WHO DECIDES the ELECTION? a Study of Decisive Voter Groups Considering Voting for Biden

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

WHO DECIDES the ELECTION? a Study of Decisive Voter Groups Considering Voting for Biden ANALYSIS • Voters considering a Biden vote are heterogenous in their convictions, economic situation and outlook. DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS • Conspiracy belief is not isolated to Trump voters. Many voters considering Biden also score WHO DECIDES high on the conspiracy belief THE ELECTION? dimension. • A study of decisive voter groups The ‘Black Lives Matter protest considering voting for Biden movement’ and ‘Socialism’ were the most polarizing topics between US-voters. Tom Etienne, Andrew Pasquier, Yordan Kutiyski, Laura Van Heck & André Krouwel October 2020 • Populism, disinformation, polarization, and feelings of deprivation are on the rise, and this study provides anchor points for comparison with situations outside of the US. DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS WHO DECIDES THE ELECTION? A study of decisive voter groups considering voting for Biden In cooperation with Kieskompas – Election Compass, commissioned by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Table of contents Executive summary 2 1. INTRODUCTION 3 2. IDENTIFYING TRADITIONALLY DECISIVE DEMOGRAPHIC VOTER GROUPS 4 2.1 Who switched in 2016…? ................................................................... 4 2.2 …and will they again this November? .................................................... 5 2.3 Demographic groups that will decide the 2020 election ............................ 5 3. SEGMENTATION OF TRADITIONAL DECISIVE DEMOGRAPHIC GROUPS INTO LIKE-MINDED ‘VOTER TYPOLOGIES’ 7 3.1 Demographics of the seven voter typologies ........................................... 7 3.2 Political alignment ............................................................................... 9 3.3 Mind-set and psychographics: Mentality landscapes ................................. 12 3.4 Economic evaluations .......................................................................... 13 3.5 Political attitudes ................................................................................ 14 4. CONCLUSION 21 5. METHODOLOGY 22 Bibliography .................................................................................................. 23 1 FRIEDRICH-EBERT-STIFTUNG – Who Decides the Election? Executive summary Instead of carrying out a traditional demographic seg- ical well-being lower compared to other groups. Hence mentation of voter groups that enabled Trump to win the Biden is not leading a coalition only made up of ‘winners presidency in 2016, this study applies advanced statistical in the march of progress’. clustering techniques based on psychological measures and – A belief in conspiracy theories is not a domain exclusively political attitudes to segment crucial groups of voters that reserved for Trump voters. Many voters considering Biden could tip the balance in the 2020 race in Biden’s favour. To also score high along the conspiracy belief dimension. provide more in-depth insight into the diversity of this voter – We find that a sizeable portion of Trump voters also strata, we segment these crucial voters not by demograph- consider white supremacists and QAnon believers to be ics, such as level of educational attainment, gender or skin threats to the US. The ‘Black Lives Matter protest move- colour, instead clustering respondents according to similar ment’ and ‘Socialism’ were the most polarising topics views toward measures like authoritarian attitudes, belief in that distinguished Trump voters from those considering conspiracies, feelings of American exceptionalism, left-right or committed to Biden. alignment, feelings of economic deprivation in relation to – While most potential and committed Biden voters hold others, and – perhaps most importantly – whether their the US Federal Government’s response to the Covid-19 leaning toward Biden stems from more pro-Biden or more pandemic to be entirely insufficient, a substantial portion anti-Trump sentiments. We identify four distinct typologies of of voters thinking about casting their ballot for Biden voters leaning toward Biden, and compare these with Trump’s think the Trump Administration’s response is appropriate. staunch supporters and more traditional core supporters of – While voters contemplating voting for Biden have a Biden and the Democrats. mixed assessment of Trump’s leadership on qualities like empathy, honesty, and competence, almost all rate Our main findings: Trump as highly corrupt, indicating that accusations of – Voters considering voting for Biden are heterogeneous in corruption are a wedge issue. terms of their convictions, economic situation and out- – While the partisan rift in the US runs deep and wide, we look. Biden’s broad potential lies in not simply swaying observed numerous issues where voters were not divided centrist swing voters, but in also convincing voters with along partisan lines, with opinions instead cutting across ideologically close or more leftist views to actually turn the partisan divide and not neatly coinciding with voting out to vote, unlike they did in 2016 for Clinton. intentions for either candidate. Among potential Biden – While support for Trump is largely driven by pro-Trump voters, different typologies aligned on different issues, sentiment, we find that potential support for Biden is indicating how complicated it is for Biden to appeal to all strongly rooted in anti-Trump sentiment. these crucial voters with a coherent message. – Although dissatisfaction with Trump is widespread among those contemplating voting for Biden, it is not While these findings relate to the US, they are relevant for omnipresent among all voter typologies leaning toward political and societal situations elsewhere in the world, par- Biden. Significant proportions of likely Biden voters are ticularly in Europe or Latin America. Populism, disinformation, uncertain regarding how they feel about Trump. polarisation, and feelings of deprivation are on the rise, and – Roughly half of those considering casting their vote for this study provides points of departure for comparison with Biden call themselves Democrats. The other half are situations outside the US. Generally, the manifestation of largely comprised of independent voters. Only a small these tendencies is not as binary in multi-party systems as it proportion of Republicans intend to vote for Biden, which is in the US. Such systems might have mitigating effects, but means that this election overrides partisan divides only are not necessarily immune to these trends, which is at the to a limited extent. same time both cause for hope and worrisome. – In this election cycle, contrary to popular belief, we find that voters considering Biden are more economically vul- nerable and feel more deprived than those considering Trump or those strongly committed to either candidate. Voters considering Biden also rate their own psycholog- 2 Introduction 1 INTRODUCTION In 2016, Donald Trump won the presidency by carving out same time, the US is heavily polarised, meaning that a large very narrow victories in three crucial ‘swing-states’, providing number of voters will vote along ‘party lines’ almost regard- him with an Electoral College victory while losing the popular less of the candidate on the ticket. However, demographics vote by a large margin. Undecided voters in the Rust Belt – is not destiny. And although the number of ‘vote-switchers’, particularly those who were white and did not hold college or swing voters, may be declining in the US, they can still degrees – heavily went over to Trump in the final stretches determine the outcome of an election. Our study also focuses of the campaign. In the last five Presidential Elections, the on another critically important but variable sliver of voters – Republican party has won three times despite losing the those exhibiting low turnout numbers like young people popular vote 4 times (in 2000, 2008, 2012 and 2016) due to and minority communities. We define these voters, along specific sections of the electorate supporting the Republicans with swing voters, as “decisive” because neither candidate in states that helped gain the Electoral College majority. This can safely count on their support at the polls, yet they often study focuses on crucial voter groups that may determine the determine the outcome of the election in crucial battleground outcome of the 2020 Presidential Election between Donald states. Trump (R) and Joe Biden (D). Our research is grounded on the popular body of literature If Presidential Elections can be determined by tiny slivers of and polling that parses out the American electorate by de- the population – tens of thousands of people in a few battle- mographic categories in order to better understand voters’ ground states – it is crucial to ask “who are these people?” political intensions. Yet, our study offers a fresh approach to and “why do they vote the way they do?” Pollsters that understanding these crucial voters by clustering our survey missed this late shift in 2016 had underestimated the impact respondents according to their psychographic and ideological of education or had assumed some states to be safe for the opinion structures in our analysis, rather than by the rough Democrats. The shift, especially by white college-educated demographic proxies. Consequently, we hope our explora- voters in suburban areas to the Democratic Party, and by tory analysis offers a more nuanced understanding of what white non-college-educated voters in old industrial areas issues and attitudes matter to decisive battleground state to the Republican Party, is an important transformation in voters in this election
Recommended publications
  • Chapter One: Postwar Resentment and the Invention of Middle America 10
    MIAMI UNIVERSITY The Graduate School Certificate for Approving the Dissertation We hereby approve the Dissertation of Jeffrey Christopher Bickerstaff Doctor of Philosophy ________________________________________ Timothy Melley, Director ________________________________________ C. Barry Chabot, Reader ________________________________________ Whitney Womack Smith, Reader ________________________________________ Marguerite S. Shaffer, Graduate School Representative ABSTRACT TALES FROM THE SILENT MAJORITY: CONSERVATIVE POPULISM AND THE INVENTION OF MIDDLE AMERICA by Jeffrey Christopher Bickerstaff In this dissertation I show how the conservative movement lured the white working class out of the Democratic New Deal Coalition and into the Republican Majority. I argue that this political transformation was accomplished in part by what I call the "invention" of Middle America. Using such cultural representations as mainstream print media, literature, and film, conservatives successfully exploited what came to be known as the Social Issue and constructed "Liberalism" as effeminate, impractical, and elitist. Chapter One charts the rise of conservative populism and Middle America against the backdrop of 1960s social upheaval. I stress the importance of backlash and resentment to Richard Nixon's ascendancy to the Presidency, describe strategies employed by the conservative movement to win majority status for the GOP, and explore the conflict between this goal and the will to ideological purity. In Chapter Two I read Rabbit Redux as John Updike's attempt to model the racial education of a conservative Middle American, Harry "Rabbit" Angstrom, in "teach-in" scenes that reflect the conflict between the social conservative and Eastern Liberal within the author's psyche. I conclude that this conflict undermines the project and, despite laudable intentions, Updike perpetuates caricatures of the Left and hastens Middle America's rejection of Liberalism.
    [Show full text]
  • Ronald Reagan, Louisiana, and the 1980 Presidential Election Matthew Ad Vid Caillet Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College
    Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Master's Theses Graduate School 2011 "Are you better off "; Ronald Reagan, Louisiana, and the 1980 Presidential election Matthew aD vid Caillet Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_theses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Caillet, Matthew David, ""Are you better off"; Ronald Reagan, Louisiana, and the 1980 Presidential election" (2011). LSU Master's Theses. 2956. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_theses/2956 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Master's Theses by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ―ARE YOU BETTER OFF‖; RONALD REAGAN, LOUISIANA, AND THE 1980 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in The Department of History By Matthew David Caillet B.A. and B.S., Louisiana State University, 2009 May 2011 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am indebted to many people for the completion of this thesis. Particularly, I cannot express how thankful I am for the guidance and assistance I received from my major professor, Dr. David Culbert, in researching, drafting, and editing my thesis. I would also like to thank Dr. Wayne Parent and Dr. Alecia Long for having agreed to serve on my thesis committee and for their suggestions and input, as well.
    [Show full text]
  • Presented to the Graduate Council of the North Texas State University In
    371 /V8 A/O 'oo THE "VIVA KENNEDY" CLUBS IN SOUTH TEXAS THESIS Presented to the Graduate Council of the North Texas State University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS By Joan Traffas, B.A. Denton, Texas December, 1972 Traffas, Joan, The "Viva Kennedy" Clubs in South Texas. Master of Arts (History), December, 1972, 132 pp., 2 tables, bibliography, 115 titles. This thesis analyzes the impact of the Mexican-American voters in south Texas on the 1960 presidential election. During that election year, this ethnic minority was strong enough to merit direct appeals from the Democratic presiden- tial candidate, and subsequently, allowed to conduct a unique campaign divorced from the direct control of the conservative state Democratic machinery. Formerly, the Democratic politicos in south Texas manipulated the Mexican-American vote. In 1960, however, the Chicanos voted for a man with whom they could empathize, rather than for a party label. This strong identification with the Democratic candidate was rooted in psychological rather than ideological, social rather than political, factors. John F. Kennedy seemed to personify machismo and simpatla. Perhaps even more impres- sive than the enthusiasm, the Kennedy candidacy generated among the Mexican-Americans was the ability of the Texas Democratic regulars to prevent a liberal-conservative rup- ture within the state party. This was accomplished by per- mitting the Mexican-American "Viva Kennedy" clubs quasi- independence. Because of these two conditions, the Mexican- American ethnic minority became politically salient in the 1960 campaign. 1 2 The study of the Mexican-American political behavior in 1960 proceeds in three stages.
    [Show full text]
  • Transatlantic Relations for the Biden Era and Beyond by Ian Bond
    Transatlantic relations for the Biden era and beyond by Ian Bond Most European leaders responded to Joe Biden’s election victory on November 3rd with undisguised enthusiasm. They expect him to repair some of the damage that the transatlantic partnership suffered in Hurricane Donald, but pre-Trump America no longer exists, and European policy must reflect that. Following Biden’s win, the EU published ‘A new shown by his January 25th announcement of EU-US agenda for global change’ in December, protectionist ‘Buy American’ measures, which setting out a number of topics for possible among other things increase domestic content collaboration: global health, climate change, trade requirements for government procurement. and technology, and strengthening democracy. The Biden administration’s first moves in these European representatives in the US should work areas – rejoining the World Health Organisation harder on influencing opinions in the South and the Paris Agreement, for example – have and the Midwest, where Trump’s fans are most been encouraging. But the EU must also learn the numerous. The EU delegation in Washington has lessons of the last four years, in case relations run various outreach programmes, mostly through into trouble again after Biden. universities; it should target these regions more. The larger European states should use their The first lesson is that the US remains a deeply networks of consulates in support of the general divided society. More people voted for Trump in European interest, not just national objectives. 2020 than for any other presidential candidate Though outside the EU, the UK can still use in history, with one exception – Joe Biden.
    [Show full text]
  • DISSERTATION Presented to the Graduate Council of the North
    4Z SAM RAYBURN: TRIALS OF A PARTY MAN DISSERTATION Presented to the Graduate Council of the North Texas State University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY By Edward 0. Daniel, B.A., M.A. Denton, Texas May, 1979 Daniel, Edward 0., Sam Rayburn: Trials of a Party Man. Doctor of Philosophy (History), May, 1979, 330 pp., bibliog- raphy, 163 titles. Sam Rayburn' s remarkable legislative career is exten- sively documented, but no one has endeavored to write a political biography in which his philosophy, his personal convictions, and the forces which motivated him are analyzed. The object of this dissertation is to fill that void by tracing the course of events which led Sam Rayburn to the Speakership of the United States House of Representatives. For twenty-seven long years of congressional service, Sam Rayburn patiently, but persistently, laid the groundwork for his elevation to the speakership. Most of his accomplish- ments, recorded in this paper, were a means to that end. His legislative achievements for the New Deal were monu- mental, particularly in the areas of securities regulation, progressive labor laws, and military preparedness. Rayburn rose to the speakership, however, not because he was a policy maker, but because he was a policy expeditor. He took his orders from those who had the power to enhance his own station in life. Prior to the presidential election of 1932, the center of Sam Rayburn's universe was an old friend and accomplished political maneuverer, John Nance Garner. It was through Garner that Rayburn first perceived the significance of the "you scratch my back, I'll scratch yours" style of politics.
    [Show full text]
  • The American Presidency: Jimmy Carter Transcript
    The American Presidency: Jimmy Carter Transcript Date: Tuesday, 25 November 2008 - 12:00AM FROM ROOSEVELT TO BUSH THE AMERICAN PRESIDENCY: TRANSFORMATION AND CHANGE GERALD FORD AND JIMMY CARTER Professor Vernon Bogdanor Just as Nixon is the only American President to have resigned before completing his term, Ford is the only accidental American President; that is, the only American President never to have been elected either as President or as Vice-President. He became President in a fairly curious way, because around ten months before Nixon himself resigned, his Vice-President, Spiro Agnew, was also forced to resign because he was accused of having taken bribes in a previous position as Governor of Maryland. Agnew plea-bargained, and they said they would not take it further if he resigned the office. This meant that Nixon had to choose someone who could replace Agnew as Vice-President, and he chose the popular Gerald Ford, who was the leader of the Republicans in the House of Representatives, the Minority Leader. He had been a member of the House of Representatives since 1949, was much liked and respected, and it was very easy to secure confirmation for him; there were no problems as Nixon might have had with many others. Gerald Ford was thought to be of only modest attainments, and Lyndon Johnson said that his problem was he must have played American football once too often without his helmet. Johnson also said that Ford was incapable of walking and chewing gum at the same time. Whereas one motive of Nixon's to get Ford in was that it would be an easy confirmation, people thought a second motive might be that no one would want to replace him with Ford and therefore that Nixon would be safe, but that of course turned out not to be the case, and Gerald Ford succeeded to the Presidency.
    [Show full text]
  • Intraparty in the US Congress.Pages
    UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Intraparty Organization in the U.S. Congress Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2cd17764 Author Bloch Rubin, Ruth Frances Publication Date 2014 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California ! ! ! ! Intraparty Organization in the U.S. Congress ! ! by! Ruth Frances !Bloch Rubin ! ! A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley ! Committee in charge: Professor Eric Schickler, Chair Professor Paul Pierson Professor Robert Van Houweling Professor Sean Farhang ! ! Fall 2014 ! Intraparty Organization in the U.S. Congress ! ! Copyright 2014 by Ruth Frances Bloch Rubin ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! Abstract ! Intraparty Organization in the U.S. Congress by Ruth Frances Bloch Rubin Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Eric Schickler, Chair The purpose of this dissertation is to supply a simple and synthetic theory to help us to understand the development and value of organized intraparty blocs. I will argue that lawmakers rely on these intraparty organizations to resolve several serious collective action and coordination problems that otherwise make it difficult for rank-and-file party members to successfully challenge their congressional leaders for control of policy outcomes. In the empirical chapters of this dissertation, I will show that intraparty organizations empower dissident lawmakers to resolve their collective action and coordination challenges by providing selective incentives to cooperative members, transforming public good policies into excludable accomplishments, and instituting rules and procedures to promote group decision-making.
    [Show full text]
  • The Long New Right and the World It Made Daniel Schlozman Johns
    The Long New Right and the World It Made Daniel Schlozman Johns Hopkins University [email protected] Sam Rosenfeld Colgate University [email protected] Version of January 2019. Paper prepared for the American Political Science Association meetings. Boston, Massachusetts, August 31, 2018. We thank Dimitrios Halikias, Katy Li, and Noah Nardone for research assistance. Richard Richards, chairman of the Republican National Committee, sat, alone, at a table near the podium. It was a testy breakfast at the Capitol Hill Club on May 19, 1981. Avoiding Richards were a who’s who from the independent groups of the emergent New Right: Terry Dolan of the National Conservative Political Action Committee, Paul Weyrich of the Committee for the Survival of a Free Congress, the direct-mail impresario Richard Viguerie, Phyllis Schlafly of Eagle Forum and STOP ERA, Reed Larson of the National Right to Work Committee, Ed McAteer of Religious Roundtable, Tom Ellis of Jesse Helms’s Congressional Club, and the billionaire oilman and John Birch Society member Bunker Hunt. Richards, a conservative but tradition-minded political operative from Utah, had complained about the independent groups making mischieF where they were not wanted and usurping the traditional roles of the political party. They were, he told the New Rightists, like “loose cannonballs on the deck of a ship.” Nonsense, responded John Lofton, editor of the Viguerie-owned Conservative Digest. If he attacked those fighting hardest for Ronald Reagan and his tax cuts, it was Richards himself who was the loose cannonball.1 The episode itself soon blew over; no formal party leader would follow in Richards’s footsteps in taking independent groups to task.
    [Show full text]
  • Franklin D. Roosevelt's Brain Trust
    Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Brain Trust Background Guide Stanford Model United Nations Conference 2020 1 Table of Contents: Letter from the Chair 2 Background and History 3 International Affairs prior to the Great Depression 3 Beginning of the Great Depression 9 The Dust Bowl 10 Early Response Attempts 13 Political Radicalism 16 Election of 1932 20 Present Situation 22 List of Roles 23 Works Cited 26 2 Letter from the Chair: Dear Delegates, Hello! My name is Matthew Heafey and I am excited to serve as your chair for SMUNC 2020 in Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Brain Trust. I’m currently a sophomore, studying Political Science and Math, from the Bay Area, just about half an hour north of Stanford’s campus. I’ve participated in Model UN for about six years at this point, including attending SMUNC four times, and chairing SMUNC once before. Outside of Model UN, I love singing with my a cappella group, Stanford Talisman, and running, reading, and swimming. I’m looking forward to an educational and exciting committee, taking full advantage of the benefits that our virtual conference will provide us with and making the most of this conference. I hope this committee will provide you with the ability to explore such an important period of American and World history, one with strong connections to our modern world. Our committee will take place immediately following the inauguration of Franklin Delano Roosevelt to the presidency of the United States of America, in the height of the Great Depression. Agricultural and economic crises have ravaged the United States, and have fed political unrest, with reformers and revolutionaries of various political alignments pushing for the reconstruction of the country along their vision.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ideological Foundations of Affective Polarization in the U.S. Electorate
    The Ideological Foundations of Affective Polarization in the U.S. Electorate Steven W. Webster Emory University Alan I. Abramowitz Emory University Abstract Democratic and Republican partisans dislike the opposing party and its leaders far more than in the past. However, recent studies have argued that rise of affective polarization in the electorate does not reflect growing policy or ideological differences between supporters of the two parties. According to this view, while Democratic and Republican elites are sharply divided along ideological lines, differences between the policy preferences of rank-and-file Democrats and Republicans remain modest. In this paper we show that there is a very close connection between ideological and affective polarization. We present evidence from American National Election Study surveys that opinions on social welfare issues have become increasingly consistent and divided along party lines and that social welfare ideology is now strongly related to feelings about the opposing party and its leaders. In addition, we present results from a survey experiment showing that ideological distance strongly influences feelings toward opposing party candidates and the party as a whole. The changing relationship between partisanship and ideology has been a subject of intense debate in recent years among students of American elections and public opinion. Scholars have offered contrasting views of the importance of ideological polarization among party elites and the general public (Abramowitz and Saunders 2005, 2008; Abramowitz 2010; Bafumi and Shapiro 2009; Fiorina, Abrams, and Pope 2005, 2008; Fiorina and Levendusky 2006). According to one school of thought, ideological polarization has increased among the electorate as well as the political elites so that Democratic and Republican voters are now sharply divided in their policy preferences (Abramowitz 2010, 2013; Jacobson 2012, 2015).
    [Show full text]
  • Joe Biden: Policy Proposals
    Senate Committees © 2021 Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck, LLP bhfs.com | 1 Agriculture, Nutrition & Forestry Chair: Debbie Stabenow (MI) Ranking Member: John Boozman (AR) • Stabenow was elected to the U.S. Senate in 2000 • Boozman was elected to the U.S. Senate in 2010 • Her priorities as chair include protecting SNAP, • He previously served as chair of the Subcommittee on reauthorizing the Child Nutrition Act and supporting Commodities, Risk Management, and Trade programs that promote agriculture and • Boozman has long supported expanded drilling for oil manufacturing and natural gas, including opening additional federal • She also serves as the chair of the Senate lands, such as Alaska’s Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, Democratic Policy and Communications Committee to energy exploration • He has also sponsored legislation to help feed low- income children in the summer when they do not have access to the school meals program © 2021 Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck, LLP bhfs.com | 2 Appropriations Chair: Patrick Leahy (VT) Ranking Member: Richard Shelby (AL) • Leahy was first elected to the U.S. Senate in 1974 and • Shelby was elected to the U.S. Senate in 1986 after is currently the most senior member serving four terms in the U.S. House and is the fourth • He served as president pro tempore from 2012 to most senior member of the Senate 2015 • He previously chaired the Banking, Housing and Urban • Appropriations will be the third committee Leahy has Affairs, and Rules committees chaired in his tenure—he previously chaired the • He is
    [Show full text]
  • Bloch Rubin ! ! a Dissertation Submitted in Partial Satisfaction of The
    ! ! ! ! Intraparty Organization in the U.S. Congress ! ! by! Ruth Frances !Bloch Rubin ! ! A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley ! Committee in charge: Professor Eric Schickler, Chair Professor Paul Pierson Professor Robert Van Houweling Professor Sean Farhang ! ! Fall 2014 ! Intraparty Organization in the U.S. Congress ! ! Copyright 2014 by Ruth Frances Bloch Rubin ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! Abstract ! Intraparty Organization in the U.S. Congress by Ruth Frances Bloch Rubin Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Eric Schickler, Chair The purpose of this dissertation is to supply a simple and synthetic theory to help us to understand the development and value of organized intraparty blocs. I will argue that lawmakers rely on these intraparty organizations to resolve several serious collective action and coordination problems that otherwise make it difficult for rank-and-file party members to successfully challenge their congressional leaders for control of policy outcomes. In the empirical chapters of this dissertation, I will show that intraparty organizations empower dissident lawmakers to resolve their collective action and coordination challenges by providing selective incentives to cooperative members, transforming public good policies into excludable accomplishments, and instituting rules and procedures to promote group decision-making. And, in tracing the development of intraparty organization through several well-known examples of party infighting, I will demonstrate that intraparty organizations have played pivotal — yet largely unrecognized — roles in critical legislative battles, including turn-of-the-century economic struggles, midcentury battles over civil rights legislation, and contemporary debates over national health care policy.
    [Show full text]