Downloading of Respon- from the Federal Government Slashed

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Downloading of Respon- from the Federal Government Slashed ALTERNATIVE FEDERAL BUDGET 2013 DOING BETTER TOGETHER ISBN 978-1-77125-059-7 This report is available free of charge at www. policyalternatives.ca. Printed copies may be or- dered through the CCPA National Office for $10. PleaSe make a doNatIoN... Help us to continue to offer our publications free online. With your support we can continue to produce high quality research — and make sure it gets into the hands of citizens, journalists, policy makers and progres- sive organizations. Visit www.policyalternatives.ca or call 613-563-1341 for more information. The opinions and recommendations in this report, and any errors, are those of the authors, and do not necessarily reflect the views of the publishers or funders of this report. 5 Introduction 8 Macroeconomic Policy 24 Fair and Progressive Taxation 31 Aboriginal Women 37 Arts and Culture 41 Cities and Communities 48 Communications 54 Defence 58 Early Childhood Education and Care 63 Employment Insurance 67 Energy 71 Environment 77 First Nations 82 Food Sovereignty 89 Health Care 96 Housing 103 Immigration 110 International Development 114 Official Languages 116 Post-Secondary Education 121 Poverty and Inequality 128 Sustaining Public Services 135 Sector Development Policy 141 Seniors and Retirement Security 146 Trade Policy 151 Water 158 Women’s Equality 163 Youth 167 Appendix 170 Ackowledgements Introduction Fragile growth. Strong headwinds. We know enues and expenditures but triggered another how hard it has been for governments, many round of recession across Europe. businesses, and people to make progress Even the International Monetary Fund these days. But we can do better. has admitted that they got it wrong: the ef- With the federal government a willing fects of austerity on economic recovery were partner, Canadians can seize the opportun- much worse than anticipated. ities presented by growth, and counteract Despite this evidence, the Harper gov- the factors that are increasing inequalities ernment is sticking with austerity, a position between generations and between regions. it has promoted for years. Only after it was In order to do this, the next federal budget threatened with political defeat, and pushed needs to offer a plan for how everyone in Can- by the international community, did it imple- ada can prosper. ment a stimulus program in 2009. However, The 2008 global financial and economic it was a flawed program with poorly target- crisis continues to plague the prospects for ed tax cuts that outpaced spending by three recovery five years later. Europe and Japan to one. Moreover, tax cuts were made perma- are mired in recession. The Canadian and nent while spending increases were tempor- U.S. economies are struggling with sluggish ary, inadequate, and also poorly targeted. growth and high unemployment. The emer- The government’s so-called Action Plan ging economies of Asia and Latin America for Jobs and Growth — referenced endlessly by are slowing. government spokespeople and reinforced by Fiscal stimulus is over in most industrial- a massive advertising campaign — has been ized nations, and yet private sector expansion unable to document how the action plan cre- has not resumed. Many nations have turned to ated jobs or growth that was unrelated to expansionary monetary policy to bring about the global demand for commodities. Today, growth. It’s not working. From the U.K. to the Conservatives only priority is to elimin- Greece, austerity plans have done the oppos- ate the deficit which, once achieved, will al- ite of what governments said they’d accom- low them to bring in a whole new round of plish. By cutting spending to reduce budget tax and spending cuts. This strategy doesn’t deficits, the resulting job and income losses take advantage of either the power of the have slowed the economy further, which has market or the power of government to help not only widened the budget gap between rev- us do better, together. Doing Better Together: Alternative Federal Budget 2013 5 Despite scaremongering from business, households with the highest profits and in- media pundits, and government spokes- comes — to contribute their fair share. people, it bears repeating: Canada faces no Since the mid-1990s, tax cuts at all lev- fiscal deficit crisis. But we do face plenty of els of government (which have dispropor- other deficits — infrastructure deficits, defi- tionately benefited wealthy corporations cits in how we have invested in future gen- and the very richest among us) have reduced erations. governments’ revenue-raising capacity. Yet The federal budget deficit is entirely man- the demand on government-provided servi- ageable at 1.5% of GDP. Debt servicing costs ces is escalating. Businesses, communities, are at historic lows. This leaves the federal and families alike require the repair and ex- government plenty of fiscal room to jump- pansion of their physical and human infra- start the economy and make the necessary structure if they are going to be able to con- investments in our social, economic, and en- tinue to contribute to the Canadian economy vironmental future. to their fullest potential. We are unlikely to see a solid recovery If the overall tax level were simply restored until they do. Household debt continues to to what it was in the mid-1990s, Canadian gov- grow, breaking all historic records of indebt- ernments would have $90 billion more per edness. People are borrowing more just to year to invest in the public services essen- stay in place. Trade deficits continue to be a tial to our collective health and well-being. drag on economic expansion, as more Can- We think of Canada as a kinder, gentler adian cash goes offshore than is brought in. country. Since the mid-1990s, however, Can- Companies are sitting on almost $600 billion ada has fallen from 14th most equal nation in cash reserves but are not investing, fear- to 22nd among 32 OECD nations (a more rap- ful that there will be insufficient demand for id decline than even the U.S.). Meanwhile 15 their products. Provincial and municipal gov- OECD nations — including peers such as Nor- ernments have done more of the heavy lift- way, Italy and the U.K. — were reducing in- ing in this recession than in the recessions of equality. Why can’t we do better? the 1980s and 1990s. Today the federal gov- AFB 2013 spurs economic recovery, cre- ernment is the only major sector which has ates jobs, invests in infrastructure, boosts the fiscal room to expand. green industries necessary for the transition Alternative Federal Budget 2013 shows to a low-carbon economy, strengthens the tax how we can use a federal budget plan to do system, and reduces inequality. better, together. AFB 2013 allows us to take back our fu- AFB 2013 says it’s time to end the fiscal ture. It shows how we can restore a sense of fantasy that we can do better without paying the public good — a sense that we can do bet- for the world we want. AFB 2013 sets out a ter together rather than continuing on the plan that builds fiscal capacity responsibly. dead-end path of austerity and market-driv- It phases in tax increases, as recovery per- en “solutions” that don’t benefit the major- mits, and asks those with the greatest abil- ity of Canadians. ity to pay — the fortunate businesses and Alternative Federal Budget 2013 stands in solidarity with the Occupy movement, with 6 Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives Idle No More, with the labour movement, can the health of the so-called job creators with the environmental movement, and with become more important than the health of all who work for social, environmental, and the rest of us? How do we put people and the economic justice. natural world that sustains all else, at the As Alex Himmelfarb, former Clerk of the centre of the agenda?” Privy Council, speaking at a recent CCPA Alternative Federal Budget 2013 says we forum, said: “How did fiscal health become can meet these challenges and do better, more important than human health? How together. Doing Better Together: Alternative Federal Budget 2013 7 Macroeconomic Policy Canada on Austerity Auto-Pilot ing back up again as government austerity bites into growth. Since the expiry of Canada’s stimulus pro- While the government is fond of laud- grams two years ago, little thought has been ing Canada’s economic growth since the re- put into getting the country back on its feet cession, an international comparison puts again. Instead of focussing on sustaining a our performance into better relief. From a fragile recovery by putting Canadians back Gross Domestic Product (GDP) perspective, to work, governments have switched rapid- Canada’s economy has returned an annual ly into “austerity mode” by cutting govern- average of 0.9% growth between 2008 and ment services when they are needed the most. 2011, the most recent year for which the Or- Growth is the problem in Canada, not defi- ganisation for Economic Co-ordination and cits. Austerity is not the answer to growth. Development (OECD) has consistent data.1 In fact, austerity provides just the opposite This is slightly better than the OECD aver- of growth, pulling much-needed spending age of 0.4% over the same period. Develop- out of the economy just when it is recover- ing countries like China, Turkey and Mexico ing. With 1.4 million Canadians still unem- performed better than Canada. ployed, and the country still in a strong fiscal GDP by itself is only part of economic position, further depressing weak economic prosperity. The economy needs to not only growth is not the answer. grow but to at least keep up with Canadian Without intervention, stagnant growth population growth.
Recommended publications
  • SHOULD WE TAX UNHEALTHY FOODS and DRINKS? Donald Marron, Maeve Gearing, and John Iselin December 2015
    SHOULD WE TAX UNHEALTHY FOODS AND DRINKS? Donald Marron, Maeve Gearing, and John Iselin December 2015 Donald Marron is director of economic policy initiatives and Institute fellow at the Urban Institute, Maeve Gearing is a research associate at the Urban Institute, and John Iselin is a research assistant at the Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center. The authors thank Laudan Aron, Kyle Caswell, Philip Cook, Stan Dorn, Lisa Dubay, William Gale, Genevieve Kenney, Adele Morris, Eric Toder, and Elaine Waxman for helpful comments and conversations; Joseph Rosenberg for running the Tax Policy Center model; Cindy Zheng for research assistance; Elizabeth Forney for editing; and Joanna Teitelbaum for formatting. This report was funded by the Laura and John Arnold Foundation. We thank our funders, who make it possible for Urban to advance its mission. The views expressed are those of the authors and should not be attributed to our funders, the Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center, the Urban Institute, or its trustees. Funders do not determine our research findings or the insights and recommendations of our experts. For more information on our funding principles, go to urban.org/support. TAX POLICY CENTER | URBAN INSTITUTE & BROOKINGS INSTITUTION EXECUTIVE SUMMARY A healthy diet is essential to a long and vibrant life. But there is increasing evidence that our diets are not as healthy as we would like. Obesity, diabetes, hypertension, and other conditions linked to what we eat and drink are major challenges globally. By some estimates, obesity alone may be responsible for almost 3 million deaths each year and some $2 trillion in medical costs and lost productivity (Dobbs et al.
    [Show full text]
  • A Local Excise Tax on Sugary Drinks
    DENVER: Sugary Drink Excise Tax Executive Summary Continually rising rates of obesity represent one of the greatest public health threats facing the United States. Obesity has been linked to excess consumption of sugary drinks. Federal, state, and local governments have considered implementing excise taxes on sugary drinks to reduce consumption, reduce obesity and provide a new source of government revenue.1-4 We modeled implementation of a city excise tax, a tax on sugary drinks only, at a tax rate of $0.02/ ounce. The tax model was projected to be cost-saving and resulted in lower levels of sugary drink consumption, thousands of cases of obesity prevented, and hundreds of millions of dollars in health care cost savings. Health care cost savings per dollar invested was $11 in the model. Results prepared by Denver Public Health and the CHOICES Project team at the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health: Moreland J, Kraus (McCormick) E, Long MW, Ward ZJ, Giles CM, Barrett JL, Cradock AL, Resch SC, Greatsinger A, Tao H, Flax CN, and Gortmaker SL. Funded by The JPB Foundation. Results are those of the authors and not the funders. For further information, contact cgiles@ hsph.harvard.edu and visit www.choicesproject.org The information in this report is intended to provide educational information on the cost-effectiveness of Sugary Drink Taxes. 1 DENVER: Sugary Drink Excise Tax Background Although sugary drink consumption has declined in recent years, adolescents and young adults in the United States consume more sugar than the Dietary Guidelines
    [Show full text]
  • A Legal & Practical Guide for Designing Sugary Drink Taxes
    A Legal and Practical Guide for Designing Sugary Drink Taxes Second Edition Cola SPORT ENERGY Contents Introduction 3 Why Tax Sugary Drinks? 5 Legal Authority 7 Preemption 8 Sugary Drink Tax Design 9 What Type of Tax to Pass 10 Defining the Tax Base 11 Which Beverages Are Subject to the Tax? 14 Setting the Tax Rate 16 Dedication of Revenues 17 Ballot Measure Versus Legislation 20 Implementing the Tax 21 Key Implementation Steps 21 Tax Education and Community Outreach Activities 22 Potential Challenges to Tax Efforts 23 Conclusion 25 Appendix I: Model Findings 26 Appendix II: Sample and Model Ordinance Language 31 Notes 36 TABLES Table 1: Sugary Drink Taxes in the United States as of November 30, 2018 6 Table 2: Comparing Sugary Drink Tax Bases 13 Table 3: Product Price Changes for Volume- and Sugar-Based Taxes 16 Table 4: Activities and Programs Funded by Sugary Drink Taxes 17 2 A Legal and Practical Guide for Designing Sugary Drink Taxes | changelabsolutions.org | healthyfoodamerica.org Introduction Sugary drinks are the number one source of added In the last few years, one strategy has received sugars in our diet, representing almost half of growing support from both the public and all added sugars consumed in the United States.1 policymakers: taxing sugary drinks to both reduce These added sugars are a major contributor to consumption and raise revenues that can be the country’s high rates of heart disease, type 2 invested in promoting healthier communities. diabetes, obesity, poor oral health, and other chronic Recently enacted sugary
    [Show full text]
  • A Critical Review Exploring Taxation on Sugar-Sweetened Beverages As a Strategy to Address Obesity in Canada
    Journal of the HEIA Vol. 26, No. 1, 2020 A critical review exploring taxation on sugar-sweetened beverages as a strategy to address obesity in Canada Alyssa Ramuscak This is the joint winning paper in the graduate category of the Dr Elisabeth Feniak Award for Excellence in Technical Writing 2019 presented by the Canadian Home Economics Foundation. Abstract such as cardiovascular disease, diabetes and Canada’s growing obesity epidemic has the certain cancers, and places individuals at a potential to threaten the sustainability of our greater risk of premature death (Niebylski et al., economy and healthcare system (Niebylski et al., 2015; PHAC & CIHI, 2011). In 2008, obesity 2015). Currently, one in four Canadian adults are cost the Canadian economy $4.6 billion and this obese, placing them at a higher risk of chronic cost is projected to continue to grow (PHAC & diseases and premature death (Navaneelan & CIHI, 2011). If no proactive measures are taken Janz, 2014). To address this growing issue, to address the obesity epidemic, obesity has the the World Health Organization (WHO) potential to threaten global economies and the recommends using national-level strategies to sustainability of healthcare systems (Niebylski et combat obesity. Specifically, WHO has outlined al., 2015). that these strategies should include economic tools such as taxes to promote the consumption Taxation of unhealthy foods—for example, of healthier foods and beverages (Veerman et sugar-sweetened beverages (SSBs)—has been al., 2016). Currently, 40 countries and several recommended by several health organisations as jurisdictions in the United States (US) have a viable national-level strategy to address obesity (Veerman et al., 2016).
    [Show full text]
  • Protecting the Health of All Residents: a Sugary Drink Excise Tax in DC
    Protecting the Health of All Residents: A Sugary Drink Excise Tax in DC Introduction Excess consumption of added sugars, especially from sugary drinks, poses a grave threat to the health of children, adolescents and adults in the District of Columbia, disproportionately affecting low-income and minority communities. An excise tax on soda and other sugary drinks in the District would decrease consumption, reduce the health impacts caused by excess sugar consumption, and provide an important source of revenue to promote equity and reduce health disparities in the District. Sugary Drink Consumption Linked to Poor Health Sugary drinks contribute to excess consumption of added sugars, which is linked to numerous chronic health conditions, including type 2 diabetes1, heart disease2, and obesity.3 The 2015-2020 Dietary Guidelines for Americans recommends that added sugars account for no more than 10% of calories4, but children and adolescents are consuming 17% of their calories from added sugars.5 Sugary drinks, which include regular soda, fruit drinks, sports and energy drinks, and sweet tea, are the number one source of added sugars in the American diet, contributing nearly 50% of added sugars.6 Sugary Drinks Fast Facts • Are the leading source of added sugars in the US diet • Provide no nutritional value • Increase risk for: obesity type 2 diabetes cardiovascular disease hypertension liver disease tooth decay The American Heart Association (AHA) recommends no more than six teaspoons of added sugar per day for adult women and children and nine teaspoons for men. A single 20-ounce bottle of soda has 17 teaspoons (65 grams) of added sugar—nearly twice the AHA recommendation for sugar consumption for an adult man and three times the recommendation for a child.7 Consumption of sugar in drinks is particularly problematic because it lacks nutritional value, is easy to consume in large amounts and fails to make people feel full.
    [Show full text]
  • Drink on Me—Modifying the Laws Regarding Energy Drinks in Australia
    Have a (Non-Energy) Drink on Me—Modifying the Laws Regarding Energy Drinks in Australia MARILYN BROMBERG, NICHOLAS CARDACI, GINA TRAPP & KATHY LUONG* ABSTRACT Energy drinks are a relatively new product that are available worldwide. They are non-alcoholic beverages that contain caffeine and may also contain carbohydrates, amino acids, vitamins, and other substances. When energy drinks are consumed, they can cause negative health repercussions, particularly upon children. This Article explains the negative health impacts that energy drinks can have upon children and it also examines the law concerning energy drinks in-depth in three key areas: taxes, advertising, and labeling. This Article is one of the few peer-reviewed journal articles to argue, from a legal perspective, that governments must ban the sale of energy drinks to children. INTRODUCTION Don’t judge an energy drink by its cover. When looking at an energy drink, a person sees an attractively packaged beverage with enticing slogans making promises of enhanced performance. Admittedly, the companies producing these energy drinks recommend that adolescents do not consume them. Ironically, adolescents are among the group with the highest consumption rates, as data suggests that one in every two Australian adolescents consume them.1 When looking beneath the surface and reviewing the health literature, an individual will find that in stark contrast to the cover, energy drinks can negatively affect young people in a variety of ways. It is crucial to comprehensively consider the legislation that regulates them and ensure that * Dr. Marilyn Bromberg is a senior lecturer at the University of Western Australia Law School.
    [Show full text]
  • Taxing Sugary Beverages to Expand Prekindergarten: the Advocacy Lessons of Philadelphia and Santa Fe
    Taxing Sugary Beverages to Expand Prekindergarten: The Advocacy Lessons of Philadelphia and Santa Fe Adele Robinson and Eric Luedtke University of Maryland College Park November 2018 Contents Methodology and Acknowledgments ........................................................................................................... 1 1 Introduction ...................................................................................................................................................... 2 2 Preemption Law and Advocacy Venue......................................................................................................... 3 3 Philadelphia’s Special Situation ..................................................................................................................... 4 4 Political Leadership ......................................................................................................................................... 5 5 Coalitions, Grassroots, and Grasstops .......................................................................................................... 5 6 Competing Messages ....................................................................................................................................... 7 7 Council Deliberations, Alternatives, and Decisions .................................................................................... 8 8 Financing Advocacy .....................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • SUGARY DRINK TAXES: How a Sugary Drink Tax Can Benefit Rhode Island
    SUGARY DRINK TAXES: how a sugary drink tax can benefit Rhode Island As of now, seven cities across the nation have successfully implemented sugar-sweetened beverage (SSB) taxes, also known as sugary drink taxes. Evaluations of these taxes not only show the important health benefits of adopting this tax but shed light on the best strategies for implementation of this policy. Below are some valuable findings from the cities that have implemented SSB taxes and how this data can be used to implement the tax in Rhode Island. How do SSB taxes impact health? Currently, SSBs are the leading source of added sugar in the American diet and there is extensive evidence showing an association between these beverages and an increased risk of type 2 diabetes, cardiovascular disease, dental caries, osteoporosis, and obesity.1 Yet, multiple cities that have implemented the SSB tax have seen downward trends in the consumption of SSBs that could lead to improved health outcomes and greater healthcare savings.1 Three years after implementing the tax, Berkeley saw a 50% average decline in SSB consumption with an increase in water consumption. Similarly, in Philadelphia, the probability of consuming regular soda fell by 25% and the intake of water rose by 44% only six months after the tax was effective.2 Philadelphia adults who typically consumed one regular soda per day before the tax transitioned to drinking soda every three days after the tax.2 This shift in behavior has very important health implications; SSB taxes are linked with a significant reduction in the incidence of cardiovascular diseases and with a decrease in BMI and body weight.
    [Show full text]
  • The Pros and Cons of Taxing Sweetened Beverages Based On
    STATE AND LOCAL FINANCE INITIATIVE RESEARCH REPORT The Pros and Cons of Taxing Sweetened Beverages Based on Sugar Content Norton Francis Donald Marron Kim Rueben December 2016 ABOUT THE URBAN INSTITUTE The nonprofit Urban Institute is dedicated to elevating the debate on social and economic policy. For nearly five decades, Urban scholars have conducted research and offered evidence-based solutions that improve lives and strengthen communities across a rapidly urbanizing world. Their objective research helps expand opportunities for all, reduce hardship among the most vulnerable, and strengthen the effectiveness of the public sector. Copyright © December 2016. Urban Institute. Permission is granted for reproduction of this file, with attribution to the Urban Institute. Cover image by Tim Meko. Contents Acknowledgments v Executive Summary vi The Pros and Cons of Taxing Sweetened Beverages Based on Sugar Content 1 Taxing Sugar Content Is the Least Costly Way to Reduce Sugar Consumption 3 Sugar Content 3 Previous Studies 4 Modeling Different Tax Approaches 4 Distributional Considerations 6 Business Responses and Reformulation 6 Taxing Based on Sugar Content Is Feasible at the National Level 7 Taxing Based on Sugar Content Raises More Issues at the State and Local Level but Is Generally Feasible As Well 8 Collection Points 8 Legal Authority 9 Cross-Border Coordination 11 Experience with Taxes Based on Content or Categories 12 Conclusion 13 Appendix A. Modeling Policy Trade-Offs in Designing Sweetened-Beverage Taxes 15 Model 15 Strategy 15 Consumer Demand 16 Soft Drink Volumes, Prices, and Sugar Content 16 Pass-Through 17 Outcomes of Interest 17 Tax Designs 18 Results 19 Taxes That Raise the Same Revenue 19 Taxes That Achieve the Same Reduction in Sugar 21 Discussion and Limitations 22 Notes 24 References 26 About the Authors 28 Statement of Independence 30 IV CONTENTS Acknowledgments This report was funded by the American Heart Association with additional funds from other general support funders of the State and Local Finance Initiative.
    [Show full text]
  • 2018 Advocacy Summit Proposal Appendix
    2018 Advocacy Summit Proposal Appendix 2018 SESSION INTRODUCED 18102670D INTRODUCED 1 SENATE BILL NO. 732 2 Offered January 10, 2018 3 Prefiled January 10, 2018 4 A BILL to amend and reenact §§ 18.2-308.09, 18.2-308.2:1, 18.2-308.2:2, 18.2-308.2:3, and 19.2-386.28 5 of the Code of Virginia and to amend the Code of Virginia by adding a section numbered 6 18.2-308.1:6, relating to purchase, possession, and transport of firearms following certain 7 convictions; permit to restore rights; penalties. 8 ±±±±±±±±±± Patron±±Favola 9 ±±±±±±±±±± 10 Referred to Committee for Courts of Justice 11 ±±±±±±±±±± 12 Be it enacted by the General Assembly of Virginia: 13 1. That §§ 18.2-308.09, 18.2-308.2:1, 18.2-308.2:2, 18.2-308.2:3, and 19.2-386.28 of the Code of 14 Virginia are amended and reenacted and that the Code of Virginia is amended by adding a section 15 numbered 18.2-308.1:6 as follows: 16 § 18.2-308.09. Disqualifications for a concealed handgun permit. 17 The following persons shall be deemed disqualified from obtaining a permit: 18 1. An individual who is ineligible to possess a firearm pursuant to § 18.2-308.1:1, 18.2-308.1:2, or 19 18.2-308.1:3, or 18.2-308.1:6 or the substantially similar law of any other state or of the United States. 20 2. An individual who was ineligible to possess a firearm pursuant to § 18.2-308.1:1 and who was 21 discharged from the custody of the Commissioner pursuant to § 19.2-182.7 less than five years before 22 the date of his application for a concealed handgun permit.
    [Show full text]
  • Regressive Sin Taxes, with an Application to the Optimal Soda Tax
    Regressive Sin Taxes, with an Application to the Optimal Soda Tax Hunt Allcott, Benjamin B. Lockwood, and Dmitry Taubinsky∗ First version: January 2017 This version: May 2019 Abstract A common objection to \sin taxes"|corrective taxes on goods that are thought to be over- consumed, such as cigarettes, alcohol, and sugary drinks|is that they often fall dispropor- tionately on low-income consumers. This paper studies the interaction between corrective and redistributive motives in a general optimal taxation framework and delivers empirically imple- mentable formulas for sufficient statistics for the optimal commodity tax. The optimal sin tax is increasing in the price elasticity of demand, increasing in the degree to which lower-income consumers are more biased or more elastic to the tax, decreasing in the extent to which con- sumption is concentrated among the poor, and decreasing in income effects, because income effects imply that commodity taxes create labor supply distortions. Contrary to common intu- itions, stronger preferences for redistribution can increase the optimal sin tax, if lower-income consumers are more responsive to taxes or are more biased. As an application, we estimate the optimal nationwide tax on sugar-sweetened beverages, using Nielsen Homescan data and a spe- cially designed survey measuring nutrition knowledge and self-control. Holding federal income tax rates constant, our estimates imply an optimal federal sugar-sweetened beverage tax of 1 to 2.1 cents per ounce, although optimal city-level taxes could be as much as 60% lower due to cross-border shopping. ∗Allcott: New York University and NBER. [email protected].
    [Show full text]
  • Sugar-Sweetened Beverage Taxation – Industry Arguments Counter Messages and Evidence Updated August 2, 2021
    Sugar-Sweetened Beverage Taxation – Industry Arguments Counter Messages and Evidence Updated August 2, 2021 This SSB tax evidence sheet contains common opposition arguments against SSB taxation and effective counterarguments backed by the latest research. Taxing sugar-sweetened beverages (SSBs) is an effective, evidence-based public health response against rising rates of obesity, diabetes, and heart disease. To date, at least 46 countries, cities, and regions have instituted SSB taxes.1 SSB taxes decrease SSB consumption and encourage consumers to make healthier beverage choices, which can help to reduce obesity risk and subsequent risk of developing diet-related noncommunicable diseases (NCDs). SSBs impact geographies at a population level, encouraging behavior change through this policy intervention. Countries looking to address growing rates of obesity, type 2 diabetes and heart disease should strongly consider SSB taxes as part of a package of comprehensive healthy food policies. Using fact sheets provided by the Global Food Research Program at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill combined with additional analysis, this document attempts to lay out many industry arguments regarding SSB taxation in one document. SSB Taxes: An Overview SSB taxes are most frequently implemented as a type of excise tax – a tax applied to a specific product and levied on producers or distributors. Excise taxes help to incentivize behavior change because they can have a direct impact on the price of the product. These taxes also reduce administrative burden because rather than being collected from many different retailers, they can be collected directly from a smaller number of producers or distributors. Excise taxes can be applied as a specific tax, an ad valorem tax, or a mix of the two.
    [Show full text]