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Framing of Islam in the Early Cold War Era of Racialized Empire-Building

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Framing of Islam in the Early Cold War Era of Racialized Empire-Building THE LESSER-EVILS PARADIGM FOR IMAGINING ISLAM: U.S. EXECUTIVE BRANCH (RE)FRAMING OF ISLAM IN THE EARLY COLD WAR ERA OF RACIALIZED EMPIRE-BUILDING by Sydney Porter Pasquinelli BA, Wayne State University, 2009 MA, Wake Forest University, 2011 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Kenneth P. Dietrich School of Arts & Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Rhetoric & Communication University of Pittsburgh 2018 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH KENNETH P. DIETRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS & SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Sydney Porter Pasquinelli It was defended on October 27, 2017 and approved by Paul Elliot Johnson Deepa Kumar John Lyne Shanara Rose Reid-Brinkley Dissertation Director: Gordon Roger Mitchell ii Copyright © by Sydney Porter Pasquinelli 2018 iii THE LESSER-EVILS PARADIGM FOR IMAGINING ISLAM: U.S. EXECUTIVE BRANCH (RE)FRAMING OF ISLAM IN THE EARLY COLD WAR ERA OF RACIALIZED EMPIRE-BUILDING Sydney Porter Pasquinelli, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2018 Rhetorical criticism of declassified United States executive branch intelligence documents produced by the Truman and Eisenhower administrations (1945-1961) illuminates how US agents (re)imagined Islam in this crucial yet understudied era of racialized empire-building. Two case studies help unravel characteristics of this dominant discourse: The Federal Bureau of Investigation’s attempt to delegitimize the Nation of Islam by characterizing its leadership and doctrine as violent, racist, and unorthodox; and the Central Intelligence Agency and State Department’s simultaneous effort to validate Islam and Islamism in the Middle East by positing them as ideological forces against communism and Arab Nationalism. Interactional and interdisciplinary consideration of archived rhetorical artifacts uncovers how motives to expand US empire, quell anti-imperial and anti-racist resistance, and advance early Cold War objectives encouraged executive agents to reframe Islam. Tropic analysis reveals how the discourse of US intelligence deviated from Orientalism, a dominant discourse used to legitimize European colonialism, and originally deconstructed by Edward Said. By establishing identifications between Islam and the West, US agents rejected the discursive construction of a transcendental racial hierarchy between the Orient and the Occident. And by differentiating “good Muslims” from “bad Muslims,” agents ceased exclusively invoking the image of a monolithic and iv unchanging Islam. Designated the lesser-evils paradigm for imagining Islam, this post-Orientalist reconceptualization of Islam permitted US executive agents to form alliances with some (lesser- evil) Muslims, like Saudi Arabia and the Muslim Brotherhood, while mobilizing forces against other (greater-evil) Muslims, like Elijah Muhammad and Gamal Abdul Nasser, and ultimately against the (greatest-evil) Soviet Union. Rooted in the logics of utilitarianism and governmentality, this paradigm helped US agents manipulate geopolitical identities to sustain a notion of Euro-American (white) geopolitical superiority, even as it began abandoning appeals to scientific racism which had undergirded European colonialism. Deconstructive criticism enhances scholarly understanding of the co-constitutive relationship between rhetoric and Western imperialism in the post-colonial era of US hegemony. Attunement to the US intelligence apparatus presents an opportunity to consider how domestic and foreign policy cohere into one “intermestic” imperial agenda, which is legitimated by, and which helps legitimate, the interacting constructions of anti-black racism and Islamophobia. v TABLE OF CONTENTS 1.0 INTRODUCTION: AN IMPETUS TO (RE)IMAGINE ISLAM 1 1.1 CRITICAL METHODOLOGY 5 1.2 LITERATURE REVIEW 11 1.2.1 American Imaginations of Islam 12 1.2.2 American Imaginations of the Nation of Islam 17 1.2.3 “American Orientalism” 21 1.3 CHAPTER PREVIEW 24 2.0 RENDERING ILLEGITIMATE THE NATION OF ISLAM 27 2.1 SECURITIZING AGAINST THE COLD WAR THREAT 31 2.1.1 National Security Threat 34 2.1.2 International Security Threat 38 2.2 TURNING THE TABLES OF RACISM 43 2.2.1 Anti-Black Racism 44 2.2.2 Anti-White Racism 49 2.3 CHALLENGING THE AUTHENTICITY OF THE NATION’S ISLAM 55 2.3.1 What’s in a Name? 55 2.3.2 Appeals to Islamic Authority 57 2.3.3 NOI versus Orthodox Islam 60 2.4 CONCLUSION 64 3.0 ENDORSING ISLAM AND ISLAMISM IN THE MIDDLE EAST 66 3.1 CREATING KNOWLEDGE ABOUT ISLAM 69 3.1.1 Unsupplied Demand 70 3.1.2 The Network 74 3.1.3 The Colloquium 77 vi 3.2 MOBILIZING ISLAM AGAINST COMMUNISM 81 3.2.1 Islam versus Communism 83 3.2.2 Islam + America 87 3.2.3 A Muslim Role Model 92 3.3 UTILIZING ISLAMISM AGAINST ARAB NATIONALISM 96 3.3.1 The Nationalist Threat 99 3.3.2 The Neutralist Threat 104 3.3.3 Islamism versus Nasser 109 3.4 CONCLUSION 114 4.0 DEVIATING FROM ORIENTALISM 116 4.1 AN ETYMOLOGY OF ORIENTALISM 118 4.2 REIMAGINING THE EAST/WEST BINARY 129 4.3 DIFFERENTIATING THE ORIENT 138 4.4 CONCLUSION 144 5.0 THE LESSER-EVILS PARADIGM FOR IMAGINING ISLAM 146 5.1 THE LESSER-EVILS PARADIGM FOR IMAGINING ISLAM 148 5.2 LESSER-EVIL REASONING 156 5.3 BROADER IMPLICATIONS 162 5.3.1 Status of Orientalism 163 5.3.2 Rhetoric and Imperialism 165 5.3.3 Domestic and Foreign Policy 167 5.4 LIMITATIONS AND DIRECTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH 169 5.5 CONCLUSION 171 BIBLIOGRAPHY 173 vii LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. The FBI's Comparison of Orthodox Islam to the Nation of Islam ................................ 61 viii 1.0 INTRODUCTION: AN IMPETUS TO (RE)IMAGINE ISLAM Since the United States began its rise to geopolitical prominence after World War II, it has increasingly played the role of global police officer. With military bases and diplomatic posts on every continent, the US executive branch secures and maintains “American interests” through a combination of capital investments, militarism, and intelligence or “psychological warfare.” In this regard, the US government has taken the place of European colonial administrations like England and France. Every post- World War II executive administration has remained highly involved in monitoring and intervening in the politics of the formerly-colonized “Third World,” and especially in the Muslim-majority Middle East. Many scholars have taken interest in the discourse(s) that justify and sustain Western imperialism, in both eras of European colonialism and US hegemony. Most prominent among them is Edward Said, whose groundbreaking genealogy in Orientalism exposes “the Orient” as a construct of the Western discursive imagination, fashioned by imperial agents to establish Western superiority and validate Euro- American domination over “Oriental” populations.1 While Said primarily analyzes the discourse of colonial France and Great Britain, wherefrom Orientalism emerged, he observes, “Orientalism has been successfully accommodated to the new imperialism.”2 Said has a simple explanation for the endurance of Orientalism in the era of US empire: “From the beginning of the nineteenth century until the end of World War II France and Britain 1 Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, [1979] 2004). 2 Said, Orientalism, 322. 1 dominated the Orient and Orientalism; since World War II America has dominated the Orient, and approaches it as France and Great Britain once did.”3 But if this were accurate, America would have formally colonized the Middle East after WWII! Historians mark the downfall of colonial France and Great Britain as the end of a geopolitical era, wherein the normative mode of Western domination transitioned from “colonialism” to “post-colonialism.” While some colonies remained (and still remain) formally colonized, a majority were granted independence and recognized as nation-states, in a surge of nationalism and decolonization that coincided with the presidential terms of Harry S. Truman and Dwight D. Eisenhower (1945-1961).4 Precisely because Truman and Eisenhower sought to preserve and extend Western dominance over “the Orient” in this geopolitical atmosphere, US executive agents perceived a need to approach the region differently than France and Great Britain once did. Correspondingly, agents revisited the Orientalist tropes that had theretofore shaped the dominant Western imagination of Islam.5 Orientalism naturalizes a racial distinction between the Orient and the West.6 Said explains that in the nineteenth century, “Orientals were viewed in a framework constructed out of biological determinism and moral-political admonishment.”7 A rhetoric of science facilitated colonial domination by constructing “the Oriental” as undeveloped, backward, silently indifferent, and intellectually inferior in comparison to the white race. “Since the Oriental was member of a subject race, he had to be subjected.”8 Africa and Asia were depicted as wanting 3 Said, Orientalism, 4. 4 Thomas Borstelmann, The Cold War and the Color Line: American Race Relations in the Global Arena (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2003), 46. In the two decades after WWII, almost every colony gained independence. 5 Kumar, Islamophobia, 35. 6 Said, Orientalism, 300. See also: Deepa Kumar, Islamophobia and the Politics of Empire (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2012), 30. 7 Said, Orientalism, 207. 8 Said, Orientalism, 206. 2 and waiting for European penetration and occupation.9 But as the legitimacy of European colonialism declined, so did the notion of a naturally-determined racial hierarchy. And especially in the aftermath of the Nazi Holocaust, agents recognized that America’s image was tarnished by its
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