebook 8, p. 80.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 52 appropriate h=aw`i>, and that tribute was afterwards provided by the visitors. Unless relations with another tribe were strained, or resources were scarce, such permission was usually granted. Individual hunters, fishermen, foresters, and other harvesters were careful to respect resources and not to abuse or over­harvest, as they were also responsible for “looking after” the h=ahuu>i for the h=aw`iih.

Important resources (e.g., whales, fish, sea mammals) were harvested and distributed according to traditional protocols and regimes. For example, fishing in certain rivers was not permitted until the h=aw`iih decided that sufficient spawning had occurred to ensure future runs; captured whales and seals were distributed, according to precise “cuts,” first to the h=aw`iih, and then, through them, to the tribe; ?Uusimch was practiced by many people out of respect to the resources sought, and to obtain prowess and success in their ventures; and fishing or hunting in a h=ahuu>i without the appropriate permission or licence of the h=aw`iih was a ground for severe punishment.

Marriage and Kinship Marriages were viewed as constituting formal “alliances” between families, and as the building blocks of Nuu­chah­nulth society. They forged and maintained relationships between various taqim> or lineages, local groups, and tribes. Marriages were organized and completed through complex arrangements, first ci@as (asking permission), then >uch=aa (marriage ceremony).145

Partners to a marriage were often chosen on the basis of previous relations between the families of the bride and groom, and on the mutual advantages the marriage alliance would likely bring. Marriages between members of high­ranked families, commemorated with ceremonies involving gifts of goods and food, were usually determined by the parents and elders of still relatively young children, and involved complex and extensive arrangements and procedures, including the transfer of topatis, resource rights, and the exchange of material gifts. In essence, the families of a high­ ranking bride and groom invested the couple with a “dowry” of rights and privileges that the couple held until the time they bore children. These children would eventually receive the rights and privileges; if there were no children, however, the rights and privileges went back to the originating families. Most marriages between mastchim were also arranged by parents and elders.

Marriages were of paramount importance, as the h=aw`iih had to consider kinship ties in all important decisions about ceremonial rights, or the assignation of rights to fish or game in the h=ahuu>i, and in matters of trade, diplomacy and war.

Inheritance was reckoned bilaterally, and, indeed, the most important social and ceremonial relationships were founded on, and determined by, kinship ties that could be chronicled back through many generations. A particular elder was described as being able to detail, over the course of many hours, a family’s relationships with each of the Nuu­chah­nulth tribes on southern Vancouver Island, and with the Makah at Neah Bay.

145 Keitlah, Wilma, and Debbie Foxcroft. Wawaa*c'akuk Yaqwii*Itq Quu*as (Wawaach'akuuk Yaqwii*Itq Quu*as): The Sayings of Our First People. Penticton, B.C.: Theytus Books, 1995. p. 88­103.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 53 It was further related that, given the opportunity, this same elder could have provided similar information concerning relationships with northern Nuu­chah­nulth tribes.146

Ceremonials The traditions of the Maa­nulth First Nations include a complex system of hereditary entitlements to a vast array of ceremonial rights, ones that include many inherited treasures (topati), already listed above. These rights would be displayed, announced, or recounted at feasts (generally confined to one’s own group or tribe), potlatches (given to other invited tribes), tluuk#aana (the Wolf Dance, a sacred ceremony), and other formal occasions. Nuu­chah­nulth women were generally considered as “historians,” as they were responsible for listening to and remembering the displays or transfers of rights that occurred at these events, as well as the many details of genealogies, histories, and names.147

Without a written language, these ceremonial events functioned, for the Nuu­chah­nulth, as the requisite forum to announce or formalize most forms of public business, including the recounting of the history and privileges of h=aw`iih, and all other matters of significant social and economic import.

Ceremonials, for example, required that the host h=aw`i> collect and distribute wealth goods and food to his guests; by accepting gifts, the guests acknowledged the rights displayed by the host. As previously discussed, the h=aw`iih relied on their mastchim and relatives to assist them in the preparation for these events, providing services such as trading, hunting, fishing, carving, weaving, singing, and dancing, not to mention loans or donations of food and goods. Still, it could take a h=aw`i> and his mastchim months or years to assemble the wealth goods and food required to host a major event. If a h=aw`i> failed to do so, his rank would suffer, for, to maintain his “name” and his “seat,” feasts, potlatches, and tluuk#aana had to be continually held.

The ceremonials also served to bring people together, thereby enabling conflicts to be resolved, consensus developed, and matters of public importance discussed. All significant events in Nuu­chah­nulth life were marked by some type of ceremonial, which, again, usually involved the announcement or display of some form of hereditary privilege. The complex system within which these ceremonial events took place was thus a prominent feature of Nuu­chah­nulth society.

Fishermen, whalers, seal and sea­lion hunters, and others followed a complex system of rituals and regimes to bring them success and luck in their ventures, and to avoid angering or annoying the creatures being pursued. To assist them, some people wore “charms” or amulets with parts of plants and animals wrapped inside. The most common way of bringing success in hunting, fishing and other ventures was through the practice of ?Uusimch, a purifying bathing ritual. It featured fasting, bathing for long periods or repeatedly in cold water, scrubbing the body with branches, leaves and other vegetation, and praying. Many people practiced ?Uusimch on a regular basis for general luck and

146 Mack, “Interview.” 147 Dennis Sr., “Interview.”

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 54 well­being. Many families had their own secret places and ritual details that were owned prerogativeds that would not be shared with others.148

Fish, game, whales, and other resources were treated with respect and honour to please their spirits so that they would later allow themselves to be caught again. Special ceremonies, “in honour of game, to conciliate them for allowing themselves to be taken” were performed for salmon, herring, whales and bears. The first of the salmon and herring of the season were greeted with special honours.149

Trade, Diplomacy, and War The Maa­nulth First Nations in Barkley Sound were at the centre of a commercial network that extended in many directions: to neighbouring tribes in Barkley Sound, Alberni Inlet, and the Alberni valley; to tribes in Clayoquot Sound and further northwest on Vancouver Island; to tribes on both sides of Juan de Fuca Strait; and to tribes on the outer Washington coast and further south.

Like the Maa­nulth peoples in Barkley Sound, the Ka:'yu:k't'h and Che:k'tles7et'h' were also well­positioned for trade. Being situated at the northern end of the territories of the Nuu­chah­nulth tribes, trade between those tribes and their neighbours to the north had to pass through Ka:'yu:k't'h and Che:k'tles7et'h' territories. Moreover, a trade route through Tashsish Inlet provided access to the Namgis (Nimpkish) and other tribes on the east coast of Vancouver Island. And, as owners of the valuable haiqua (dentalia) beds near Rugged Point, along with the Ehattesaht and Nuchatlaht, the Ka:'yu:k't'h Che:k'tles7et'h' were in control of an important wealth commodity (dentalia shells), one used as a form of native currency, and, as such, traded extensively through western North America.

As the owner of their h=ahuu>i, the rights of the h=aw`iih included the right of exclusivity in trade with any foreigners entering their respective territories, which meant that any other individuals or groups wishing to participate in the trade had first to negotiate arrangements with the h=aw`i> into whose h=ahuu>i the foreigners had ventured.

The Maa­nulth First Nations in Barkley Sound were known as superior canoe makers, and traded canoes and other goods through their commercial network. The Maa­nulth First Nations also traded goods and services amongst themselves; the various “specialists” could trade, for example, fish for whale products (e.g., as was done between the people of Cape Beale and those of the Sarita River). Each of the tribes also specialized in the production of certain goods (e.g., canoe­making, board­making, mat­ making, ornamental manufacture), and would trade their specialties for those of other tribes.150

Friendly relations between peoples were important for trade and for peace, and were managed by diplomacy, particularly by the establishment and maintenance of intertribal marriages involving chiefly families. Some individuals were renowned for their

148 Arima, The West Coast People. pp.9­10. 149 Drucker, Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes , p. 175. 150 Sproat, The Nootka, p. 18.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 55 diplomatic skills, and were employed to act as envoys and to settle disputes. Hostile relations with other tribes were managed through diplomatic means, or, when necessary, by military action.

Although retaliation was the most common motive given for the majority of recorded instances of Nuu­chah­nulth warfare (as it is elsewhere), in reality this motive was coupled with the desire to acquire more territory, resources, and privileges, a goal that could only be accomplished by his’o^k’t’, the complete annihilation of an enemy tribe. Wars are known to have occurred, at various times, between the Maa­nulth First Nations themselves, between these tribes and other Nuu­chah­nulth tribes, and, in turn, between Nuu­chah­nulth tribes and others neighbouring their territories.

Summary of Ethnographic Context The ethnographic context for the Maa­nulth First Nations’ marine resource activities and management is summarized:

• The Maa­nulth First Nations trace their origins back to Nuu­chah­nulth tribes who have occupied and utilized the resources on and along the west coast of Vancouver Island for at least 5,000 years. • The Nuu­chah­nulth tribes shared many features of culture and language, as well as fundamental components of social structure and approaches to resource use and management. • Each tribe consisted of one or more “local groups,” each led by a ta’yii h=aw`i> (“head chief”), and consisting of other h=aw`iih (“chiefs”), specialists, mastchim (“commoners”) and slaves, and occupying a territory (h=ahuu>i). • There could be several h=aw`iih within each tribe, each having individual rights, but each subject to the ta’yii h=aw`i>. The tribal territories extended on land and sea, and encompassed the resources use areas of the individual tribes. • The h=aw`iih owned an array of social and economic rights, including those to specific hunting and fishing grounds and resource collecting areas (for berries, roots, etc.), as well as to “drift” sea mammals and other salvage. • Rights to utilize resources within h=ahuu>i were managed by the h=aw`iih, aided often by group members and kin. Those utilizing the resource rights owed a portion of their take as “tribute” to the h=aw`i> of that h=ahuu>i. • Marine resources were harvested subject to the management decisions and rights of the h=aw`iih. Some of the mastchim specialized as fishermen, hunters, canoe­makers and in other trades. • Success in hunting, fishing and other activities was sought by most people through a variety of ritual practices, especially ?Uusimch. • The Maa­nulth First Nations were part of a commercial network that included the exchange of marine resources. The various tribes maintained diplomatic ties through diplomacy. Warfare sometimes occurred between neighbouring groups, often motivated by the desire to acquire territory and resources.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 56 Figure 1: Illustration of “Falls and Indian Lodges. Ouchucklesit.” by Frederick Whymper, 1864. BC Archives, Pdp 106. Figure 2: Illustration of “Ouchucklesit Village” by Frederick Whymper, 1864. Beinecke Library, Yale.

Figure 3: Fish trap, Kyuquot, 1914. Royal B.C. Museum PN 12496. Figure 4: Huu-ay-aht people gathering herring spawn on branches in Bamfield Inlet, ca. 1920s. Photo from Private collection.

Figure 5: Halibut and herring eggs drying on racks at Ucluelet, 1890s. Royal B.C. Museum photo PN 1176. Figure 6: Cutting up a whale at Ucluelet, 1890s. Royal B.C. Museum photoPN 1184.

Figure 7: Housepost at n’umuqumyis village, photographed 1911. Royal B.C. Museum PN 492. Figure 8: “Peanuts,” a Huu-ay-aht “putter” fishing boat, made from a dugout canoe, photographed ca. 1975. Royal B.C. Museum PN 5660-4A.

Figure 9: Fishing boats, packers, and float camp. Mission Island, Kyuquot, mid-1900s. Royal B.C. Museum 16000. First Nations Histories Following are summary histories of each of the Maa­nulth First Nations, presented here to provide additional ethnographic context.

Huu-ay-aht History Huu­ay­aht asserted territory (Map 5) extends, in the north, from Coleman Creek on the Alberni Canal, southwest to include all of the Deer Group Islands, Bamfield and Grappler Inlets, and Cape Beale, and to the southeast as far as Tsusiat Falls. The territory includes the inland areas incorporated within the drainages of the rivers encompassed within the area described above, as well as offshore areas.

Due to depopulation caused by disease and warfare, mentioned previously, the Huu­ay­ aht had amalgamated, by the mid 1800s, into a single tribe from what had been previously several independent local groups. By that time, the Huu­ay­aht had also adopted a “seasonal round” pattern, moving between a summer village (kiix?in) and a winter village (numuqumyis) at the mouth of the Sarita River) in order to harvest seasonally abundant resources, particularly fish, sea mammals and seafood. By the late 19th century chapis (on Diana Island, with a better anchorage for larger vessels) had replaced kiix?in as the summer village. The amalgamation of the previously independent local groups into the Huu­ay­aht meant that tribal members were, and are, able to access the resources within the amalgamated h=ahuu>i of the former local groups.

There are several sources of information about the chiefly families and local groups of the Huu­ay­aht prior to amalgamation. In 1913, “William”, a Tseshaht man with Huu­ay­ aht ancestry, provided information to Sapir in which he identified seven independent local groups.151

1. yaciti’qo’athHa : this group had territory on the east side of Alberni Inlet in the area of Coleman Creek. 2. P!op!uma?a’atHa: this group had territory in the area of San Mateo Bay. When they died out, the Uchucklesaht got their territory, but this was later seized by the Huu­ay­ aht. 3. ?eniq’cil’at’atHa: this group owned the Sarita River region, but it was seized by the ho’ai’atHa . 4. Ho’ai’atHa: (Huu­ay­aht) this group owned territory in the Deer Group Islands, and around Bamfield Creek. 5. Kix’ini’atHa: this group owned the area around kiix?in. 6. Tc!imataqso’atHa: this group owned the area around Cape Beale and Keeha Beach. 7. ?anaq’L!a’atHa: this group owned the area around Pachena Bay and the region towards the territory of the Ditidahts.

It was related by William that the chiefly families of 4, 5, 6, and 7 all joined, before the white men came, “because they were reduced in number.” Together, they assumed the

151William. "Description of Tribal Territories." In Sapir, “Miscellaneous Nootka Material.” Notebook XVII p. 7, 7a.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 62 name Huu­ay­aht.

In 1913, Sayaach’apis listed eight groups of the Huu­ay­aht:152

1. Kix’ini’atHa: the people of kiix?in 2. Kwi’iq’ts!i>o’asatHa: the name of this group came from the Toquaht. 3. Tuxu’>’atHataqemi>: This group had their village near the falls on the Sarita River. 4. TcatcaHatsi?as’atHatqemi>: This group took their name from Carnation Creek. 5. Tcx!u’mat!atHa: The name of this group came through marriage with the Toquaht. 6. Ma>ts!as’atHa: This chiefly family’s name came from the location of their house at numuqumyis village. 7. T!ok!wa’atHa: This group got its name through marriage with the Toquaht. 8. >ot!as!atHa: This group took their name from their village site at >ot!as.

Other cultural advisors have identified the names of other groups of the Huu­ay­aht which existed at various times in the past.153

Following are the names of the current Huu­ay­aht ha’wiih and their hahoothlee:

Spencer Peters tliishin hahoothlee Jeff Cook ya> luu a hahoothlee Victor Williams tlaa waa nuk hahoothlee tlaa ma hous hahoothlee Andy Clappis chichaachishtu> hahoothlee Benson Nookemus hawiihtuis hahoothlee Tom Happynook maaksisinop hahoothlee Bill Frank tlaacmiik hahoothlee

Likely the most significant event in the history of the Huu­ay­aht occurred as an unfortunate result of the introduction of diseases brought by the mama>ni (white people.) One result of the smallpox and other epidemics is that the Huu­ay­aht all moved together and lived as a single community. Several local groups, once independent, were forced through circumstances to amalgamate as a single group. The number of occupied Huu­ ay­aht villages was reduced to just a few. Most people congregated at numuqumyis during the winter months, and then moved to the village of kiix?in during the summer. In 1874 Blenkinsop wrote that there were 10 traditional long houses at kiix?in while there was only one at capis. According to Blenkinsop’s census, the Huu­ay­aht numbered only 262 people, much reduced from the two thousand described by Chief Louie Nookmiis (above).154

Things changed quickly also with the coming of the commercial sealing industry and with the burgeoning market for dogfish oil. With the upsurge in paying jobs, the Huu­ay­ aht moved their summer residences to the twin villages of capis and a?atsowis at Dodgers

152 Sapir, “Miscellaneous Nootka Material.” Notebook XVII p. 4a, 5 153 Inglis and Haggarty. "Pacific Rim National Park Ethnographic History." pp. 181 – 185. 154 Nookmiis, “War with the Clallams.” p. 212.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 63 Cove, as there was a secure anchorage at these locations for the sealing schooners and for trading vessels. Later, with the collapse of the sealing industry, many Huu­ay­aht became commercial fishermen and boatbuilders. Capis and a?atsowis were the primary summer village sites for decades and many Huu­ay­aht people recall spending their summers there as children. Even today, some people live there during the summer months. After spending the summer at Dodgers Cove, the Huu­ay­aht packed up and moved to n’umuqumyis for the winter. Around n’umuqumyis, at the mouth of the Sarita River, spawning fish, some types of seafood, and berries were plentiful, and there was more protection from the winter storms than at Dodgers Cove. Both capis and n’umuqumyis villages had a school and church in the early part of the 20th century. In the summer, there was access to a store and in the winter, at n’umuqumyis, one of the families ran a store out of their home.

Later, some of the Huu­ay­aht built winter residences at kukswiis, on the south bank of the Sarita River, across from n’umuqumyis. Kukswiis became popular as a residence site as it had better anchorage for the larger fishing boats adopted by the Huu­ay­aht fisherman in the 1940s and 1950s. Later, in the 1950s, a logging road was put through the middle of kukswiis village. Eventually, the noise of the traffic, and danger to residents, forced people to look for another place to live.

In the 1960s, a new village was built for the Huu­ay­aht at Anacla, near the mouth of the Pachena River. Today, this is the main village for the Huu­ay­aht, located on I.R. #12, one of the reserves designated by the Reserve Commissioner Peter O’Reilly in 1882. Although many Huu­ay­aht people now live in Port Alberni, Nanaimo, Victoria, Vancouver and further a field, Anacla is considered home by most Huu­ay­aht people. It is here that the Band Office is located, where most band business is conducted, and where the “House of Huu­ay­aht” community centre was recently constructed. This is very much a modern village today, and the home of Huu­ay­aht people whose ancestors’ history in the territory stretches back to the beginning of time.

Uchucklesaht History Territory The territory of the Uchucklesaht155 Tribe – meaning “people who live in there on the beach”156 – consists of Henderson Lake, Uchucklesit Inlet and the adjacent part of Alberni Inlet (Map 4).157 The Uchucklesaht boundary to the east has been described as being located at Ts'ap'i:t (Handy Creek). Their northern boundary is said to have been at Ka:chqi at the Head of Henderson Lake. The boundary with the Tseshaht is described as being at Ho:p'asoqo:%a near the mouth of Alberni Canal.158 Prior to European contact, after a war with the Huu­ay­aht, their territory at the eastern end of Barkley Sound was temporarily much larger and included the open coast eastward from Cape Beale to

155 Uchucklesaht appears in many alternate forms in anthropological and historical sources including: Ho:choqt>is%ath, Howchuklisaht, Ow.chuk.lis.aht, Uchucklesit, hc*uq+is%ath= ath St. Claire, Barkley Sound Tribal Territories.” Arima and Dewhirst, Nootkans. p. 393. 156 St. Claire, Barkley Sound Tribal Territories. p. 74, citing Thomas 1977. 157 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers.. p. 26; see St. Claire, Barkley Sound Tribal Territories. p.116, Map 10; McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. p. 25, Map 3. 158 St. Claire, Barkley Sound Tribal Territories. p. 75.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 64 Tsusiat River.159

History of Research There are few references to the Uchucklesaht in the historical and anthropological literature despite the acknowledgement that at one time they were the dominant group in eastern Barkley Sound.160 Two Uchucklesaht villages were visited and illustrated by Whymper of the Vancouver Island Exploring Expeditions in 1864, showing an elaborate system of fish weirs at the mouth of the Henderson River (Figures 1 and 2). Blenkinsop’s 1874 report refers to the village of “Ow.chuk.lis”, Elhlateese Reserve, at the head of Uchucklesit Inlet.161 Edward Sapir transcribed a text from Tom Saya:ch'apis titled “Uchucklesits Exterminate Kiihin” in 1913”, describing the war in which the Uchucklesaht temporarily seized control of Huu­ay­aht territory for a time.162 In 1964, Chief Louie Nookmiis of the Huu­ay­aht tape­recorded a history that places the origin of the Barkley Sound tribes in Uchucklesaht territory.163 In the period 1976 to 1985, Denis St. Claire interviewed Uchucklesaht elder Ella Jackson concerning place names and other ethnographic information.164

Local Groups The Uchucklesaht consisted of four ranked %oshtaqimi>:165

1. To:to:chtaqimi> ­ Thunderbird family’. 2. Qwiqwip'i%ashtaqimi> 3. %I:>qwayapt – making a pile of stones (i.e. wealth) crumble family. 4. T'a:na:hatay'apshi>taqimi> ­ ‘always separating children from parents family’, referring to the taking of many young whales.

The Na:swini%istaqimi> ­ ‘daylight in the centre of the beach family,’ a fifth component group, derived from the third ranked %I:>qwayapt.166

Uchucklesaht History Some time before the contact period, the Uchucklesaht attacked and destroyed the Kiihin, a neighbouring tribe to the southwest, who later became part of the Huu­ay­aht. As a result of the war with the Kiihin and other groups, the Uchucklesaht controlled all of the eastern shore of Barkley Sound, assuming land and sea rights from Uchucklesaht Inlet to Banfield Inlet, to Cape Beale and along the outer coast to the Tsusiat River.167 At the time of the war with the Kiihin, the Uchucklesaht were said to have 800 warriors,

159 Arima and Dewhirst. Nootkans. p. 393. 160 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. p. 209 161 St. Claire, “Barkley Sound Tribal Territories.”:74, citing Blenkinsop 1874:53. 162 Sapir and Swadesh, Native Accounts.339­341. 163Nookmiis, Louie. "Interview with Eugene Arima. Translated by Harry Lucas and Robert Dennis, 1997." Port Alberni, B.C.: Huu­ay­aht First Nations, 1998. 164 St. Claire, "Barkley Sound Tribal Territories." p. 18. 165 Nuu­chah­nulth term for the component groups (Barkley Sound), the family lines, that together comprise a local group. 166 St. Claire, "Barkley Sound Tribal Territories," citing Sapir “Field Notebooks.” 167 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. p. 209; St. Claire, “Barkley Sound Tribal Territories.” p. 75.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 65 indicating a large population.168 The Uchucklesaht were later driven out of this territory, at an unknown date. In the process, the Huu­ay­aht also took control of the region around San Mateo Bay from the Uchucklesaht.169 Information gathered by Sapir records that the Uchucklesaht had no “outside” territory and therefore were not able not participate in the summer whale hunt. They were restricted to the winter hunt for humpback and other whales that came into Uchucklesit Inlet and Alberni Canal.170

The Uchucklesaht clearly suffered a great population decline in the late pre­contact and early historic period. Blenkinsop’s 1874 report noted that only one­sixth of their principal village, “Ow.chuk.lis,”171 at the head of Uchucklesit Inlet, was occupied, indicating “that they must have been a numerous tribe.”172 Blenkinsop also states that in the mid­nineteenth century the Uchucklesaht kept to themselves for fear of encountering their former enemies.173 In 1882, Peter O’Reilly recorded the total population of the Uchucklesaht as 86 people.174 Today the primary community is located at Elhlateese Reserve, No. 2.

Toquaht History Territory The territory of the Toquaht175 First Nation, “people of the narrow, rocky beach”176 is centered on the western shore of Barkley Sound, including Toquart Bay, Mayne Bay and Pipestone Inlet (see Map 3). The western boundary on land, with the Ucluelet, is in the vicinity of the eastern side of the entrance to Ucluelet Inlet. The Toquaht boundary to the east is in the area of Mayne Bay and Lyall Point, bordering Tseshaht territory.177 The Toquaht’s western boundary on the water extends northwest along the outside of the Ucluelet Peninsula, outside the surf line, to Florencia Island, and then due west outwards into the Pacific Ocean.

History of Contact In May of 1791, the Spanish vessel, Santa Saturnina, became the first European ship to enter Toquaht territory. A map shows one village, probably the fishing camp Ch’itklis, at the mouth of the Maggie River. In 1793, the American vessel Jefferson, wintered at the head of Toquart Bay and traded with a number of chiefs including “Hiuquis the Cheeff of Tooquot.” The ship Ruby visited western Barkley Sound in 1795 and was met by

168 St. Claire, “Barkley Sound Tribal Territories.”:74, citing Sapir and Swadesh, Native Accounts.340. 169 Inglis and Haggarty. “Pacific Rim National Park Ethnographic History.” p. 190. 170 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers.:136­137, citing Sapir 1910­1914. 171 Alternately Ho:choqt>is%is, St. Claire, “Barkley Sound Tribal Territories.” p. 74; Elhlateese Reserve No. 2. 172 St. Claire, “Barkley Sound Tribal Territories.” p. 74, citing Blenkinsop, “Report.” 173 Ibid., citing Blenkinsop, “Report.” 174 Ibid., citing Blenkinsop, “Report.” 175 Toquaht appears in many alternate forms in anthropological and historical sources including: T’ow’wa:%ath, T’uk#aa%th, Tukwaa, Toquart, T’ukw’aath, t`uk`#a `%ath (St. Claire, “Barkley Sound Tribal Territories.” p. 25 and Arima and Dewhirst. "Nootkans.” p. 393. 176 According to Coull 1986:48, associated with Stuart Bay reserve #6 where Coho salmon run in Itatsoo Creek St. Claire, "Barkley Sound Tribal Territories." p. 157. 177 St. Claire, “Barkley Sound Tribal Territories.” pp. 55­56, Map 13:156; McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. pp. 26­27, Map 6:64.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 66 “Hyhocus,” possibly the same chief who met the Jefferson in 1793. 178 Extensive contact did not resume until the mid­19th century when traders come to collect dogfish oil for lubrication in Fraser Valley and Puget Sound sawmills.

History of Research Important sources of information on the Toquaht include the letters and articles of William Eddy Banfield, a trader and later colonial government agent in Barkley Sound. In 1858 he referred to “a small tribe of Indians . . .called Taquats”, noting the many resources in their territory.179

In 1874 George Blenkinsop, in his report for the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, gathered information from local people, includes a map showing Toquaht territory. Blenkinsop stated that “Fish and game are abundant: their country is without exception beyond anything in this respect I have yet seen.”180

In 1882 Peter O’Reilly, the Indian reserve commissioner visited Barkley Sound and laid out five reserves for the Toquaht. He described the Toquaht as “Fishermen, gaining their living by sealing and selling fish oil; in addition to which they subsist largely on salmon, halibut and herring, which are found here in profusion”.181

Information on Toquaht social structure was first recorded by the anthropologist Franz Boas in 1890.182 Dr. Edward Sapir of the Geological Survey of Canada gathered information in 1910 and in 1913­14 on Toquaht social structure from Tom Saya:ch’apis and William, Tseshaht cultural advisors.183 In November of 1914 Alex Thomas recorded a number of important texts from Kwishanishim, that include information on Toquaht history. Kwishanishim was born ca. 1840, near the time that the “Long War” in Barkley Sound ended. His mother was Toquaht.184 Between 1976 and 1985 Denis St. Claire gathered information from Nuu­chah­nulth elders, including Jim McKay of the Toquaht, on place names, site resources, territorial boundaries, including changes through time and group composition.185 More recently, information on Toquaht cultural heritage site was collected in the course of the Southern Nuu Chah Nulth Traditional Use Study.186

Local Groups Information gathered by Sapir’s cultural advisors, Tom Saya:ch’apis and William (both Tseshaht) refer to two independent groups that joined the Toquaht First Nation. They

178 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers.:190, quoting Magee, “Jefferson,” and Bishop, Charles. The Journal and Letters of Captain Charles Bishop on the North­West Coast of America, in the Pacific and in New South Wales, 1794­1799. Edited by Michael Roe. Cambridge, England: Hakluyt Society, Cambridge University Press, 1967. p. 106. 179 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. pp. 190­191, quoting Banfield. 180 Blenkinsop, “Report.” 181 O'Reilly, Peter. "Annual Report of Indian Reserve Commissioner for British Columbia. In West Coast Agency Report, Annual Report for the Year Ending 1883, O'Reilly to Superintendent­General of Indian Affairs, 6 October 1882." Ottawa: Department of Indian Affairs, 1883. p. 100. 182 Boas, Franz. "The Nootka." p. 584. 183 St. Claire, “Barkley Sound Tribal Territories.” p. 54. 184Sapir and Swadesh, Native Accounts. p. 433. 185 St. Claire, “Barkley Sound Tribal Territories.” p. 16­17. 186Ucluelet First Nation, et al. “Southern Nuu Chah Nulth Traditional Use Study."

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 67 were the: 1. Ch’om’a:t’a%ath, a separate tribe with a primary village at Ch’om’a:t’a187; 2. Ma%aqo:%ath, the people of Macoah, an independent group who became subordinate to the Toquaht.188

Although these two independent groups are said to have joined the Toquaht, there are currently no other recorded amalgamation histories for the Toquaht, separate ranked chiefly positions or potlatch seats. Nor are there large abandoned shell middens within Toquaht territory to mark the villages of these groups. However, one authority notes that the ethnographically described territory of the Toquaht is as large as that of some of the other Barkley Sound amalgamated groups.189

In 1890 Franz Boas190 listed in rank order, eleven subgroups or component groups, %oshtaqimi>, of the Toquaht First Nation:

1. Tok'oa_ath 2. Maa_ko^ath 3. Wa^_stan?k 4. To^_takamayaath 5. Tsa_ktsakoath 6. Mu_ktciath 7. Tuckis'a_th 8. Ko^hatsöath 9. Tc'e_natc'aath 10. M?tsto^_asath 11. Tco^_mäath

Toquaht elder Jim McKay gave the following unranked list of Toquaht groups.191 The numbers in brackets refer to Boas’s list above:

T'ok'wa:%ath (Boas #1 ) Kohats'o%ath (Boas #8) K'ina:ht'a%ath T>'apa:t%ath Ch'inaht'a%ath (Boas #9 Ch'omaht'a%ath (Boas #11) Ma%aqo:%ath (Boas #2)

187 See #22 on map 13, St.Claire “Barkley Sound Tribal Territories.” p. 54; McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. p. 211. McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. pp. 210­211. St. Claire, “Barkley Sound Tribal Territories.” p. 55, citing Boas, “The Nootka,” p. 584. St. Claire, “Barkley Sound Tribal Territories.” pp. 55, 156, 159. 188 St. Claire, “Barkley Sound Tribal Territories.” p. 54; McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. p. 211. 189 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. pp. 210­211. 190 St. Claire, “Barkley Sound Tribal Territories.” p. 55, citing Boas, “The Nootka.” p. 584. 191 St. Claire, “Barkley Sound Tribal Territories.” p. 55.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 68 Toquaht History There is a tradition which states that the Toquaht were the original Barkley Sound group, from whom all the other groups originated.192 The location of their major summer village site of T’ukw’aa, with its related fortress at the entrance to Ucluelet Inlet, is further evidence that they once likely dominated western Barkley Sound and the local groups of Ucluelet Inlet before the formation of the modern Ucluelet through the amalgamation of a number of local groups.193 The Toquaht’s right to harvest dead, so­called drift whales, outside the surf line along the outer shores of the Ucluth Peninsula, also suggest that they may have once held dominant status over the Ucluelet local groups that occupied the peninsula.194

During the historic period Toquaht population was decimated by war and disease. Their position changed from one of dominance to near extinction. Narratives describing some of the wars the Toquaht were involved in were recorded by Alex Thomas from Kwishanishim in 1914 and published in Native Accounts of Nootka Ethnography.195 These narratives document the devastating losses to the Toquaht people as the result of a series of conflicts with their Barkley Sound neighbours ,the Ucluelet and others.196 Probably at the time of the ascendancy of the Ucluelet, the Toquaht moved their primary village from T'kw'aa to Macoah which is to the east and at a greater distance from Ucluelet territory.197

In 1858 William Banfield noted that the Toquaht, “once a much larger tribe,” were now only “about twenty in number” as a result of intertribal war.198 By 1874 the Toquaht had become the smallest Barkley Sound tribe, numbering just 47 men, women and children.199 According to Nuu­chah­nulth elder Seymour Gallic, the Toquaht, in a war with the Ucluelet, had 540 casualties out of a total population of 600.200

The five reserves laid out in 1882 by Indian reserve commissioner Peter O’Reilly included the Toquaht main villages of Macoah and T'ukw'aa as well as two other fishing sites, but not their large village of Ch'uumat'a, no longer in use at the time of O’Reilly’s visit.201 The contemporary Toquaht First Nation has more than 100 people and is the smallest of the Nuu­chah­nulth groups within the central area. 202 Although most Toquaht members live off­reserve, others reside at their old village of Macoah203 within their

192 Sproat, The Nootka. p. 19. 193 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. pp. 28­29. 194 Once the drift whales moved beyond the surf line, they became Ucluelet property (St. Claire, “Barkley Sound Tribal Territories.” p. 53, McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. p. 28) 195Sapir and Swadesh, Native Accounts. See also: Swadesh, Morris. Motivations in Nootka Warfare, Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, v.4, No. 1, Spring, 1948, 1948. 196 See summary in McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers.:193­195. 197 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. p. 210. 198 St. Claire, “Barkley Sound Tribal Territories.” p. 54, quoting Banfield 1858:1. 199 St. Claire, “Barkley Sound Tribal Territories.” p. 54, quoting Blenkinsop “Report.” 200 St. Claire, “Barkley Sound Tribal Territories.” p. 55, citing Swadesh “Motivations.” 201 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. p. 191. 202 See Nuu­chah­nulth Tribal Council website at http://www.toquahtnation.org/. 203Coull, A Traveller's Guide. p. 48.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 69 ancient territory on the western shore of Barkley Sound.

Ucluelet History Territory The territory of the Ucluelet204 First Nation is centred on the area of the Ucluth Peninsula near the present town of Ucluelet. The territory extends from Green Point in Pacific Rim National Park along the outer coast to Amphitrite Point in the south and to the eastern entrance of Ucluelet Inlet (Map 2). The territory includes both inland and offshore areas. In the nineteenth century, as a result of wars, the Ucluelet also seized territories at the Nahmint River on Alberni Inlet and Effingham Inlet at the head of Barkley Sound. 205

History of Research In 1874 George Blenkinsop interviewed Chief Kla.ow.wil.too.ah for his report to the Indian Commissioner. He gathered information on territory, village and fishing sites and economic activities. In 1910 and in 1913­14, Dr. Edward Sapir of the Geological Survey of Canada gathered information from three Tseshaht consultants, Tom Sayaach’apis, William and Frank Williams, some relative to the Ucluelet. In November 1914, Alex Thomas, a Nuu­chah­nulth speaker and trained field worker, collected texts in Nuu­chah­ nulth from Kwishanishim, a Ucluelet elder who was born ca. 1840.

Local Groups The modern Ucluelet are an early historic period amalgamation comprised of at least six previously independent local groups that were located within the region encompassed by the modern Ucluelet territory. The following list gives the name of each of these local groups, the name of their main village, and a description of the location of the village.206

1. K~inaxum%as%ath at k#isitis, Long Beach 2. hu%u>%ath at hu%u>, Florencia Bay 3. yu.>u%i>%ath at yu.>u%i>, outside coast Ucluth Peninsula 4. hitac~u%ath at hitac~u , eastern shore Ucluelet Inlet 5. c~u.ma%as%a~th at c*~uma.t~a, eastern entrance Ucluelet Inlet 6. >akmaqisath at >akmaqis, head Ucluelet Inlet 207

Ucluelet History In the late 18th century the Ucluelet embarked on a series of wars of territorial expansion which resulted in the capture of Effingham Inlet208 and the Nahmint River209 on Alberni Inlet. The raid on the Nahmint River, in search of a highly productive salmon stream,

204 Ucluelet appears in many forms in anthropological and historical sources including Yo:>o:%th, Yuu’u%i%atH, You­ clul­aht, yuu =>u%i>%ath=: St. Claire, “Barkley Sound Tribal Territories.”p. 25; Arima and Dewhirst. "Nootkans.” p. 393. 205 Kwishanishim. "Ucluelets Seize Effingham Inlet." In Native Accounts of Nootka Ethnography, edited by Edward Sapir and Morris Swadesh, 457. Bloomington: Indiana University, 1955. ———. "Ucluelets Seize Namint." In Native Accounts of Nootka Ethnography, edited by Edward Sapir and Morris Swadesh, 457. Bloomington: Indiana University, 1955. 206 Inglis and Haggarty. “Pacific Rim National Park Ethnographic History.” p. 143, Fig. 38. 207 Inglis and Haggarty. “Pacific Rim National Park Ethnographic History.” p. 160. 208 Kwishanisham “Effingham.” 209 Kwishanisham “Namint.”

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 70 took place before the Ucluelet amalgamation occurred. Only the Ucluelet Inlet local groups participated in the war, not the other Ucluelet local groups.210

The long journey to the Nahmint River to harvest salmon hastened the amalgamation process as it exposed the hitac~u%ath to attacks en route from the Huu­ay­aht. The hitac~u%ath offered the groups on the outside of the Ucluth Peninsula fishing rights on the Nahmint River and house sites at their winter village of Hitats’u (Itatsoo) in exchange for their assistance in defending against the Huu­ay­aht. The amalgamated Ucluelet then began to exploit, on a seasonal basis, the different resources within their consolidated territory, from the outside beaches of the Ucluth Peninsula to the Nahmint River on Alberni Inlet.211

During the “Long War” in the 1840s,212 the Ucluelet temporarily seized control over portions of Tseshaht territory, including the village of Hiikwis, where they spent the winters. However, by the end of the war they had lost these territories, and suffered the loss of many of their people as well.213

By 1874 the amalgamated Ucluelet were living at two villages on the east side of Ucluelet Inlet, k#a.yimta, and hitac~u. The four village sites along the outer coast of the Ucluth Peninsula – k#isitis, hu%u>, wa.yi and yu.>u%i> – became halibut fishing camps. The Nahmint River continued to be the Ucluelet Tribe’s major salmon stream. 214 Today the Ucluelet reside at the Itatsoo reserve on Ucluelet Inlet.215

Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’/Che:k’tles7et’h’ History The territory of the Che:k’tles7et’h’ ­ meaning “small cove people”216 or “large cut in bay people” 217— extends south from their boundary with the Kwakwala­speaking peoples at Cape Cook to the area around Thomas (Whiteface) Island.218 Kenyon,219 however, based on her own fieldwork, places the southern boundary — the one shared with the Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’ — not at Thomas Island (as Drucker does) but at Lookout Island, and refers to the matter as “controversial.”220 Today, the Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’ and have come to an agreement on this boundary. However, the ethnographic record for Che:k’tles7et’h’ territory clearly includes the eastern side of the Brooks Peninsula, Nasparti Inlet,

210 Sapir and Swadesh, Native Accounts. p. 363 211 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. p. 208. 212 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. pp. 194, 207. 213 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. pp. 208­209. 214 Inglis and Haggarty. “Pacific Rim National Park Ethnographic History.” p. 160. 215 Coull 1996:48; McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. p. 209. 216Inglis, Richard I. "Ethnographic History of Brooks Peninsula Region." In Brooks Peninsula: An Ice Age Refugium on Vancouver Island, edited by R. J. Hebda, J.C. Haggarty and R. Inglis. Victoria, B.C.: Ministry of Environment, Lands and Parks, 1997. p. 13.4, citing John Thomas, pers. comm. 217 Inglis, "Ethnographic History of Brooks Peninsula,” citing Boas “The Nootka.” p. 583) 218 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. 222; Inglis, "Ethnographic History of Brooks Peninsula,” p. 13.6): Galois, R.M. "Nuu­Chah­Nulth Encounters: James Colnett's Expedition of 1787 ­ 88." In Nuu­Chah­Nulth Voices, Histories, Objects and Journeys, edited by Alan Hoover. Victoria, B.C.: Royal B.C. Museum, 2000. p. 80. 219 Kenyon, The Kyuquot Way. p. 44) 220see, too, Galois, "Nuu­Chah­Nulth Encounters.” p. 87 n. 42).

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 71 Ououkinsh Inlet and Malksope Inlet, as well as the Bunsby Islands.221 Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’ territory encompasses the area south of these Che:k’tles7et’h’ locations, taking in the inlets and islands of the entire Kyuquot Sound region, up to the Grassy Island locality, which is where the lands and waters of the Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’ meet those of the Ehattesaht, their southern Nuu­chah­nulth neighbors. See Map 1 for an illustration of the extent of Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’/ Che:k’tles7et’h’ territory, including offshore areas. Over the last two centuries, however, a combination of factors — namely, massive population decline, more frequent conflict, shifts in economic opportunities, and coercive government policies — have effected significant alterations in Che:k’tles7et’h’ and Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’ sociopolitical configurations and settlement patterns.222 In short, during this period, the consolidation of their local groups into larger entities (i.e., tribes and confederacies) intensified. Local groups who were once spread throughout the area were forced to occupy ever fewer of their former villages.

For example, Drucker, who worked within an “ethnographic horizon” of 1870 to 1900223 — that is, nearly a century after contact — describes the Che:k’tles7et’h’ as a single tribe (an amalgamation of local groups), with a winter village at ai’qo’as (Acous) and a summer village at apsuwis (Upsowis).224 Although local groups are not named in Drucker’s account, three are listed in Kenyon225 — namely, the Malksopaht, the Ahkosaht, and “the people from the other side of Cape Cook”. Four local groups, along with their respective villages, are recorded in Inglis:226

1. the ciqis?ath at cic?ith (Checkaklis) in the Bunsby Islands; 2. the maqcupi?ath (Malksopaht) at ?apswis (Upsowis); 3. the ?iqusath (Ahkosaht) at ?iqus (Acous); and 4. the ?uwa?sa?ath at naspat.227

There is evidence, moreover, to indicate that more than three or four local groups may have occupied Che:k’tles7et’h’ territory in the past. Indeed, at least seven “major” villages — each of which are understood to potentially represent settlement sites of distinct local groups228 — have been identified archaeologically and occur on the landscape as follows:

1. at Acous I.R. 1, on the Acous Peninsula [EaSv­1]; 2. at Upsowis I.R. 6, at the north end of the Bunsby Islands [EaSv­3];

221 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. 222; Galois, "Nuu­Chah­Nulth Encounters.” pp. 80­81 ; Inglis, "Ethnographic History of Brooks Peninsula,” p. 13.6) 222 ; Inglis, "Ethnographic History of Brooks Peninsula,” p. 13.6) 223 Although the period of 1870 to 1900 is stated as Drucker’s “ethnographic horizon,” his fieldwork was conducted in the mid­1930s. Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. pp. 2­3; Inglis, "Ethnographic History of Brooks Peninsula,” p. 13.6 224 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 222; Kenyon, The Kyuquot Way. p. 44) 225 Kenyon, The Kyuquot Way. p. 44 226 Inglis, "Ethnographic History of Brooks Peninsula,” p. 13.6, following Willie Harry, pers. comm. 227 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 222, also mentions naspat, which he describes as a small “station” or village along Cape Cook. See, too Galois, "Nuu­Chah­Nulth Encounters.” p. 80. 228 Haggarty, "Archaeology of Brooks Peninsula." p. 14.7.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 72 3. at Checkaklis I.R. 9 [EaSv­4]; 4. on the southwestern shoreline of the middle island of the Bunsby Islands [EaSv­15]; 5. near the southern end of Gay Passage on the southwestern shoreline of the northeastern most of the Bunsby Islands [EaSv­2]; 6. near Quineex I.R. 8 [EaSw­1]; and 7. at Ououkinsh I.R. 5, at the head of Ououkinsh Inlet [EbSu­2] (Haggarty and Inglis 1997: 14.19, 14.22).229

If these villages were occupied contemporaneously at or around contact, then as Haggarty and Inglis230 suggest, seven local groups or “independent peoples,” at a minimum, may have inhabited Che:k’tles7et’h’ territory when the first Europeans visited the area in the late eighteenth century. Even if this is incorrect, that five of the seven known archaeological village sites occur on or adjacent to present­day Che:k’tles7et’h’ reserves supports the view that the Che:k’tles7et’h’ (as a number of distinct local groups or as a single tribe) have continuously controlled, occupied, and used their territories for some time, both prior to and after the arrival of Europeans. In addition to the main village sites occupied by members of the Che:k’tles7et’h’local groups, there were also “numerous village sites scattered throughout Chickliset land.”231 A number of these have been identified during the cultural heritage site work conducted recently.232

Turning to Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’ territory, Drucker233 asserts that it was controlled in the latter half of the nineteenth century by fourteen local groups, “most of which were named after the salmon stream they owned,”234 streams that, among other things, were given to local groups by their respective legendary ancestors.235 The names of these local groups have, in many instances, been anglicized and are today applied to their respective salmon rivers. By the 1870­1900 period — again, the “ethnographic horizon” within which Drucker worked — these groups had consolidated into the four tribes and congregated at the winter villages listed below.236 The locations of proprietary salmon streams and original local group villages, if known, are noted in parentheses after the name of each group. Tribe: qanopittakamlhath Location: in and around Tahsish Arm Village: at maxqet (Markale)

229 It should be noted that the Haggarty and Inglis paper appearing as Chapter 14 in the Brooks Peninsula volume was written in 1988 and was not revised for the 1997 publication. 230 Haggarty, "Archaeology of Brooks Peninsula." p. 14.24) 231 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 222; Kenyon, The Kyuquot Way. p. 44. 232 Smith, Tess, Verna Hanson, Stacey Hanson, Kevin Neary, James C. Haggarty, Terry Ann Young, and Dee Cullon. "Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’/Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation Cultural Heritage Site Review Project Final Report." Unpublished report by Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’/Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation and Traditions Consulting Services Inc. submitted to Ministry of Forests, Victoria, B.C. and to Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’/Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation, Kyuquot, B.C., 2001. 233 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 222. 234 Kenyon, The Kyuquot Way. p. 34. 235 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 224; Kenyon, The Kyuquot Way. pp. 31­32, citing from Drucker’s fieldnotes. 236Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. pp. 222­225; Kenyon, The Kyuquot Way. pp. 34­35.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 73

Local Groups: • tacisath (Tahsish River) • a’Licath (Artlish River) • ya’qoath (River flowing into Yaku Bay) • qa’oqath (Kaouk River)

Tribe: ca’wispath Location: in and around Kokshittle Inlet Village: at ca’wispa (Chamiss Bay)

Local Groups: • qa’opinacath (Kaowinch River) • qaqciLath (Kashutl River) • qa’yokwath (Easy Creek) • ca’wisath (Chamiss Creek)

Tribe: qwixqo’ath Location: in and around Amai (Deep) Inlet Village: at qwixqo (Cachalot)

Local Groups: • amai’ath (Amai Creek) • tilhath (Narrowgut Creek) • na’mintath (Cachalot Creek)

Tribe: La’a’ath Location: in and around lower Kyuquot Sound Village: at hopsitas (Houpsitas)

Local Groups: • ya’qatsath (Clanninick Cove and Creek) • kutsu’ath (McCay Cove and Creek) • qwowinasath (Actis)

These four tribes, consisting fourteen local groups, eventually formed a “confederacy”237 and shared a summer village at aqtis (Actis or Aktis), originally the “place” or “home” of the qwowinasath local group, and the site where their legendary ancestor, Laluktinlh, first

237 an amalgamation of tribes; Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. pp. 220, 222

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 74 “came down.”238 Being the founding lineage (local group) at that location, Drucker continues, the “qw[o]winasath were, therefore, owners of all the territories of lower Kyuquot Sound, and all the ocean frontage including the dentalia fishing grounds at cahqos [i.e., the waters in the vicinity of Rugged Point and Grassy Island].”239 All the other local groups listed above would have similar ancestral legends to explain the origin of their particular family lineage at a specific locations, legends that are considered the private property of the group and the basis of each of their h=ahuu>i.240

Drucker241 also reports the former existence of another Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’ local group, the tcumapsath, who were apparently eliminated long ago by their a’Lic river neighbors, the a’Licath, for the purposes of obtaining all the fishing and other rights on that watershed. Additional local groups, other than the ones named above, may have lived at an “old site” (tcaxhwotaqlh) on Mission Island, as well as on Union Island, where three “local group sites” are indicated but not named by Drucker.242

From their local group villages, most situated at rivers or streams, individuals and families would disperse to their ma:ma:aht — inherited and owned “work” areas — “to collect…seasonal resources [like] herrings, berries, winter salmon; to trap; and to chop wood.”243 Temporary dwellings, as opposed to the housepost variety of the larger village sites, were the type of structure erected at these locations (camps).

That the Che:k’tles7et’h’ and Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’ have controlled, occupied, and used their h=ahuu>i, ma:ma:aht and villages for a long period of time is evidenced in records from the earliest European visits to the region. For example, in the summer of 1791, Hoskins, an American trader, referred to the small village of “Opswis” (Upsowis) in Nasparti Inlet, which falls within Che:k’tles7et’h’ territory.244 A year later, in June 1792, Haswell, placed this village, which he rendered “Opswees,” opposite Columbia Cove and named the adjacent peninsula “Chickleset”.245 Galois, however, thinks that the settlement of Opswis or Opswees was not in fact a village but a “resource camp,” one perhaps owned by the local group (maqcupi?ath) of the “real” village of Upsowis, at the mouth of Malksope Inlet.246

Likewise, the Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’ were known to non­native visitors to the region as early as the 1780s.247 Nearly a century later, Hankin and Wood, while on a mission to find an

238 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 223; Kenyon, The Kyuquot Way. pp. 31­32, 34. 239 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. pp. 223, 226. 240 Kenyon, The Kyuquot Way. pp. 32, 34. Kenyon (1980: 32) also relays that the narration of these ancestral legends is strictly controlled, both because of their proprietary nature and, presumably, the significance of their content. 241 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 225. 242 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. pp. 224 Map 2, 225, 255 243 Kenyon, The Kyuquot Way. p. 36. 244Galois, “Nuu­chah­nulth Encounters.” pp. 80, 87 n. 43. Galois (2000: 69, 80) believes that the inhabitants of this settlement might have been the ones described in journals stemming from the Colnett expedition of 1787, thus making Colnett “the first European to encounter the people of Nasparti Inlet.” But, as Kenyon reports (1980: 42), this sort of contact may have been made earlier with a Spaniard, prior to the time of Cook’s voyages in the 1770s. 245 Galois, “Nuu­chah­nulth Encounters.” pp. 80, 87 n. 43. 246 Galois, “Nuu­chah­nulth Encounters.” pp. 80, 81, 87 n. 43. 247 Howay, Columbia. p. 107

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 75 overland route across Vancouver Island in 1862, stopped at “Kayuket Island” and “the very large Indian settlement” called “actiss.”248 Here they recruited guides and set off for the trailheads at the mouth of the Tahsish River, noting another settlement upon arrival at that location, in all likelihood tacis, the village of the tacisath local group,

This site, as well as 34 others, were set aside as Indian Reserves for the Che:k’tles7et’h’ and Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’.249 While these Reserves are situated in places traditionally occupied and used by the Che:k’tles7et’h’ and Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’ prior to and after contact with non­ natives, the allotted areas represent a small fraction of the territories over which they once exercised exclusive control.

In the years and decades following reserve creation, depopulation and economic pressures forced the Che:k’tles7et’h’ south to Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’ territory.250 By the 1940s, they had taken up residence at Mission Island I.R. 2,251 but eventually moved to the reserves at Actis and Houpsitas. Today, most Che:k’tles7et’h’ and Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’ people live at Houpsitas.

Notwithstanding these changes, the Che:k’tles7et’h’ and Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’ remain closely tied to their ancestral territories, to which they frequently return for resources.252 On many occasions, particularly ceremonial ones, Che:k’tles7et’h’ and Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’ individuals will still invoke the original “place” or “home” of their tribal or local group in order to distinguish themselves within the larger Che:k’tles7et’h’ and Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’ affiliations.253

This physical merging of populations was soon followed by the formal unification of the Indian Act councils of each group,254 an event that made the Che:k’tles7et’h’ part of the “Kyuquot Band.” It is clear, however, that the Che:k’tles7et’h’ and Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’ were and continue to be separate peoples by virtue of owning distinct (though contiguous) territories, an ownership that they still recognize. The recent adoption of the designation “Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’/Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation” underscores the continuing autonomy of each of the component peoples within their otherwise unified Indian Act context.

Additional ethnographic information of particular relevance to the current study was included with the Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’/Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation’s Cultural Heritage Site Review Project database, GIS and site record files. There were 560 cultural heritage sites identified in those records. Information concerning Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’/Che:k’tles7et’h’ cultural heritage sites is confidential to the Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’/Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation.

Marine Resources and Activities

248 Kenyon, The Kyuquot Way. p. 49. 249 The precise numbers for each group are nine for the Che:k’tles7et’h’ and twenty­six for the Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’. 250 Kenyon, The Kyuquot Way. p. 45. 251 Kenyon, The Kyuquot Way. p. 45. 252 Kenyon, The Kyuquot Way. p. 92. 253 Kenyon, The Kyuquot Way. p. 92. 254 Kenyon, The Kyuquot Way. pp. 129, 130.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 76 The following report section summarizes information concerning the primary marine resources traditionally utilized by the Maa­nulth First Nations. It also describes some “marine activities,” here meaning the ways in which the resources were traditionally pursued, caught, captured, collected, preserved or otherwise utilized. Some information is drawn from sources that describe the Maa­nulth First Nations in particular, or the Nuu­ chah­nulth First Nations generally. Most of the information that follows relates to the “traditional” methods of obtaining and processing marine resources; many of these have changed due to hunting and fishing regulations or to changes in technology. Although the “activities” associated with marine resources may have changed over time, the importance of the resources to themselves the Maa­nulth has not.

Salmon The legendary abundance of salmon in the creeks and rivers of the west coast of Vancouver Island was the primary economic basis on which many of the Nuu­chah­nulth tribes developed their rich and elaborate culture. In order to have the leisure time to first develop and then participate in their complex ceremonial life, it was necessary to be free from the tyranny of a daily search for food. The ability to catch, process and store immense surpluses of dried salmon gave the Nuu­chah­nulth and their Northwest Coast neighbours some freedom from a daily quest for food during the dark, rainy, storm­bound months of winter. Salmon were a key to that freedom.255

Five species of salmon, as well as steelhead, were harvested by Nuu­chah­nulth people.256 In early spring at the same time as the herring fishery began, Nuu­chah­nulth fishers began trolling for spring salmon, using a baited, sharp­angled, barbless hook.257 They were not dried but eaten immediately.258 Sapir and Swadesh, reported that Barkley Sound groups caught and dried spring salmon in significant numbers.259 Although the main runs of salmon were in the fall, some runs began in mid­summer in the following order: sockeye, springs and early runs of coho. The salmon were mainly caught in traps, commonly used in association with weirs and fences that directed the fish into the traps. There were a great variety of traps, including those set in the tidewater as salmon began to arrive at the mouths of streams and rivers and others set in the streams themselves during the height of the various runs. 260 Traps were owned by chiefs and his tenants worked on the trap and were paid with fish: “He would go help on siya, packing fish; would work on po’is (tidewater trap), etc. and chief would give him some fish”.261 Later in the season when runs became less heavy, it was more efficient to take salmon using harpoons or harpoon leisters from canoes and from stream banks.262

Dried salmon is the staple diet for most Nuu­chah­nulth groups. An indicator of its importance is that in the first months of the new year, people tended to focus on gathering

255 Drucker, Cultures. p. 15. 256 Sapir and Swadesh, Nootka Texts. p. 121; Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 9. 257 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 40; Arima 1983:25. 258 Drucker, Ibid. p. 41. 259 Sapir and Swadesh, Native Accounts.42. 260 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes.58; Arima 1983:54­57. 261 Mrs. Sarah Olabar, Drucker, MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 10, p. 25. 262 Arima & Dewhirst 1990:397.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 77 food stuffs that would bring some variety to the monotony of a steady died of dried salmon.263 After being cleaned, dressed, dried and smoked, the fish were stacked and compressed into “bales” for storage.264 The most common basket made was the Lapat, a coarsely woven container used to store dried salmon. A larger basket was made to store dried fish that were being given away as gifts, especially dried sockeye, particularly prized for its flavour.265

Salmon roe was also preserved as a delicacy and often presented as potlatch gifts.266 It was packed in storage boxes and seal bladders. The latter were stored high up in the smoke. Over time the roe assumed a smooth cheese­like consistency267 “called in English “Siwash cheese” that was said to keep for long periods . . .”268

Salmon streams were named. The Che:k’tles7et’h’ had at least five salmon streams: “hisnit, a stream that flowed from a lake in which sockeye spawned, and maqtsûp, o’o’kinåc, o’was, and ma’uxpo, in which coho and dog salmon ran.”269 A small river in Ka:’yu:k’t’h territory in which coho ran was named a:knit.270 In fact each of the fourteen local groups which together comprised the Ka:’yu:k’t’h political confederacy were named after the salmon stream it owned.271 Salmon fishing stations were included in dowries that were given to son­in­laws : “He gave good dowry (blankets, etc. and a yahak [cylindrical trap set in river] (place up tacis) to his son­in­law.”272 An elderly man from one of the Barkley Sound groups in 1913 dictated a text about his first marriage in which he receives from his wife’s family as a dowry “dam­traps on the river for cohoe and also funnel­traps for dog­salmon and tyee salmon.”273 Salmon streams were so important to survival that groups engaged in raids in order to seize the rights to a productive salmon stream. In the late eighteenth century the Ucluelet waged war against the Nahmint people in order to capture the Nahmint River and the right to harvest its runs of salmon.274 The Ucluelets also seized Effingham Inlet and obtained a small river by murdering its owner.275 In another instance a Ucluelet man, Hithlyiyas, who was married to a Toquaht woman, decided to “kill his brother­in­law in order to obtain his river rights.”276

The most important salmon species was dog salmon which ran in great numbers in practically every stream and river within Nuu­chah­nulth territory. The abundance of the runs, the timing of the runs from late September onwards, and the leanness of their flesh,

263 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 40. 264 Ibid. p.64. 265 Ibid. p.96. 266 Ibid. p.428. 267 Arima, West Coast People. p. 58. 268 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 64. 269 Drucker, Ibid. p. 222. 270 Mrs. Sarah Olabar, Drucker, MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 10, p. 74. 271 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 222. 272 Mrs. Sarah Olabar, Drucker, MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 10, p. 13. 273 Sapir and Swadesh, Nootka Texts. p. 177. 274 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. p. 208, citing Sapir and Swadesh, Native Accounts. pp. 362­367; Inglis and Haggarty. “Pacific Rim National Park Ethnographic History.” p. 160. 275 Swadesh, “Motivations.” p. 79. 276 Swadesh, “Motivations.” p. 80.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 78 meaning they would preserve by drying and smoking, made dog salmon the best suited for winter storage, when the bad weather made it necessary to rely on stored food. Coho was not as lean as dog salmon and thus more difficult to cure.277 Sockeye were esteemed for their flavour, however they run in few rivers as they require a fresh water lake in which to spawn.278 It was during dog salmon and herring season that entire groups were commonly engaged in a coordinated fishery.279 The importance of dog salmon is indicated by the restrictions on the activities of tribal members during dog salmon time280 and that first salmon ceremonies were performed primarily for dog salmon, not usually for other species of salmon.281 Beginning in the 1860s, Nuu­chah­nulth fishermen sold salmon to commercial salteries in Barkley Sound.282

Herring Herring was “ranked next to dog salmon as a staple.”283 It was important because it was the first large scale resource available after the winter solstice.284 Herring season began early in the new year when stored food stuffs from the previous fall were nearly depleted. When herring began appearing near the coast in early February, people began to move down from their winter villages to the mouths of the coves where the herring congregated. They frightened the herring into concentrated schools and then used dip nets285 and herring rakes to harvest the fish. Herring rakes were long thin poles with sharp bone teeth that were moved like a paddle through the concentrated school, impaling fish on the bone teeth. The herring were eaten raw, broiled on sticks and boiled in boxes. They were also cleaned, split and dried for later use.286 Feasts of herring were a common occurrence.287

In March, attention was directed at herring spawn or roe and people would make their way to named spawning grounds.288 Once the herring began to spawn, people constructed “fences” of hemlock, cedar, fir or balsam boughs or even small trees. These were suspended from floating lines of connected poles, held down by stone anchors. The herring deposited their spawn on these boughs. The boughs were collected and hung up to dry on racks in front of the houses (see Figure 4). The spawn was then stripped from the branches and stored in boxes and large baskets289 for up to eight months.290 Kelp and eel grass covered with spawn was also collected.291 Today, herring spawn continues to be

277 Ibid. p. 39 278 Ibid. p. 36. 279 Ibid. p. 43. 280 Ibid. p. 144. 281 Mrs. Sarah Olabar, Drucker, MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 10, p. 90. 282 Peterson, Jan. Journeys Down the Alberni Canal to Barkley Sound. Lantzville, B.C.: Oolichan Books, 1999. p.104. 283 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 36. 284 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. p. 17. 285 Sapir and Swadesh, Native Accounts. p. 30. 286Arima, West Coast People. pp. 24­25. 287 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. pp. 35, 40, 41­42; Sapir and Swadesh, Native Accounts. p. 30. 288 Mrs. Sarah Olabar, Drucker, MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 8, p. 140. 289 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 65; Sapir and Swadesh, Native Accounts. p. 30. 290 Arima, West Coast People. 25. 291 ibid.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 79 an important and valued resource for the Maa­nulth First Nations.292

The herring do not all spawn at the same time but in different areas and coves at different times. Individuals did not own the spots where they set their fences. The entire coves were owned by certain h=aw`iih. Mastchim obtained permission from the cove owner to place his fence or boughs in the cove. The customary requirement was that the mastchim would give the chief a portion of their catch as tribute for the use of the cove.293

An indication of the importance of herring to the Nuu­chah­nulth is the fact that shrines, which were built for prayers and rituals to attract dead whales ashore and other purposes, were also used to promote large runs of salmon and herring.294 Additional evidence for the importance that was given to herring is that pubescent girls during their time of isolation were confined to cubicles when dog salmon and herring were running.295 Some women were similarly confined to a small cubicle of mats or boards in the house for four days during dog salmon and also during the herring season.296

Halibut Halibut was a significant resource for most Nuu­chah­nulth groups and was particularly important for outer coastal groups such as the Ka:’yu:k’t’h who were reported to be “famous for their halibut fishery”297 Fishing for halibut began as early as April.298

Halibut grounds were located off­shore from coastal villages. The Barkley Sound groups reported that “as soon as it got dark on the beaches, they put out to sea and paddled all night, for the nights are short in summer; and they reached the halibut banks by dawn.”299 Sproat reported that the best halibut banks off Barkley Sound were 12 miles offshore.300 Maa­nulth elders and cultural advisors report going much further offshore to catch hablibut, at a number of well­known banks identified by landmarks on shore. Four old village sites on the outer coast of the Ucluth Peninsula were maintained after 1874 as Ucluelet halibut fishing camps.301 Halibut fishing grounds were named302 and were owned by the h=aw`iih who could transfer them as real property. For example, a qwowinas Ka:’yu:k’t’h h=aw`i> transferred ownership of halibut grounds to the tacis h=aw`i> who married his eldest daughter.303 The Che:k’tles7et’h’ had an “outside” site, Litslihwåkt and “a’aiL, near Cape Cook, where some Che:k’tles7et’h’ families went to fish for halibut.”304 As mentioned, a h=aw`i>, in addition to owning a halibut ground, also had the

292 Neary, Kevin. "Huu­ay­aht Traditions on the Collection and Use of Herring Spawn (Siih M'uu)." Report by Traditions Consulting Services, Inc. submitted to Huu­ay­aht First Nations, Bamfield, B.C., 2000. 293 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 42. 294 Ibid. p. 171. 295 Ibid. p. 138. 296 Ibid. p. 144. 297 Ibid. p. 36. 298 Arima, West Coast People. p. 27 299 Sapir and Swadesh, Native Accounts. p. 41. 300 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. p. 142, citing Sproat, The Nootka. p. 223. 301 Inglis and Haggarty. "Pacific Rim National Park Ethnographic History." p. 160. 302 Mrs. Sarah Olabar, Drucker MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 8, p. 74. 303 Mrs. Sarah Olabar, Drucker MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 8, p. 105­106. 304 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 222.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 80 right to demand a part of the catch as tribute from the fishermen who used his ground.305

Halibut were fished using a complex rig with a spreader bar, and one or two bent wooden hooks made from the heartwood of hemlock, fir or balsam. The hooks were very heavy and did not float. They had an angled bone barb, usually baited with octopus tentacle. The rig was attached to a 30 fathom kelp line and was lowered with a stone anchor to about one metre off the bottom. Halibut, some of them quite large, after being pulled to the surface were hit on the head with a club, then hauled into the canoe.306

Halibut was sliced307 and then sun­dried on racks in front of houses308 for approximately two days and then spread out on clean gravel.309 Fresh and dried halibut was a staple food for many Nuu­chah­nulth groups. Sometimes, dried halibut was purchased in order to feed invited guests.310 H=aw`iih would, on occasion, invite guests to “halibut feasts.”311

Dogfish and Mud Sharks The Ka:’yu:k’t’h used cod hooks baited with perch to catch dogfish. The flesh was eaten after leaching. June and July was the best time to catch dogfish to make oil.312 The Ka:’yu:k’t’h pressed cooked dogfish to get oil out313 which was used as a condiment when eating fish. The oil was kept in seal and cod stomachs.314 The Toquaht began supplying dogfish oil to traders in the 1850s for domestic use, for lubrication in the sawmills of the Fraser Valley and Puget Sound,315 and for greasing skids in logging.316 The Nuu­chah­ nulth in Barkley Sound in 1874 produced between 20,000 and 25,000 gallons of dogfish oil which was sold for 25¢ per gallon ($5,000 ­ $6,250 worth). An individual fisherman was able to earn between four to six dollars per day.317 The Ka:’yu:k’t’h “speared” mud­ sharks for livers from which oil was made and sold to traders.318

Other Fish Red snappers were found in “deeps” and were caught on hooks that were like cod hooks but set with deeper lines or were caught using halibut rigs.319 At a place called tca*tsis inside Union Island, people used to fish for red snappers.320 Halibut hooks were also used to catch ling cod, black cod, red cod, dogfish, bullhead, skate and even octopus.321 Cod

305 Mrs. Sarah Olabar, Drucker MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 8, p. 84­85. 306 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 23, Fig. 5, 43­45; Arima, West Coast People. pp. 27­28. 307 Mrs. Sarah Olabar, Drucker MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 8, p 120­122. 308 Sendey, John. "The Nootkan Indian: A Pictorial." Port Alberni, B.C.: Alberni Valley Museum,, 1977.p. 53. 309 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 65. 310 Mrs. Mary Old Capt. Jack, Drucker, MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. I, p. 80, 83. 311 Mrs. Sarah Olabar, Drucker, MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 9, p. 14­15. 312 Mrs. Sarah Olabar, Drucker, MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 9, p. 142; Vol. 14, p. 137­138. 313 Mrs. Sarah Olabar, Drucker, MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 10, p. 49. 314 Mrs. Sarah Olabar [?], Drucker, MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 14, p. 137. 315 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. p. 190. 316 Peterson, “Journeys.” p. 107. 317 Blenkinsop, “Report.” 318 Ibid. 319 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 38. 320 Mrs. Sarah Olabar, Drucker, MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 8, p. 74. 321 Arima, West Coast People. pp. 27­28

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 81 were usually fished for in time of shortage when other fresh fish was not available.322 When waiting for salmon runs to begin people would get by on “cod, snappers, shellfish, etc.”323

Sardines (also known as pilchards), when available, were a significant source of food for Nuu­chah­nulth people, and were sold to early European visitors to Vancouver Island.

Rockfishes, greenling, tom cod, Pacific cod, ling cod, sculpins, midshipman, and wolf eel were all caught with hooks and gorges near rocks, reefs and headlands.324 Shiners and perch were driven ashore and caught with herring rakes and dip nets.325 Flounder, ratfish and skate were caught on sandy and muddy bottoms. Large open ocean species such as bluefin and albacore tuna were occasionally caught when tongues of warm water were pushed near the shore. 326 Other fish species were also caught and utilized.

Whales Whaling played an important role in the Nuu­chah­nulth diet. Just one whale supplied an enormous amount of oil and meat.327 Whenever it was available whale oil was served at meals. Dried fish, a staple in the Nuu­chah­nulth diet, was dipped in oil before eating.328 Whale oil was also thrown on the fire during dances to provide more light.329

Two species of whales, California gray and the humpback, were commonly hunted between March and September by Nuu­chah­nulth peoples; other species were also hunted when they were available prior to the depletion of stocks by commercial whaling. The grays migrated up the coast in the spring and south in the fall. Humpbacks were present on the coast throughout the summer and may have been the species most commonly taken.330 They were pursued by eight man crews in large dug­out canoes using a complex of harpoons and floats. Before beginning the hunt the harpooner and his crew were required to follow a very vigorous ritual regime (?Uusimch) to ensure success in the hunt. The whale was attacked by plunging a large harpoon into its body just as it dove. Attached to the harpoon head was a long lanyard with a number of inflated seal­skin floats that impeded the whale’s progress. After the whale was killed using a lance, additional floats were attached by harpoon heads with short lanyards, keeping the whale’s body high in the water and easier to tow ashore. Once ashore the whale’s carcass was stripped of its valuable blubber, different pieces being assigned by protocol to the villagers in order of rank, and to the whaling crew, the other crews who helped tow the whale ashore. In some tribes, the harpooner owned the “saddle,” that piece that circled

322 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. pp. 36, 38. 323 Mrs. Sarah Olabar, Drucker, MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 9, p. 67. 324 Arima and Dewhirst. “Nootkans.” pp. 395, 397. 325 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. pp. 57­58. 326 Arima and Dewhirst. “Nootkans.” pp. 395, 397, citing MacMillan 1979. See also McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. pp. 142­143. 327 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. pp. 18­19, citing Inglis & Haggarty 1983; Cavanagh 1983; Huelsbeck 1988a, 1988b. 328 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 63. 329 Mrs. Sarah Olabar, Drucker, MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 9, p. 41. 330 Arima and Dewhirst. “Nootkans.” p. 395, citing Kool 1983; Sapir 1924:79­81.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 82 the whale’s girth including the dorsal fin, which was treated in a prescribed, ritual manner.331

In the area of Barkley Sound California gray whales crossed from Cape Beale through the outer Deer Group Islands in Huu­ay­aht territory to the outer islands of the Broken Group, then along the outside coast of Ucluelet territory. The Toquaht village of T’ukw’aa and whaling stations located on the George Fraser Islands, just off the tip of the Ucluth Peninsula, were able to intercept this migration, but the Toquaht villages further up Barkley Sound were not. The Nuu­chah­nulth name for the George Fraser Islands, Ch’uch’aa, was also the name of the Toquaht summer whaling village located on one of these islands.332 Information gathered by Sapir between 1910 and 1914 suggests that the Uchucklesaht had limited access to outside territory and therefore could not participate fully in the summer whale hunt. They were restricted to the winter hunt for humpbacks in Uchucklesit Inlet and Alberni Canal. Specific reports place humpbacks in Alberni Inlet in November, Uchucklesit Inlet in December and Effingham Inlet in January and February.333

A second type of “whaling” involved obtaining and processing dead, so­called “drift” whales. These were whales that died either from natural causes or as the result of wounds sustained from Nuu­chah­nulth or other whalers. They were kept afloat by the gasses inside their bodies. The carcasses of these whales belonged to the “chief who owned the sea or beach area where the whale was found, or to him who owned the rights to drift whales, which could be held separate from ownership of territory”.334 The Toquaht had the right to drift whales that were found outside the surf line along the western shore of the Ucluth Peninsula. However, once the carcasses moved inshore from the surf line they became Ucluelet property.335 The rights to drift whales in the territory of the Kiihin Huu­ay­aht had been transferred to the Uchucklesaht as dowry in a marriage. As a result of this loss of such a rich food source, the Kiihin commoners found themselves in dire economic straits. They resolved to kill the Uchucklesaht owner and her two sons so that the right to drift whales in Kiihin territory would resort back to the Kiihin tribe.336

A small amount of whale meat was dried with partially rendered fat. The flesh of other sea mammals was not dried. Whale oil was saved to be used in later feasts.337 Drift whales provided good oil but not necessarily good meat.338

Seals

331 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. pp. 48­56; Arima, West Coast People. pp. 38­44; Arima and Dewhirst. “Nootkans.” p. 395. 332 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. p. 136. 333 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. pp. 136­137, citing Sapir “Notebooks.” 334 Arima, West Coast People. p. 23. 335 St. Claire, “Barkley Sound Tribal Territories.” p. 53; McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. p. 28. 336 Swadesh “Motivations.” p. 85. 337 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 253, note 63. 338 Arima and Dewhirst. “Nootkans.” p. 395 citing Hunt in Boas 1930, 2:261­269; Sayachapis et al:1985.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 83 Sea mammals made up a significant portion of Nuu­chah­nulth diet.339 Hair or harbour seals were abundantly available in late spring and could be hunted all year around. They were harpooned from canoes and clubbed when hauled­out on the rocks. Other techniques included hiding stakes in sea weed beds where the seals would impale themselves, and net traps.340 Hair seals were also taken in marine caves. In Ka:’yu:k’t’h territory at mo’qtas (Moketas Island), hunters used ladders to go down into a cave to take seals.341 In the Barkley Sound area, hair seal were commonly found along beaches in the river mouths.342 Some Nuu­chah­nulth men were specialists in hunting hair seal.343 These men gave feasts with the hair seal that they killed.344 Amongst the Ka:’yu:k’t’h and other northern tribes in general, hair seal was the only game that did not belong to either the hunter or the chief who owned the territory where it had been taken. If a man killed a seal, the head had to go to the first chief, the head of the qasttsåksk; the right flipper to the tacisåth chief, and by pre­determined cuts to all “the 6 chiefs who owned portions.” 345

The fur seal was prized for both its fur, its meat and its blubber.346 Drucker347 states that fur seas were not hunted aboriginally by Nuu­chah­nulth people except for the odd straggler from the main herds which migrated well offshore. However, the large volume of fur seal bones in middens suggests otherwise, that fur seals were important in the economy and diet of the Ucluelet and Huu­ay­aht, and perhaps the Toquaht and Uchucklesaht, before the establishment of the commercial fur seal industry in which so many Nuu­chah­nulth people participated.348

The fur sealing industry provided a significant boost to the Nuu­chah­nulth economy and except for a period of five years between 1890 and 1894, the Nuu­chah­nulth provided the majority of labour for the industry.349 By 1874, pelagic fur seals were a source of significant funds for the Nuu­chah­nulth in Barkley Sound. Blenkinsop noted:

In the summer of 1862 they were for the first time observed in large shoals by some halibut fishermen; but they have a tradition from their forefathers that they were formerly very numerous.

From fifteen hundred to two thousand five hundred are annually taken by the tribes on this Sound alone, a large skin being valued at four and a half

339 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. pp. 140­141. 340 Arima and Dewhirst. “Nootkans.” citing Curtis 1916; Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. pp. 45­46; Arima 1983:1946. 341 Mrs. Sarah Olabar, Drucker, MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 8, p. 78. 342 Sapir and Swadesh, Native Accounts. p. 43. 343 Mrs. Sarah Olabar, Drucker, MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 10, p. 3. 344 Mrs. Sarah Olabar, Drucker, MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 9, p. 92. 345 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. pp. 252­253; Mrs. Sarah Olabar, Drucker, MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 10, p. 44­45. 346 Arima, West Coast People. p. 46. 347 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes: p. 46. 348 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. p. 140; Murray, Peter. The Vagabond Fleet: A Chronicle of the North Pacific Sealing Schooner Trade. Victoria, B.C.: Sono Nis Press, 1988. 349 Crockford 1996:7.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 84 dollars...

Two thirds of the take belongs to the hunter: the remainder to the vessel on which they embark...

...during one season when no schooners were on the coast upwards of three thousand skins were purchased from them (meaning “the Indians”) at a ruinous rate by the Traders, over twenty thousand dollars worth of property at invoice prices having been paid out to the natives of Barclay Sound alone. 350-

A consultant told Philip Drucker in 1935 that during the time of the pelagic fur sealing industry “Everybody had lots of money – each pair in canoe got $8­$10 per seal – (no expenses) – hunter got more then paddler – grub, guns, ammun[ition] furnished – only had to have blankets & canoe. All people had good houses, etc. – could get stuff bro[ugh]t up from Victoria on schooner free, etc. Inter[preter]. says far better than way canneries treat the people – could get advances at store – if overdrew one year, started even next yr.”351

Huu­ay­aht Chief Louie Nookmiis described fur sealing:

When we hunted the fur seals we saved the pelts and meat, which was smoked and eaten fresh. This was our tradition to go for these fur seals, this all belonged to us people all along the coast, we also used its hides for our clothing. We did not have to go too far out in the sea because it was so plentiful, this was strictly for our food chain and for making clothing....These seals didn’t all go north to have their young...many seals stayed in our territories along each nations up and down the coast...They breeded up and down the coast...

...there was plenty around Barkley Sound areas. We did a lot of seal hunting in them days...we also hunted these sea otters for the fur and meat. So there was plenty of fur seals, sea otters and hair seals. So I want this to be known in 1894, that’s when I had my first experience hunting in a special canoe for these various seals and sea otters.352

Previous to the beginning of the schooner­based hunting of fur seal, Nuu­chah­nulth groups including the Ucluelet, participated in the shore­based hunt in the months of April, May and June.353 Pelagic fur sealing collapsed in 1911 when a treaty halted sealing although First Nations’ sealers were able to continue for a few years more.354

350 Blenskinsop, “Report.” 351 Mrs. Mary Old Capt. Jack, Drucker, MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 5, p. 130. 352 Nookmiis, Louie. "Interview with Eugene Arima. Translated by Harry Lucas and Robert Dennis Sr, 1997. Huu­ay­ aht First Nations, 1998. 353 Crockford, Cairn. "Nuu-chah-nulth Labour Reslations in the Pelagic Sealing Industry: 1868-1911." MA, University of Victoria, 1996. p. 56. 354 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. p. 216.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 85 Porpoise Porpoise was hunted with the same harpoon that was used for seals. Their flesh was considered good tasting but they were not hunted extensively355 perhaps because their speed and agility made them difficult to harpoon.356

Sea Lion Sea lions were not hunted as extensively as seals, except at certain places in Kyuquot and Barkley Sound where they are known to congregate. They were hunted traditionally from canoes using the same harpoons as those used for hunting seals. A seal skin float was sometimes tied to the harpoon head lanyard rather than being tied to a canoe thwart.357 Four harpoon heads collected from the Barkley Sound area, including one from Ucluelet, are identified as sea lion heads. They differ from sealing harpoon heads, exhibiting the same form as whaling harpoon heads although somewhat smaller. Unlike whaling harpoon heads they all have short lanyards and unlike sealing heads, two of them have decorated valves.358

Sea Otter Sea otters were hunted traditionally both for their fur and their meat. They were hunted in their usual haunts, kelp beds, from canoes by hunters using bow and arrow, and with harpoons.359 The luxuriant pelts were valued and were worn by high ranking individuals.360 Groups such as the Ka:’yu:k’t’h exchanged pelts with their neighbours for other valuable commodities such as eulachon oil.361 Sea otter hunting places were sometimes included in a woman’s dowry. A qwowinas Ka:’yu:k’t’h chief gave an island, mo^ equm>, which was a good sea otter and seal place to a tacis chief who had obtained his eldest daughter as a bride.362 The Ka:’yu:k’t’h went as far as aqama`ka*m>, Grassy Island, for sea otter.363

The 1778 James Cook expedition sold sea otter pelts in China for many times the value of the trade goods required to purchase them. This sparked the maritime fur trade which lasted until the early 1800s.364 The Nuu­cha­nulth adopted mass hunts, directed by h=aw`iih,which swept entire coastlines, searching for otters.365

Marine Invertebrates

355 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 46. 356 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. p. 140. 357 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 46. 358 Hoover, Alan. "Socketed Harpoon Heads for the Northwest Coast." MA, Simon Fraser University, 1974. pp. 273­ 276. 359 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 46; Arima, West Coast People. p. 47. 360 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. p. 180, citing Meares 1790:251; Mozino1970:14; Jewitt 1967:38; Koppert 1930:51; Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 103. 361 Mrs. Sarah Olabar, Drucker, MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 8, p. 120­121, 122. 362 Mrs. Sarah Olabar, Drucker, MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 8, p. 105­106. 363 Mrs. Sarah Olabar, Drucker, MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 8, p. 74. 364 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. p. 184, quoting Howay 1941:371. 365 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 47; Arima, West Coast People. p. 47; McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. p. 180, 190.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 86 Marine invertebrates, especially shellfish were an important food resource. Today, Maa­ nulth and other Nuu­chah­nulth refer to shellfish, along with other intertidal and subtidal food resources as “seafood.” Based on information he had received from the Barkley Sound groups, Sapir described that shellfish and other soft­bodies marine creatures were second in importance only to fish.366 Butter clams were among the most important shellfish gathered. They were pit steamed, roasted on hot coals, or boiled in a cooking boxes. Other invertebrates eaten included little neck clams, horse clams, razor clams, native oyster, purple hinged rock scallop, cockle, mussels, goose neck barnacles, limpets, black chitons, giant red chiton, abalone, sea urchins, sea anemones, sea cucumbers, Dungeness crab, and octopus.367 These invertebrates were abundant on outside rocks and beaches. Women, sometimes assisted by men, , used yew digging sticks during low tides to collect seafood, and carried the invertebrates in openweave baskets. Sea urchins were collected with a special spear and dip net.368

Dentalia One type of shellfish was collected not for its food value which was non­existent, but for it prestige value. Haiqua (dentalia) is a tusk­like. slightly curved mollusk, measuring about two inches in length and less then a quarter inch in maximum diameter. It lives on sandy bottoms about fifty to sixty feet below the surface. Haiqua were harvested using a broom­like tool that was lowered down on a many sectioned pole handle. Once the thin splints of the “broom­head” were pushed into the soft bottom, a weighted board, which had a central hole was allowed to slide down over the head of the implement closing the splints together and grasping any dentalia caught between the splints.369

These shells were highly prized decorative items which were traded far and wide. They were worn as an elaborate hair ornament by pubescent girls,370 adorned braclets and necklaces worn by high status individuals. Quantities were sometimes buried with the dead. Large strings of the shells were transferred at marriage371 and on other occasions. The Ka:’yu:k’t’h purchased mountain goat wool blankets and eulachon oil from their east coast neighbours; it is described that they they traded “15 big ones or 30 small ones for 1 kelp of oil” and “25 big dent[alia] for 1 span strip (length of hide)” of mountain goat hide.372 People came from distant locations to buy dentalia from the Ka:’yu:k’t’h. A canoe bailer’s volume was used to measure the shells; one full bailer’s worth being equivalent in value to a yellow cedar blanket.373

366 Sapir, Edward. "Sayach'apis, a Nootka Trader." In American Indian Life, edited by Elsie Clews Parsons, 297­323: University of Nebraska, 1922. p. 303. 367 Arima, West Coast People. p. 17. 368 Arima and Dewhirst, Nootkans. p. 394, referencing Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes.p. 35; Ellis, David W., and Luke Swan. Teaching of the Tides: Uses of Marine Invertebrates by the Manhousat People. Naniamo: Theytus Books, 1981. 369 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. pp. 112­113; see also Nuytten 1993. 370 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 140, Fig. 16; Arima & Dewhirst, The Nootkans. p. 407, Fig. 12. 371 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers. p. 156. 372 Mrs. Sarah Olabar, Drucker, MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 10, p. 93. 373 Mrs. Sarah Olabar , Drucker, MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 15, p. 14.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 87 Although other First Nations found haiqua that were washed up on the beach, the Nuu­ chah­nulth were the only group who harvested live shells from their beds. Dentalia beds were rare within Nuu­chah­nulth territory. The only bed available to the Northern Nuu­ chah­nulth was at cahqos, northeast of Tachu Point and southwest of Rugged Point. Although this site was located within the territory of the Ehattesaht, a number of h=aw`iih from the Nuchatlaht, Ka:’yu:k’t’h and the Ehattesaht had the right to harvest dentalia on these grounds. According to Ka:’yu:k’t’h advisor Mrs. Sarah Olabar, the qwowinasåth local group of the Ka:’yu:k’t’h owned two islands off Ehattesaht,374 one of which was named hatic, where they got dentalia.375 There also may be haiqua grounds in Barkley Sound, and also off Long Beach in Ucluelet territory.376 In 1793­94, the captain of the American ship Jefferson, purchased “160 fathoms” of strung dentalia from Nuu­chah­ nulth people in Clayoquot and Barkley Sounds.377 The ownership of dentalia or the right to harvest shells at the grounds could be transferred as part of a marriage dowry.378 As mentioned, haiqua came to be used as a medium of exchange along much of the west coast of North America.

Waterfowl Ducks, geese and swans were hunted on dark nights using a fire in the stern of the canoe and a mat casting a shadow in the bow of the canoe. The birds were disturbed by the light, sought shelter in the shadow cast by the mat and were caught in a net thrown by the bow man. Waterfowl were also shot with arrows from behind a screen of branches placed in the front of canoes as they drifted through the flocks. Diving ducks and birds were caught with baited gorges, trolling hooks and snares.379 Traps were set in shallow places for diving ducks and gulls during salmon runs.380 Sea­gull and other bird eggs were collected when available, and eaten.

Marine Plants Seaweeds and some species of marine plants were collected and eaten. Eelgrass has sweet stems and roots which were enjoyed raw. Surf grass and sea grass were made into squares which were dried for winter.381 Roots of a small seaweed collected in the spring were washed and eaten as greens.382 The stems of the giant kelp provided the raw material for making most fishing lines.383

Contemporary Marine Resources and Activities

374 Presumably meaning off Esperanza Inlet. 375 Mrs. Sarah Olabar , Drucker, MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 10, p.92. 376 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. pp. 111­112. 377 McMillan, Since the Time of the Transformers.:156, citing Magee 1794 378 Mrs. Sarah Olabar, Drucker, MS0870, Box 2, Part 23, Vol. 8, p. 105, 116­117. 379 Arima and Dewhirst. "Nootkans.” p. 394, citing Sprot 1928:141; Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. pp. 24, 42­43; Arima, West Coast People. pp. 26­27. 380 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 59. 381 Arima, West Coast People. p. 48. 382 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. p. 60. 383 Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. pp. 21­22.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 88 Most of the descriptions provided in the previous sections relate to the “traditional” practices of the Maa­nulth First Nations, that is, prior to the disruption of these practices brought about outside influences, previously cited, and developing technologies. It is outside the scope of this report to describe the history of the many changes that have occurred since the times when the traditional practices described above were commonly engaged in by Maa­nulth elders and ancestors.

The research of the current study does, however, make it clear that Maa­nulth First Nations have continued, to a large extent, to utilize marine resources and engage in marine activities as did their ancestors. The extent to which that utilization occurred, and continues to occur, is demonstrated in the many cultural heritage sites documented and described below. That said, some of the major factors that have had significant impacts on the Maa­nulth traditional marine resources and marine activities are briefly listed: • assumption of the jurisdiction over and management of marine resources by the governments of Canada and British Columbia; • depletion of resources and habitats due to over­harvesting, pollution, development activities, construction and other factors; • competition from non­native users for marine resources; and • the introduction of complex systems of hunting, fishing and conservation regulations over the harvesting of most marine resources.

Cultural Heritage Sites A major purpose of the project was to identify and document cultural heritage sites. The definition of a cultural heritage site is considered to be the same as that of a “traditional use site,” defined in the Traditional Use Study Program Guidelines as:

A Traditional Use Site is any geographically­defined site (on land or water) used traditionally by one or more groups of people for some type of activity. These sites may lack the physical evidence of human­made artifacts or structures, yet maintain cultural significance to a living community of people.

Information about the existence and nature of Traditional Use Sites is usually obtained through interviews with community elders, as well as archival and literature searches. Examples may include:

• Locations associated with traditional beliefs of an aboriginal group about its origins, cultural history or world view; • The location of trails, sacred sites and resource gathering sites such as berry grounds; • A location where a community has traditionally carried out economic, artistic or other cultural pursuits important to maintaining its identity; or • The traditional home of a particular cultural group.

Under certain circumstances, information pertinent to understanding some of

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 89 these resources is enhanced through archaeological investigation.”384

Cultural Heritage Sites: Levels of Use During the project, and based on work conducted in other projects, a clearer understanding of the nature of cultural heritage sites emerged.

Based on the information provided in the course of interviews with cultural advisors, it is apparent that not all cultural heritage sites have been, or are, utilized with the same frequency or intensity. It is evident that there are different “levels” of use. The problem becomes particularly apparent when, during interviews with many cultural advisors, a consistent response to questions such as “Where did, or where do you go fishing (hunting, seafood gathering, etc.)?, the first response given is “all over” or “everywhere.” Although such responses might be considered too vague to accurately record and map as cultural heritage sites on an individual basis, when consistently encountered, these responses are considered to require appropriate documentation. This has been accomplished for each of the Maa­nulth First Nations by describing each of their traditional territories as a single cultural heritage site, and by filing information about general cultural heritage use, i.e. that not tied to a precise or general geographic location as described above, in the archival records for this site. As a result, each of the First Nations have a cultural heritage site that covers their entire territory.

Some difficulties were also encountered in defining the scope of some of the resource areas, or cultural heritage sites. In some instances, sites seemed to be defined within other previously­defined cultural heritage sites. Consideration of this problem revealed that what was being described should be categorized as distinct “levels” of resource collecting activity occurring in the same region. For example, an entire bay might be described by one source as a good place for catching salmon during the summer. Another source may also identify a specific point or reef in the bay as being particularly productive for catching spring salmon at a certain time of year. To resolve the issue, the project distinguished four distinct “levels” of cultural heritage sites, and this assisted in definition and mapping of cultural heritage sites. The levels of sites are described here, arranged in order, from general to specific:

384 Ministry of Forests, Aboriginal Affairs Branch. Traditional Use Study Program Guidelines [Website]. Aboriginal Affairs Branch, Ministry of Forests, Government of British Columbia, 2000 [cited 2001]. Available from http://www.for.gov.bc.ca/aab/int_msrs/tus/S1_p1.htm#site.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 90 Traditional Territory As described above, this level designates all of a traditional territory, and is usually included in the Cultural Heritage Site Databases as site #1. Information was included in the documentation for this site whenever advisors, during interviews, stated that they would go “anywhere” or “all over” in the traditional territory for a resource collecting purpose. For example, when asked about fishing, advisors frequently respond that they would fish everywhere, or would catch fish whenever and wherever they were available or abundant. Information to support such statements was also encountered in published and manuscript source material. This site level indicates that there was, and is, a level of cultural heritage resource use throughout each First Nation’s traditional territory.

H=ahuu>i As previously described, each First Nations’ traditional territory is divided into h=ahuu>i, according to previously defined boundaries. In some instances, where information about the h=ahuu>i boundaries is available, these have been recorded as cultural heritage sites, and cover fairly large areas on land and water. In other cases, research and discussion is still required to establish the boundaries of the h=ahuu>i.

General Resource Use Areas General Resource Use Areas are cultural heritage sites that encompass general areas productive or well­suited for the collection of a particular resource or for the conduct of a cultural heritage activity. For example, bay ‘x’ is described as being a good area for fishing, or an entire shoreline area is described as productive for seafood. General resource use areas were designated as cultural heritage sites in this study.

Specific Resource Use Areas Specific Resource Use Areas are cultural heritage sites generally smaller than the “general resource use area” sites. Indeed, this type of sites may fall within a general resource area and might be termed or identified through research as the “hot­spots” for resources within a general resource area. For example, in fishing area x (a general resource area), sites a, b, and c are described as excellent for trolling for salmon at certain time and area d is especially productive for herring spawn at another period of time. Each of these specific resource use sites have also been designated as cultural heritage sites.

Project Databases This report section provides summary information on the cultural heritage site databases resulting from the project. The information included in the databases derived from:

1. databases and information developed during previous projects 2. literature and document reviews conducted during the project; 3. project interviews; and 4. project groundtruthing

Tables 5 – 10, below, present information on the project’s cultural heritage sites, with some classification, based on the sites’ “activity.”

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 91

Each of the cultural heritage sites has been identified and described in the databases for site “activity” and “entity.” These classifications have been modeled after those of the Ministry of Forests Traditional Use Study Guidelines.385 In these guidelines, the “purpose” of a site is the broadest classification level for a cultural heritage site, and describes the function of the site in very general terms (examples: Ceremonial/Religious, Food Harvesting). This category has not been a useful level of description of sites. Site “activity” defines what takes place at a cultural heritage site at a more specific level and uses terms that describe an industry or structure category. Sites may have multiple activities (examples: fishing, seafood gathering). “Entity” is the most specific description for a site and describes most precisely the resource(s) that are procured at the cultural heritage site (or what specific activities take place there (examples: whale hunting preparation, chitons, urchins, coho salmon). See Appendix A for further definitions of “activity” types.

Cultural Heritage Site Activities Tables 5 ­ 10, below, present information from the MFN cultural heritage site databases based on classification according to the following main “activity” categories most useful for describing marine resources and activities: Dwelling, Fishing, Hunting/Trapping, Seafood Gathering and “Other.” The “Other” classification includes various activity types, specifically: Archaeological Site, Burial, Communication, Conflict, Education, First Contact, Food Preparation, Food Storage, Forecasting, Forestry, Gaming, Government, Marker Site, Material Preparation, Medical, Mining/Quarrying, Named Place, Non­vegetation Area, Plant Gathering, Reserve, Spiritual, Sport, Therapeutic, Tribal History, and Water Supply.

Cultural Heritage Site Entities Following are the types of “entities” included within the cultural heritage site databases for the project, presented according to the “activity” classification presented above (not all “entities” recorded in the databases are listed).

Dwelling Entity List: Houses posts, Beams, House depressions, Shell Midden, Habitation Platform, Rectangular Cultural depression, Raised House Platform, Campsite, Defensive Shell Midden, Architectural Features, Rock Shelter, Base Camp, Habitation Cave, Habitation Rock Shelter.

Fishing Entity List: Fish Trap (wood), Fish Trap (Stone), Shell Midden, Salmon, Cod/Rockfish, Winter Springs, Spring, Chinook, Coho, Herring, Herring Roe, Fish, Groundfish, Pilchards, Steelhead, Cutthroat Trout, Fish weir, Chum, Snapper, Sockeye, Coho Release­ Restoration & Remediation, Winter Fishing Holes, Ling Cod, Aquaculture Lease, Hatchery, Fish ladder, Halibut, Black Cod, Cod Bank, Red Snapper, Yellow eye, Long Jaws, Dog Salmon

385 Ibid.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 92 Hunting And Trapping Entity List: Whale, Deer, Seal/Sealion, Ducks, Elk, Bear, River Otter, Sea Otter, Geese, Mallards, Golden Eye, fur­bearing mammals

Seafood Gathering Entity List: Shell Midden, Clams, Herring Roe, Crab, Oyster, Mussels, Octopus, Scallops, Abalone, Chiton, Octopus, Urchins, Gooseneck Barnacles, Sea Cucumber, Anemones, Purple Urchin, Acorn Barnacles, Black & Red Chitons, Anemones, Seafood, Moon Snail, Black Turbans, Squid, Dentalia,.

Other Entity List: Sacred Site, Burial Cave, remains of cedar boxes, Culturally Modified Tree, Pictograph, Plank removal, Canoe, Aboriginal logging, Bark Stripped Tree, Stump Flat, log, Felled Stump, Felled Plank Log, Historic Native Remains, Cemetery, Church, Box Burial, Burial, Pebble Tool, Basketry Grass, Seagull Eggs, Place Names, Boundary, Seaweed, Lithics,

Cultural Heritage Sites Summary The following tables present summary information about the cultural heritage sites recorded during the project. In examining the tables for each First Nations, bear in mind that many cultural heritage sites are classified for more than one activity. For example a single site might be classified as being used for Fishing, Hunting and Seafood Gathering.

Table 5: Summary of Cultural Heritage Sites Databases, Maa­nulth First Nations Database Before Current Database Change Percentage Change First Nation Project Che:k'tles7et'h'/Ka:'yu:k't'h 545 764 +219 +40% Ucluelet 499 569 +70 +14% Toquaht 262 403 +141 +54% Uchucklesaht 474 627 +153 +32% Huu-ay-aht 982 1182 +200 +20% Totals/Percentage 2,762 3,545 +783 +28%

Table 6: Cultural Heritage Sites Database, Ka:'yu:k't'h/Che:k'tles7et'h' First Nation Database Before Project # Current Database # Change % Change All Sites 545 All Sites 764 +219 +40% Dwelling Sites 128 Dwelling Sites 149 +21 +16% Fishing Sites 89 Fishing Sites 166 +77 +87% Seafood Gathering Sites 148 Seafood Gathering Sites 221 +73 +49% Hunting Sites 72 Hunting Sites 99 +27 +38% Other Sites 225 Other Sites 294 +69 +31%

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 93 Table 7: Cultural Heritage Sites Database, Ucluelet First Nation Database Before Project # Current Database # Change % Change All Sites 499 All Sites 569 +70 +14% Dwelling Sites 79 Dwelling Sites 83 +4 +5% Fishing Sites 101 Fishing Sites 130 +29 +29% Seafood Gathering Sites 122 Seafood Gathering Sites 137 +15 +12% Hunting Sites 133 Hunting Sites 134 +1 +1% Other Sites 156 Other Sites 195 +39 +25% Table 8: Cultural Heritage Sites Database, Toquaht First Nation Database Before Project # Current Database # Change % Change All Sites 262 All Sites 403 +141 +54% Dwelling Sites 35 Dwelling Sites 43 +8 +23% Fishing Sites 78 Fishing Sites 145 +67 +86% Seafood Gathering Sites 75 Seafood Gathering Sites 112 +37 +49% Hunting Sites 22 Hunting Sites 35 +13 +59% Other Sites 93 Other Sites 123 +30 +32%

Table 9: Cultural Heritage Sites Database, Uchucklesaht Tribe Database Before Project # Current Database # Change % Change All Sites 474 All Sites 627 +153 +32% Dwelling Sites 126 Dwelling Sites 134 +8 +6% Fishing Sites 108 Fishing Sites 177 +69 +64% Seafood Gathering Sites 101 Seafood Gathering Sites 158 +57 +56% Hunting Sites 57 Hunting Sites 89 +32 +56% Other Sites 217 Other Sites 230 +13 +6%

Table 10: Cultural Heritage Sites Database, Huu­ay­aht First Nation Database Before Project # Current Database # Change % Change All Sites 982 All Sites 1182 +200 +20% Dwelling Sites 197 Dwelling Sites 218 +21 +11% Fishing Sites 256 Fishing Sites 415 +159 +62% Seafood Gathering Sites 244 Seafood Gathering Sites 332 +88 +36% Hunting Sites 117 Hunting Sites 138 +21 +18% Other Sites 363 Other Sites 380 +17 +5%

Marine Resource Sites A collection of maps, included with this report as Appendix C, illustrate the “Marine Resource Sites” documented in the Toquaht First Nation’s cultural heritage site database described above.

For the purposes of this report “Marine Resource Sites” are considered to be the cultural heritage sites that: • are located on the ocean, or on a marine shoreline; • have a marine component (e.g. a salmon fishing site on a river); and/or • are located within .5 km. of a marine shoreline. 386

386 Sites within .5 kilometer of a marine shoreline have been included in the selection of “marine resource sites,” as

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 94

The Marine Resource Sites for the project are illustrated in the maps accompanying this report, and have been broken down into the five categories, previously described: Dwelling, Fishing, Hunting/Trapping, Seafood Gathering and “Other.”

The complete database and GIS data for all cultural heritage sites, not just “marine resource sites” are included on the CD included together with this report.

Project Deliverables This project report includes the deliverables specified for the project as specified, specifically: • Provincial Mandatory (PRM) data, with fields as specified in the Traditional Use Study–Data Capture Specifications,387 included on a CD attached to this report as Appendix D; • The inventoried cultural heritage sites are mapped according to procedures outlined in the Mapping Standards and Procedures section of the Traditional Use Study Data Capture Specifications; and • A Project Final Report

Evaluation Methodology In general, the project methodology was effective. The project tasks were, with but few exceptions, completed according to the specified schedule, and achieved their specified goals. The most significant difficulties were encountered in the course of reviewing information and databases developed during previous projects. It was determined that the databases and GIS data, for some of the First Nations, required some modification to meet acceptable standards. As a result, in these cases, the project researchers were required to conduct a thorough review and update of their cultural heritage site data, including the computer database, GIS, and paper records to ensure accuracy. These tasks demanded considerable time and effort.

Results The project achieved significant results. At the outset of the project, there were 2,762 sites recorded in the Maa­nulth First Nations cultural heritage site databases and GIS data. At the conclusion of the project, the total number of sites had increased by 783 sites, resulting in a total of 3,545 sites, and representing an increase of 28%. There were significant increases in cultural heritage site data for each First Nation.

In addition to the increase in the number of cultural heritage sites included in the project’s databases and GIS, other achievements included: • review of previous work, and improvements in completeness and accuracy of existing records; these may be impacted in the event of an oil or other toxic spill, and/or a subsequent cleanup operation. 387 http://www.for.gov.bc.ca/aab/int_msrs/tus/S3_PInt.HTM

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 95 • additional information researched and recorded for previously documented sites; • enhancements in the ability of the MFN to collect, organize, map and manage information about cultural heritage sites of significance to their communities; • research, organization and presentation of information on the traditional context for marine cultural heritage sites and activities in this report, and • presentation of project information at community consultations.

A summary evaluation of the research of the project is provided:

1. The information obtained through interviews for the project is considered to be reliable and valid. Maa­nulth First Nations people interviewed for this project, and for previous projects, were knowledgeable about to the Study Areas. Many had fished, hunted and engaged in other traditional activities over and through their territory for decades, others had acquired cultural, traditional history, and resource information from their elders.

2. The information provided by Maa­nulth First Nations advisors to anthropologists Edward Sapir, Philip Drucker, Morris Swadesh, Eugene Arima, Denis and St. Claire, primary sources of information for this project, is considered to be detailed, reliable and valid.

3. The information obtained from the historic and archival sources consulted is considered to be, with few exceptions, generally reliable and valid.

4. Although many members of the Maa­nulth communities have been interviewed with respect to the Study Areas, there are others who could not be contacted or interviewed. Further interviews would likely provide additional information.

5. From a chronological perspective, the information available for the project is varied. From the period prior to contact, the only sources are archaeological and from surviving oral histories. Both sources are considered to be limited. While some archaeological investigations have occurred in the Study Areas, there are significant portions that have not been adequately surveyed. The oral histories and cultural heritage site information available are considered to be diminished due to the effects of depopulation, Residential Schools, missionaries, the imposition of an alien jurisdiction and a variety of other factors. Most records from the contact period were provided by non­natives, whose interests lay in commerce primarily, and not in ethnography. Further, these non­natives who had to rely on observations during relatively brief visits. There are few records from the early 1800s, and those from the latter part of that century are sporadic and limited. The best sources of information are from Maa­nulth people themselves, as recorded before or during the project, whose knowledge pertains mostly to the period of ca. 1875 up to the present day.

6. From a geographic perspective, traditional knowledge about the Study Area is considered to be uneven. Undoubtedly there were many Maa­nulth First Nations people in the past who had detailed and specific knowledge of all portions of the Study Areas, but only a few of these details have survived for the reasons outlined in

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 96 (5). Some portions of this detailed knowledge was provided by Maa­nulth advisors to anthropologists in the past. Maa­nulth people of today, who continue to use their territories for traditional purposes, are limited in the geographic scope and extent of their activities by current hunting, fishing, trapping and other resource use regulations, by the creation of parks, by the alienation of traditional territories, by past and current development activities and their impacts (pollution, resource depletion), and by activities of the non­native population.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 97

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Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 101 Inglis, Richard I. "Ethnographic History of Brooks Peninsula Region." In Brooks Peninsula: An Ice Age Refugium on Vancouver Island, edited by R. J. Hebda, J.C. Haggarty and R. Inglis. Victoria, B.C.: Ministry of Environment, Lands and Parks, 1997. Ingraham, Joseph. "Joseph Ingraham's Journal of the Brigantine Hope on a Voyage to the Northwest Coast of North America 1790 ­ 92." edited by Mark D. Kaplanoff. Barre, Massachusetts: Imprint Society, 1971. Jewitt, John R. Narrative of the Adventures and Sufferings of John R. Jewitt, Only Survivor of the Crew of the Ship Boston, During a Captivity of Nearly Three Years among the Savages of Nootka Sound. Reprint of 1815 manuscript ed. Fairfield, Washington: Ye Galleon Press, 1967. Ka:’yu:’k’t’h/Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation, and Quatsino First Nation. "Ka:’Yu:’K’t’h and Quatsino First Nations Treaty Declaration." Ka:’yu:’k’t’h and the Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation. Copy on file at Ka:’yu:’k’t’h/Che:k’tles7et’h’ Office, 1995. Keitlah, Wilma, and Debbie Foxcroft. The Sayings of Our First People: Wawaa*C'akuk Yaqwii*Itq Quu*as (Wawaach'akuuk Yaqwii*Itq Quu*as). Penticton, B.C.: Theytus Books, 1995. Kenyon, Susan M. The Kyuquot Way: A Study of a West Coast (Nootkan) Community. Vol. Canadian Ethnology Service Paper No. 61, National Museum of Man Mercury Series. Ottawa: National Museums of Canada, 1980. Kool, Richard. "Northwest Coast Indian Whaling: New Considerations." Canadian Journal of Anthropology 3, no. 1 (1982): 31 ­ 44. Koppert, Vincent A. "Contributions to Clayoquot Ethnology." Catholic University of America Anthropology Series 3 (1930): 49 ­ 55. Kwishanishim. "The Long War in Barkley Sound." In Native Accounts of Nootka Ethnography, edited by Edward Sapir and Morris Swadesh, 457. Bloomington: Indiana University, 1955. ———. "Ucluelets Seize Effingham Inlet." In Native Accounts of Nootka Ethnography, edited by Edward Sapir and Morris Swadesh, 457. Bloomington: Indiana University, 1955. ———. "Ucluelets Seize Namint." In Native Accounts of Nootka Ethnography, edited by Edward Sapir and Morris Swadesh, 457. Bloomington: Indiana University, 1955. Lang, Daisy. "Interview with Daisy Lang by Kevin Neary, Patsy Baaader and Karen Mccoy at Uchucklesaht Ir #2, October 6, 2003 (2 MiniDv Video Tapes)." Victoria, BC: Traditions Consulting Services, Inc., 2003. Leo, Eugene. "Interview with Victor Hanson by Kevin Neary, Daisy Hanson and Karen Mccoy at Kyuquot, September 16, 2003 (2 MiniDv Video Tapes)." Victoria, BC: Traditions Consulting Services, Inc., 2003. Little, Tamara, Kevin Neary, and James C. Haggarty. "Huu­Ay­Aht Traditional Use Sites in the Coleman Creek, Spencer Creek, and Sarita River Watersheds." Victoria: Unpublished Report by Shoreline Archaeological Services, Inc. submitted to B.C. Ministry of Forest, Victoria, B.C., MacMillan Bloedel, Port Alberni B.C., and to the Huu­ay­aht First Nations, Bamfield, B.C., 1996. Mack, Bert. Interview with Bert Mack by Kevin Neary, December 4, 2003: Traditions Consulting Services, Inc., Victoria, BC, 2003.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 102 Mackie, Alexander P., and Laurie Williamson. "1984 Ohiaht Ethnoarchaeological Survey Final Report." Victoria, B.C., 1986. ———. "Nuu­chah­nulth Houses: Structural Remains and Cultural Depressions on Southwest Vancouver Island." In Emerging from the Mist: Studies in Northwest Coast Culture History, edited by R.G. Matson, Gary Coupland and Quentin Mackie. Vancouver/Toronto: UBC Press, 2003. Mackie, Richard. "George Blenkinsop." In Dictionary of Canadian Biography: Volume Xii; 1901 to 1910, edited by Ramsay Cook. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994. ———. Trading Beyond the Mountains: The British Fur Trade on the Pacific, 1793­1843. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1997. Magee, Bernard. "Voyage Made on Board Ship Jefferson to Northwest Coast 1791 ­ 1793." Victoria, B.C.: BC Archives microfilm: A273 (3), 1793. Malaspina, Alejandro. "Viaje Cientifico y Politico Alrededor del Mundo por las Corbetas Descubierta y Atrevida." edited by Pedro de Novo y Colson. Madrid, 1885. Marshall, Yvonne. "The Political History of the Nuu­chah­nulth People: A Case Study of the Mowachaht and Muchalaht Tribes." Ph.D dissertation, Simon Fraser University, 1993. Martinez, Don Estevan Jose. "Diary of the Voyage...In the Present Year 1789." edited by Translated by William L. Shurtz. Victoria: B.C. Archives, Add MSS 291, 1789. McLaren, Duncan, Kevin Neary, and Shauna McRanor. "Archaeological Inventory Study: Ka:’yu:k’t’h and Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation Territories Phase I Report." Traditions Consulting Services, Inc. Report on file at Archaeolgy Branch, Victoria, B.C., 2003. McLaren, Duncan, Jim Stafford, Dean Snell, and Kevin Neary. "Archaeological Inventory of Ka:’yu:K’t’h/Che:k’tles7et’h’ Territory ­ Phase II ­ Report for Maqcupi?Ath Hahoothlee and Ciqis?Ath Hahoothlee (Malksope Drainage and Bunsby Islands)." Prepared for: Ka:’yu:k’t’h/Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation, International Forest Products Limited, Campbell River Operations, Ministry of Forests, Campbell River and British Columbia Archaeology Branch (2003­206), 2003. ———. Archaeological Inventory of Ka:’yu:K’t’h/Che:k’tles7et’h’ Territory; Phase II ­ Report for Qa'opinacath Hahoothlee, Kauwinch Drainage: Volume Prepared for Ka:’yu:k’t’h/Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation, International Forest Products Limited, Campbell River Operations, Ministry of Forests, Campbell River District and British Columbia Archaeology Branch (2003­206), 2003. McMillan, Alan. "Archaeological Evidence for Aboriginal Tuna Fishing on Western Vancouver Island." Syesis 12 (1979): 117 ­ 19. McMillan, Alan, and Denis St. Claire. "The Toquaht Archaeological Project: Report on the 1991 Field Season." Victoria: Culture Library, Ministry of Small Business, Tourism and Culture, 1991. ———. "The Toquaht Archaeological Project: Report on the 1992 Field Season." Victoria: Culture Library, Ministry of Small Business, Tourism and Culture, 1992. ———. "The Toquaht Archaeological Project: Report on the 1994 Field Season." Victoria, B.C.: Report submitted to the Toquaht Nation, Ucluelet and the Archaeology Branch,

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 103 Victoria., 1994. McMillan, Alan D. Since the Time of the Transformers: The Ancient Heritage of the Nuu­Chah­ Nult, Ditidaht, and Makah, Pacific Rim Archaeology,. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1999. McMillan, Alan D., and Denis E. St. Claire. Alberni Prehistory: Archaeological and Ethnographic Investigations on Western Vancouver Island. Port Alberni/ Penticton, B.C.: Alberni Valley Museum/ Theytus Books, 1982. Meares, John. "Voyages Made in the Years 1788 and 1789 from China to the North West Coast of America." Amsterdam/New York: N. Israel/Da Capo Press, 1790. Ministry of Forests, Aboriginal Affairs Branch. Traditional Use Study Program Guidelines [Website]. Aboriginal Affairs Branch, Ministry of Forests, Government of British Columbia, 2000 [cited 2001]. Available from http://www.for.gov.bc.ca/aab/int_msrs/tus/S1_p1.htm#site. Monks, Gregory G. "Preliminary Faunal Report." In Toquaht Archaeological Project: Report on the 1992 Field Season, edited by Alan D. McMillan and Denis E. St. Claire. Victoria B.C.: Unpublished report submitted to the Archaeology Branch, Victoria, and to the Toquaht Band, Ucluelet, 1992. Moziño, José Mariano. "Noticias De Nutka: An Account of Nootka Sound in 1792." edited by Iris Wilson Engstrand. Seattle/Vancouver: University of Washington Press ;/Douglas & McIntyre, 1991. Murray, Peter. The Vagabond Fleet: A Chronicle of the North Pacific Sealing Schooner Trade. Victoria, B.C.: Sono Nis Press, 1988. Neary, Kevin. "Huu­ay­aht Traditions on the Collection and Use of Herring Spawn (Siih m'uu)." Victoria, B.C.: Unpublished report by Traditions Consulting Services, Inc. submitted to Huu­ay­aht First Nations, Bamfield, B.C., 2000. Neary, Kevin, James C. Haggarty, and Dee Sanders. "Traditional Use Study of the Huu­ay­aht First Nations Final Report." Unpublished report by Shoreline Archaeological Services, Inc. submitted to Huu­ay­aht First Nations, Bamfield, B.C. and to the Ministry of Forests, Victoria, B.C., 1998. Neary, Kevin, and Dean Snell. "Nuu­chah­nulth Tribal Council Culture and Heritage Study Final Report." Prepared for the Nuu­chah­nulth Tribal Council, Port Alberni, B.C. and the Governments of Canada and British Columbia by Traditions Consulting Services, Inc., 2003. Nookmiis, Louie. "Interview with Eugene Arima. Translated by Harry Lucas and Robert Dennis Sr, 1997." Port Alberni, B.C.: Huu­ay­aht First Nations, 1998. ———. "War with the Clallams." In Between Ports Alberni and Renfrew: Notes on West Coast Peoples, edited by E. Y. Arima and Denis St. Claire et al., 13 ­ 202. Ottawa: Canadian Ethnological Service, 1991. Nuytten, Phil. "Money from the Sea." National Geographic 183, no. 1 (1993): 109­14. O'Reilly, Peter. "Annual Report of Indian Reserve Commissioner for British Columbia. In West Coast Agency Report, Annual Report for the Year Ending 1883, O'Reilly to Superintendent­General of Indian Affairs, 6 October 1882." Ottawa: Department of Indian Affairs, 1883.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 104 ———. "Diaries." B.C. Archives, MS­2894, 1858­1905. Peterson, Jan. Journeys Down the Alberni Canal to Barkley Sound. Lantzville, B.C.: Oolichan Books, 1999. Powell, Israel W. "Report of the Dept. Superintendent of Indian Affairs, 1879." In Annual Report of the Department of Indian Affairs. Ottawa: Canada, 1879. ———. "Report of the Superintendent of Indian Affairs for British Columbia for 1872 and 1873." In Annual Report of the Department of Indian Affairs. Ottawa: Canada, 1873. "R. V. Jack (October 22, 1990), Campbell River 15661­C (Prov. Ct. B.C.), Reported as R. V. Jack, [1991] 1 C.N.L.R. 146." 1990. Roberts, Helen H., and Morris Swadesh. "Songs of the Nootka Indians of Western Vancouver Island." Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia 45, no. 3 (1955): 199­327. Robinson, Vince, and Phyllis Halverson. "Interview with Vince Robinson and Phyllis Halverson by Kevin Neary, Patsy Baaader and Karen Mccoy in Uchucklesaht Territory, October 7, 2003 (1 MiniDv Video Tape)." Victoria, BC: Traditions Consulting Services, Inc., 2003. Roquefeuil, Camille de. A Voyage Round the World between the Years 1816­1819, in the Ship Bordelais. abridged translation ed. Vol. 9, In Phillips' New Voyages and Travels. London: Printed for Sir Richard Phillips by D. Sidney, 1823. Rosman, Abraham, and Paula G. Rubel. Feasting with Mine Enemy: Rank and Exchange among Northwest Coast Societies. New York/London: Columbia University Press, 1971. Sa:ya:ch'apis, Tom, William, Dick La:maho:s, Captain Bill, and Tyee Bob. The Whaling Indians: West Coast Legends and Stories; Tales of Extraordinary Experience. Edited by Eugene Arima, Edward Sapir, Morris Swadesh, Alexander Thomas and John Thomas. Vol. 134, Mercury Series, Canadian Ethnology Service. Ottawa: Canadian Museum of Civilization, 2000. Sam, Stanley, and (Hutsa) Robert Peter. "Interview with Stanley Sam and (Hutsa) Robert Peter by Kevin Neary, Daisy Hanson, Katie Fraser, Roy Alexander and Karen Mccoy at Campbell River, September 11, 2003 (1 MiniDv Video Tapes)." Victoria, BC: Traditions Consulting Services, Inc., 2003. ———. "Interview with Stanley Sam by Kevin Neary, Katie Fraser, Daisy Hanson, Roy Alexander and Karen McCoy at Campbell River, September 11, 2003 (1 MiniDv Video Tape)." Victoria, BC: Traditions Consulting Services, Inc., 2003. Sapir, Edward. "Miscellaneous Nootka Material, Field Notes (1910 ­ 14)." Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society Library, Franz Boas Collection of American Linguistica, n.d. ———. "Notes on Tribal History." In Edward Sapir Nootka Materials. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society Library, Franz Boas Collection of American Linguistica, W2a.18, n.d. ———. "Sayach'apis, a Nootka Trader." In American Indian Life, edited by Elsie Clews Parsons, 297­323: University of Nebraska, 1922. ———. "The Social Organization of the West Coast Tribes." Proceedings and Transactions of

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 105 the Royal Society of Canada for 1915 3d. ser., no. Section 2 (1916): 355 ­ 74. Sapir, Edward and Morris Swadesh. Nootka Texts. Tales and Ethnological Narratives, with Grammatical Notes and Lexical Materials. AMS Edition ed, William Dwight Whitney Linguistic Series. Philadelphia: Linguistic Society of America, University of Pennsylvania, 1939. Sapir, Edward, and Morris Swadesh. Native Accounts of Nootka Ethnography. Vol. 21 (4), pt. 2, Indiana University Research Centre in Anthropology, Folklore, and Linguistics 1. Bloomington: Indiana University, 1955. Sapir, Edward, Morris Swadesh, Alexander Thomas, John Thomas, and Frank Williams. The Whaling Indians: Tales of Extraordinary Experience. Edited by Eugene Arima, Terry Klokeid and Katherine Robinson. Paper 134, Mercury Series; Canadian Ethnology. Ottawa: Canadian Museum of Civilization, 2000. Scientific Panel for Sustainable Forest Practices Standards in Clayoquot Sound. "Report 3: First Nations' Perspectives Relating to Forest Practices Standards in Clayoquot Sound." Report on file at the Ministry of Forests, Victoria, B.C., 1995. Scott, R. Bruce. "William Eddy Banfield: Unsung Hero of the West Coast." BC Archives. Sendey, John. "The Nootkan Indian: A Pictorial." Port Alberni, B.C.: Alberni Valley Museum, 1977. Smith, Tess, Verna Hanson, Stacey Hanson, Kevin Neary, James C. Haggarty, Terry Ann Young, and Dee Cullon. "Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’/Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation Cultural Heritage Site Review Project Final Report." Unpublished report by Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’/Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation and Traditions Consulting Services Inc. Submitted to Ministry of Forests, Victoria, B.C. and to Ka:’yu:’k’t’h’/Che:k’tles7et’h’ First Nation, Kyuquot, B.C., 2001. Sproat, Gilbert Malcolm. "The Nootka : Scenes and Studies of Savage Life." edited by Edited and annotated by Charles Lillard. Victoria, B.C.: Sono Nis Press, 1987. Sprot, G.D. "The Early Indian Wildfowler of Vancouver Island." Canadian Field­Naturalist 42, no. 6 (1928): 139­43. St. Claire, Denis. "Barkley Sound Tribal Territories." In Between Ports Alberni and Renfrew: Notes on West Coast Peoples, edited by E. Y. Arima and Denis St. Claire et al, 13 ­ 202. Ottawa: Canadian Ethnological Service, 1991. Sumpter, Ian, Claire Denis St, and Stella Peters. "Mid­Holocene Cultural Occupation of Barkley Sound, West Vancouver Island." The Midden 34, no. 4 (2002): 10­11. Swadesh, Morris. "Motivations in Nootka Warfare." Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 4, no. 1 (1948): 76 ­ 93. ———. "Nootka Ethnographic Notes." Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society Library, Franz Boas Collection of American Linguistica, 1949. Thompson, Archie. "Interview with Archie Thompson by Kevin Neary, Roy Alexander and John Ross on June 25, 2001 at Port Alberni." Victoria, BC: Traditions Consulting Services, Inc., 2001. ———. "Interview with Archie Thompson on November 28, 2003." Traditions Consulting Services, Inc., Victoria, BC, 2003.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 106 Thompson, Archie, and Vernon Ross. "Interview with Archie Thompson and Vernon Ross by Kevin Neary on September 9, 2003." Traditions Consulting Services, Inc. Victoria, BC, 2003. ———. "Interview with Archie Thompson and Vernon Ross by Kevin Neary with Maureen Touchie, David Johnsen and Karen McCoy on September 10, 2003 at Ucluelet." Victoria, BC: Traditions Consulting Services, Inc., Victoria, BC, 2003. Tom. "Uchucklesits Exterminate Kiihin." In Native Accounts of Nootka Ethnography, edited by Edward Sapir and Morris Swadesh, 457. Bloomington: Indiana University, 1913. Traditions Consulting Services, Inc. Culture and Heritage Study, Marine Resource Sites and Activities, Maa­nulth First Nations; Proposal Prepared for Maa­nulth First Nations and the Province of British Columbia, 2003. Ucluelet First Nation, Toquaht First Nation, Uchucklesaht First Nation, Hupacasath First Nation, and D.M. Cultural Services Ltd. "Understanding Our Land: Southern Nuu Chah Nulth Traditional Use Study." Unpublished report submitted to Aboriginal Affairs Branch, Ministry of Forests, 2001. ———. "Understanding Our Land: Southern Nuu Chah Nulth Traditional Use Study." Unpublished report submitted to Aboriginal Affairs Branch, Ministry of Forests, 1999. Wagner, Henry .R. Spanish Explorations in the Strait of Juan De Fuca. A.M.S. Press 1971 Reprint ed. Santa Ana, California: Fine Arts Press, 1933. Walker, Alexander. An Account of a Voyage to the Northwest Coast of America in 1785 and 1786. Edited by Robin Fisher and J.M. Bumsted. Vancouver/Seattle: Douglas and McIntyre/University of Washington Press, 1982. Whymper, Frederick. "Journal V.I.E.E." B.C. Archives, Add Mss 794, 1864. William. "Description of Tribal Territories." In Edward Sapir Nootka Materials. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society Library, Franz Boas Collection of American Linguistica, W2a.18; Notebook xxiv, 1913. Williams, Barney. "Interview with Barney Williams by Kevin Neary on Sept. 30, 2003." Traditions Consulting Services, Inc., Victoria, B.C., 2003.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 107 Appendix A: Activity Definitions List The following definitions list for cultural heritage sites activities is derived, with some modification, from the definitions provided by the Traditional Use Study Program of the Province of British Columbia.388

DWELLING: • A place or area where Native people reside either permanently or temporarily in shelters ranging in complexity from no structure at all or simple windbreaks that are occupied briefly, to substantial permanent dwellings that are used as home base settlements. Please use the Archaeological Site Recording Form and Guide to record dwelling sites that also contain archaeological remains.

FISHING: • Any place where a fishing activity takes place. In the case of fishing banks, jigging areas, trolling areas, etc., the locations are most often delineated by taking bearings from prominent landforms. Places are further classified in the entity field by the nature of the technology used at each place.

HUNTING/ TRAPPING: • Places and/or areas where land mammals, sea mammals or birds are obtained for subsistence purposes. This includes hunting areas such as rookeries, seal caves, haul­outs or hunting territory; and stations such as a blind site, a trap site, an animal drive, or a duck net site. The entity hunting territory has been included to record the locations of band or family owned areas. The different categories are identified further in the entity field by the technology used and/or the function of the place. • A linear site where traps are set for the capture of fur bearing animals.

SEAFOOD GATHERING: • Places in the intertidal zone used for seafood collection; riverine locations for the collection of freshwater shellfish; and places for collecting fish spawn (generally, in small bays or in the vicinity of rocky islets). Among some coastal Aboriginal groups, clam and cockle beds were cultivated by removing the rocks from the beach. Entity examples include: fish spawn source, shellfish bed, crab source, chiton source, sea­urchin source and seaweed source. • Places in the subtidal zone used for seafood collection. An Entity example would be roe source.

“OTHER” Sites:

Archaeological Site: • A place or location that has archaeological remains associated with it. These sites will have been issued a Borden Designation (e.g. EaSu­001) and will have an

388 http://www.for.gov.bc.ca/aab/int_msrs/tus/S3_PInt.HTM

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 108 Archaeological Inventory Site Form on file.

Burial: • A place or area used for the repository of the dead.

Communication: • A place, linear site or area that is used for the designated purpose of transportation or communication. (e.g. trail.)

Conflict: • A place referred to in oral narrative that was the site of conflict between groups of people.

Education: • A place where educational instruction is provided.

First contact: • A place within a Native group's territory where they first encountered non­ natives.

Food Preparation: • A place where a material is manipulated from its raw state to a usable product (cooking). Preparation sites include areas where fish is processed (cannery, smoke house butchering site or drying rack), or where people camp while applying their technology to process material for further use (steaming pit, etc.).

Food Storage. • A place located outside of a habitation where food is stored. Such sites can either be in the ground, constructed on the ground, or elevated above the ground.

Forecasting: • Includes sites associated with forecasting the weather, quantity of fish runs, etc.

Forestry: • Any place where forestry activity takes place, and where products for human use are obtained. (e.g. bark removal area, aboriginal logging area, etc.)

Gaming: • A place or area associated with gaming activities

Government: • A place where a group of individuals administers the daily affairs of people.

Marker site: • A place associated with tribe/local group boundaries, navigation/orientation, etc.

Material Preparation:

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 109 • A place where a material is manipulated from its raw state to a usable product. Preparation sites include areas where stone or plant material is processed or where people camp while applying their technology to process material for further use (plant fiber processing area, site for controlled burning, etc.).

Medical: • A place known for the presence of rare or abundant species of plants used in the treatment of illness. These sites are often situated in secluded areas, away from human activity.

Mining/Quarrying: • Mining sites may include places where the following sources are collected: ochre, quartz crystal, obsidian, stone for pecking, slate, and steatite.

Named Place: • A named place is a topographical feature that comprises part of a group's mental map and becomes part of a group's story, even though the landform may not be seen as symbolic of something in the ideological realm. Named places are listed under the Purpose Cultural landform.

Non­Vegetation Area: • A place where materials, other than plant sources, are obtained for food or technological purposes. Food harvesting areas include fresh water sites and egg gathering sites. Material harvesting sites include dentalia areas, giant mussel areas, pectin areas, operculum areas and goat wool areas. Ceremonial/Religious sites might include ochre collecting areas or copper deposits. A medicinal sites might be a Blue heron source.

Plant Gathering: • A place or area used for plant harvesting or for the processing of plant foods. (e.g. tobacco growing areas, location of beds of cinquefoil and wild clover beds, etc.) • A place or area used for plant harvesting or plant processing for food, technology, trade and displays of wealth. Under the Purpose food harvesting and the Purpose vegetation area, details would be entered under Entity (e.g. tobacco growing areas, cinquefoil and wild clover beds, historic subsistence garden areas, etc.) Under the Purpose material harvesting, the vegetation area would be a place or area where plant or tree materials are obtained for technological purposes. Places are further identified in the Entity field by the type of vegetation used in a particular area (e.g. pitch source, plant fiber source, seaweed source, root source, etc.). Under the Purpose ceremonial/religious, the vegetation area would be a place known specifically as a location used for the acquisition of plant materials used for ceremonial purposes (e.g. cedar, western spruce, etc.).

Reserve: • A place that has been given a Reserve designation by the Federal Government. • A site that lies within a Reserve. For example an Archaeological Site that lies within the boundaries of a Reserve.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 110

Spiritual: • A place used commonly for bathing, spiritual renewal or for the on­going affirmation of assistance from spirit partners. Sites used for spiritual cleansing have certain features in common: they must be in a location containing water and trees, they must be isolated from the activity areas of a community and they must not be situated along a regularly used path. (e.g. sweat house, ritual diving place, ritual bathing pool, whalers shrine, cave, etc.). • Places where ritual paraphernalia are placed after being used. Such locations are often not site specific, although certain general wilderness areas situated away from human activity are sometimes identified as locations used for this purpose. (e.g. spirit dancer costume/staff site, an interior winter­dance Chinook house pole site, etc.) • A site where people perform an act in a prescribed manner in order to make contact with non­human beings. • A place or area associated with guardian spirit questing (an activity designed to result in the acquisition of a spiritual helper). Some of these sites may contain the physical manifestations of such activities in the form of pictographs and rock cairns. Specific hills and remote lakes are sometimes associated with guardian spirit questing. (e.g. rock art sites, rock cairn, training in skill/endurance, etc.) • A place or area used for the deposition of items that must be kept away from human activity to ensure they are not exposed to witchcraft. (e.g. placenta burial site, umbilicus burial site, infant ritual site, etc.)

Sport: • A place or area where people engaged in a sport activity. Swimming would be included in this activity.

Therapeutic: • A place having a property in the water or earth believed to have a therapeutic value; an area known for the presence of rare or abundant species of plants used in the treatment of illness. Medicinal sites include, for example, hot springs, salt lakes, specific streams, mud ponds, hellebore root sources and spruce pitch sources.

Tribal History: • A place or area where non­human beings are believed to linger. Giants, water monsters, thunderbirds, dwarfs, "tree­thumpers" and other such beings that exist in the non­human world are found at locations classified within this activity. The unifying characteristic of the places classified within this place­type is that they all involve non­human beings which imbue a site with their presence, but do not necessarily leave a mark on the landscape. Some sites associated with non­human beings are forbidden places believed to cause misfortune to those who go there. Yet because certain places are associated with non­humans, they are ideal sites for making contact with potential non­human partners (guardian spirit powers), and are occasionally used for this purpose. Their use as spirit questing areas by certain individuals, however, is secondary to their association with the beings believed to

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 111 reside there. • A place used collectively by the community to hold rituals associated with the harvesting of the first foods of the season. The type of food for which a first foods ceremony is held varies among Aboriginal groups. • A place associated with a popular story that has been handed down. (e.g. flood story site, legendary event site and battle site. etc.) • A place associated with the origin of a tribe or ceremonial object. For use under Purpose Traditional history.

Water supply: • A stream, spring, pond or other water source from where fresh water can be obtained.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 112 Appendix B: Project Bibliography

The following bibliography was compiled by project researchers from existing bibliographic source materials located within each of the Maa­nulth First Nations’ archives. The references included in this bibliography are those considered as having potential to have information relevant to the current project. The bibliography is based on other source bibliographies; some entries may require editing for accuracy, completeness and consistency.

Anderson, Alexander Caulfield. "Notes on the Indian Tribes of British North America and the Northwest Coast." Historical Magazine 1863.

Andrews, Rebecca W. "Hiaqua: Use of Dentalium Shells by the Native Peoples of the Pacific Northwest." M.A., University of Washington, 1989.

Arcas Consulting Archeologists Ltd., and Archeo Tech Associates. "Cultural Heritage Resource Overview, Clayoquot Sound Land Use Decision Area." Arcas Consulting Archeologists, Archeo Tech Associates, 1994.

Arcas Consulting Archeologists Ltd. GIS Modeling of Archaeological Potential for the Northern Nuu-Chah-Nulth Hahoulthees: Report prepared for and on file with Nootka First Nations Forest Products Ltd. Gold River, BC, 1998.

Archaeology Branch. Traditional Use Site Recording Guide: Ministry of Small Business, Tourism, and Culture; Province of British Columbia, 1996.

———. British Columbia Archaeological Inventory Guidelines: Ministry of Small Business, Tourism and Culture, Archaeology Branch, for the Culture Task Force Resources Inventory Committee. Victoria, B.C., 2000.

Archeo Tech Associates. "The Nuu-chah-nulth Sustainable Development Interest in Clayoquot Sound." Victoria, B.C.: Clayoquot Sound Sustainable Development Strategy Steering Committee, 1991.

———."Huu-Ay-Aht Traditional Use Study: Interview Summaries and Transcripts." Port Alberni: Huu-ay-aht First Nations Treaty Office, 1996.

———. "A Traditional Use Study of Six Macmillan Bloedel Openings and a Cultural Heritage Overview of Planned Openings in Huu-Ay-Aht Territory." Port Alberni, B.C.: MacMillan Bloedel Ltd., Franklin Woodlands Division, 1997.

Archeo Tech Associates, and Arcas Consulting Archeologists Ltd. Chicklesaht Bay and Outer Kyuquot Sound Cultural Heritage Resource Overview: Report prepared for and on file with BC Parks, Parksville, BC, and the Kyuquot First Nation. Kyuquot, BC., 1995.

Archer, Martin. "Charts and Surveys of the West Coast." Victoria: British Columbia Archives and Records Service, 1917.

Arima, Eugene Y. The West Coast People: The Nootka of Vancouver Island and Cape Flattery, British Columbia Provincial Museum Special Publication, No. 6. Victoria: British Columbia Provincial Museum, 1983.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 113 ———. "Ho:!I:?Ath Historical Traditions as Told by Chief Louie." Translated by Alex Thomas. Ottawa: National Historic Parks and Sites, 1983.

———. "Notes on Nootkan Sea Mammal Hunting." Arctic Anthropology 25, no. No. 1 (1988): 16-28.

Arima, Eugene Y., Denis St. Claire, Louis Clamhouse, Joshua Edgar, Charles Jones, and John Thomas. Between Ports Alberni and Renfrew : Notes on West Coast Peoples. Vol. 121, Canadian Ethnology Service Mercury Series Paper. Hull, Quebec: Canadian Museum of Civilization, 1991.

Arima, Eugene, and John Dewhirst. "Nootkans of Vancouver Island." In Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 7, Northwest Coast., edited by Wayne Suttles, 391- 411. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1990.

Arima, Eugene Y. and Jon van Arsdell. BC Whaling: The Indians. Edited by Howard White. Madeira Park, BC: Harbour Publishing, 1976.

B.C. Executive Council. "Interview of Indian Chiefs with Executive." 1911.

Baker, Mildred. "The Relations of the Early Fur Companies with the Indians of the Pacific Northwest." M.A. thesis, University of Oregon, 1929.

Bancroft, H.H. History of the Northwest Coast, 1543 - 1800. 1884,1886, reprint 1890 ed. 2 vols. San Francisco: Bancroft, 1884.

Bancroft, Hubert Howe. The Native Races of the Pacific States of North America. New York: D. Appleton, 1875.

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Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 144 Appendix C: Marine Resource Site Maps

Marine Resource Sites This collection of maps illustrates the “Marine Resource Sites” documented in the Ucluelet First Nation’s cultural heritage site database described previously in this report.

For the purposes of this report “Marine Resource Sites” are considered to be the cultural heritage sites that: • are located on the ocean, or on a marine shoreline; • have a marine component (e.g. a salmon fishing site on a river); and/or • are located within .5 km. of a marine shoreline. 389

The Marine Resource maps in Appendix C and have been broken down into the five categories, previously described: Dwelling, Fishing, Hunting/Trapping, Seafood Gathering and “Other.”

The complete database and GIS data for all cultural heritage sites, not just “marine resource sites” are included on the CD included together with this report as Appendix D.

389 Sites within .5 kilometer of a marine shoreline have been included in the selection of “marine resource sites,” as these may be impacted in the event of an oil or other toxic spill, and/or a subsequent cleanup operation.

Maa-nulth First Nations Culture and Heritage Study Final Report Page 145