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Divided : space management, urban landscape and spatial practices across the boundary Bassi, Elena

Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article

Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Bassi, E. (2015). Divided Sarajevo: space management, urban landscape and spatial practices across the boundary. Europa Regional, 22.2014(3-4), 101-113. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-461616

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Divided Sarajevo – Space management, urban landscape and spatial practices across the boundary

Elena Bassi

Abstract Zusammenfassung This contribution focuses on Sarajevo as a case study of divided Das geteilte Sarajevo. Raumverwaltung und city. As a consequence of Dayton Peace Agreement signed in Stadtlandschaft über die Grenze hinweg 1995 - appears internally split into the two Dieser Beitrag ist eine Fallstudie über geteilte Städte mit entities of Federation of Bosnia Herzegovina (FBiH) and Schwerpunkt auf Sarajevo. Als Folge des 1995 unterzeichneten (RS); at local level the administrative line Friedensvertrags von Dayton ist Bosnien-Herzegowina landesin- divides two areas that before the war constituted a unique tern in die zwei Entitäten der Föderation Bosnien und Herzego- urban system: Sarajevo, including the historical neighbour- wina (FBiH) und der Republika Srpska (RS/PC) aufgeteilt. Auf hoods of the city and part of FBiH, and Eastern Sarajevo, a kommunaler Ebene bezeichnet eine Verwaltungsgrenze zwei suburban area now included in the territory of RS. Considering unterschiedliche Bereiche, die vor dem Krieg ein einzelnes the city’s partition the paper discusses the extent to which the städtisches System darstellten: Sarajevo (einschließlich der divisive power of the boundary is either reduced or renovated. historischen Stadtviertel) als Teil der FBiH sowie Ost-Sarajevo, From the inhabitants’ standpoint the crossing experience has ein Vorstadtgebiet, das nun zum Territorialgebiet von RS/PC become a common practice since the emotional burden related gehört. Im Hinblick auf die Teilung der Stadt beschäftigt sich die to the presence of the boundary has largely vanished among Arbeit damit, in welchem Ausmaß sich die entzweiende Kraft der the population. Nevertheless ongoing processes of separation Grenze entweder verringert oder erneuert. can be recognised in the rhetoric of space management as well Vom Blickwinkel der Bewohner aus gesehen ist die Erfahrung as in the feature of the built environment. By looking at the des Überschreitens der Grenze zu einer gängigen Praxis way in which urban planning deals with the territorial separa- geworden, da die emotionale Last in Bezug auf deren Vorhan- tion the paper shows how the divisive logic is constantly densein unter der Bevölkerung weitestgehend verschwunden fostered by the interpretations of local administrators and ist. Dennoch lassen sich in der Rhetorik der Raumverwaltung professionals, while interventions and initiatives suggesting an fortwährend Separationsprozesse erkennen, gleiches gilt für alternative approach result scarce and ineffective. As such, the die bebaute Umgebung. Indem sich die Arbeit mit der Art und implicit rhetoric of the normative frame fosters a vicious circle Weise beschäftigt, wie die städtebauliche Planung mit der that reproduces functional, organizational and infrastructural territorialen Trennung umgeht, zeigt sie, inwieweit der division. Separierungs-Logik durch die Auslegungen der kommunalen The power of separation can be further acknowledged by Verwaltungsbediensteten und Experten Vorschub geleistet looking at the symbolical connotation of urban landscape. wird, und dass gleichzeitig Einwände und Initiativen, die einen Despite the division is not marked by any artefact, the inten- alternativen Ansatz zur Diskussion stellen, selten sind und sich tional use of symbols and signs across the boundary selectively als ineffektiv herausstellen. Entsprechend begünstigt die celebrates specific collective identities simultaneously neglect- implizite Rhetorik des normgebenden Rahmens einen Teufels- ing the presence of the counterpart. Moreover, such changes kreis, der eine funktionale, organisatorische und infrastruktu- within the built environment have to some extent influenced relle Teilung entstehen lässt. inhabitants’ daily life and collective representations. Die Kraft der Trennung lässt sich außerdem erkennen, wenn man einen Blick auf die symbolische Bedeutung der Stadtland- Sarajevo, divided city, boundary, space management, urban landscape, schaft wirft. Obwohl die Teilung nicht durch Artefakte gekenn- collective identity zeichnet ist, würdigt die absichtliche Verwendung von Symbo- len und Zeichen über die Grenze hinweg punktuell spezifische gemeinsame Identitäten, während gleichzeitig die Gegenwart des Gegenübers vernachlässigt wird. Darüber hinaus haben die Veränderungen innerhalb der bebauten Umgebung in gewis- sem Maße den Alltag und die kollektive Darstellung der Bewohner beeinflusst.

Sarajevo, geteilte Stadt, Grenze, Raumverwaltung, Stadtlandschaft, kol- lektive Identität

101 Europa Regional 22, 2014 (2015) 3-4

Despite the idea of a borderless world, on urban space entails effects also at wid- the symbolical meaning attributed to borders still represent a crucial research them can be renegotiated so that the topic as new forms of division are con- (refer to 2000, 2007, 2009). As same spatial element can assume differ- er level in terms of conflicts’ management stantly emerging at different scale (refer (2008, p. 3) states, “the city’s ent relevance depending on the prevail- Bollens to 1999; 2006a; potential rests not only on being a ‘victim’ ing discourse (refer to Anderson 2005). Consequences and implications of where suffering is sometimes most con- 2004). Territory constitutes an important Newmann Kolossov Kostovicova spatial partitions involve challenging centrated, but also being a ‘protagonist’ component of our individual, group and question since boundaries and symboli- national identities not simply because cal meanings attached to them are our state territories are delimited by where conflict is often most intense”. changeable throughout time. In this per- devoted to divided cities has often fo- The field of urban studies specifically spective, the present contribution aims cused on the potential of spatial planning symbolic dimension which determines fixed boundaries but because land has a at discussing the extent to which the ad- in affecting – either positively or nega- - ministrative boundary of Bosnia – Herze- tively – the development of inter-group lar spaces and places (refer to - our attachment and affiliation to particu govina is still able to exert its divisive 2004; 2005; 2006). Kostovi power. The peculiar feature of this sepa- where tensions can be either mitigated As such, territory can be conceived as a conflicts describing cities as urban arenas cova Newman Cella ration makes it a remarkable case study or fostered through the shaping and con- social and political construct; narratives for different reasons. As the result of a vi- trol of urban space (refer to 1999; on nationhood and territory are change- 1998a, 1998b, 2000, 2001, able throughout time, showing how the Dovey bearer of a strong symbolical meaning for 2007, 2009; 2003; political and social meaning of spatial olent conflict the boundary has been the Bollens long; on the other hand, the divisive line 2006; et al. 2007; boundaries can be either emphasized or Stanlay Yftachel lacks any physical elements of separa- 2008; and minimized (refer to 2004). Pullan Anderson tion, such as walls or barriers, and now- 2009). In the case study of Sarajevo spa- Furthermore, spatial and social demar- Calame Charlesworth Kostovicova adays it’s regularly crossed from both tial planning regulations are analysed in cations intertwine in processes of iden- sides. As discussed below, crossing the order to unfold their implicit rhetoric, tity construction providing the basis for boundary from both sides has become discussing the representation of the sep- practices of othering ( 2006b, p. a common practice while the emotional aration they imply. 176). Indeed, boundaries provide a solid Newman stress and symbolical meaning related The concept of boundary is here con- basis to decline a sense of belonging in to such experience have progressively ceived as a socio-spatial category. Bound- spatial terms fostering processes of intra- vanished. From this standpoint the aries represent social constructs as the - presence of the boundary scarcely af- - tinction. Not only boundaries allow sepa- group identification and inter-group dis fects inhabitants’ spatial practices and rating groups that used to live together significance attributed to them in sym feelings; nevertheless its divisive pow- and changeable. As such, their meanings and constantly interact, but also allow the bolic and political terms is always flexible er can be clearly acknowledged by look- can be always negotiated, challenged and insiders to build and maintain their col- ing at regulations and interventions of lective identities removing and hiding space management. Thus the paper practices of social interaction. Drawing memories shared with the excluded por- redefined by different discourses and aims at pointing out the processes on the constructivist perspective suggest- tion of the population and sometimes de- through which the division is constant- ed by and (1998, 1999) nying the process of exclusion itself ( - ly confirmed and reinforced focusing boundaries result from an arbitrary pro- 2006, pp. 181f.). Donnan Wilson Cel the analysis on the city of Sarajevo. cess based on cultural conventions. The In conclusion the boundary is here con- la According to the analytical perspective meaning and relevance attributed to spa- ceptualised assuming a relation of mutu- here adopted, the urban dimension is tial divisions can change throughout time conceived as a crucial standpoint to in- since the social and symbolical separa- reality. al influence between spatial and social vestigate dynamics and processes related The paper origins from a PhD disserta- to spatial partitions. Indeed, cities are tion focused on the case study of Sarajevo tion that defines and distinguishes a progressively characterised by different community is symbolically constructed and it’s empirically based on the data col- group appears flexible and unstable. A kind of physical separation – from ghet- upon meanings negotiated and shared by lection carried out throughout nine all its members, but cultural tracts cele- months of ethnographic research. The that processes of bordering and division brated and highlighted to draw the dis- toes to gated communities – confirming are far from being overtaken in our glo- tinction can change throughout time 2011 and January 2012 plus May 2012 fieldwork had taken place between May balized world. Moreover, dynamics and ( 2006). and implied direct and participant obser- processes occurring at urban level are Geographical narratives about bound- vation, semi-structured interviews with Cella consistently linked with phenomena tak- aries are always employed to stress the experts, local administrators and inhab- ing place at wider scale thus intervening connection between land and nation, but itants of both sides as well as collection

102 Elena Bassi: Divided Sarajevo – Space management, urban landscape and spatial practices across the boundary

- niques of content analysis. of official documents analyzed with tech Administrative division The boundary The separation of Sarajevo has its origin Velika Kostajnica Kladuša Kozarska Dubica Bužim Gradiška Brod Odžak 11 Novi Orašje Grad Šamac the war of the Nineties. The end of the 10 Krupa Modriča Pelagićevo in the conflict resolution that followed Bosanska na Uni Laktaši Oštra Prnjavor Gradačac Brčko hostilities in Bosnia coincided with the Krupa Grad Brčko Bihać Doboj Čelinac 9 Gračanica Bijeljina peace agreement signed in Dayton, Ohio, -Sana Banja Luka Usora8 Čelić Petrovo USA, in November 1995 by the presidents Bosanski Tešanj Teočak Petrovac Ključ Varoš Teslić of the three republics interested by the 1 Vogošća Petrovac Kneževo Tuzla Ribnik 2 Centar Banovići 3 Stari Grad Istočni Mrkonjić Dobretići Žepče Živinice - Zavidovići 4 Istočni Drvar Grad Stari Grad Jezero Šekovići -Doboj 5 Istočno Zenica conflict: Alija Izedbegović for Bosnia, Slo Šipovo Donji Vlasenica 6 Istočna Ilidža Bosansko Vakuf Vareš Milići 7 Novi Grad Grahovo Glamoč Srednja bodan Milošević for Serbia and Franjo 8 Doboj-Jug Novi Busovača Among its several dispositions the 9 Doboj-Istok Travnik Breza Ilijaš Kanton 10 Sarajevo- Tuđman for Croatia. 10 Donji Žabar Kupres 11 Domaljevac-Šamac Gornji Vakuf- 1 Romanjia - Uskoplje 2 Kreševo 7 3 4 Bosansko Sarajevo CROATIA Prozor-Rama 5 PodrinjeRogatica tution of BiH based on the principles of a Ilidža6 Višegrad agreement contained the official Consti Hadžići Trnovo Pale-Prača multinational legal order that recognised Trnovo Goražde Novo Jablanica Foča- Goražde Cities by population 2013 Ustikolina the same citizenship rights to , Hercegovina- Čajniče 100,000 and more Posušje Foča Zapadna Bosnian and Bosnian as the 50,000 to 100,000 Istočni Foča Hercegovina Mostar three constitutive peoples (refer to 30,000 to 50,000 Široki 20,000 to 30,000 Brijeg Čitluk 2001). Among its purposes, the political Ljubuški Jokay International boundary and institutional reorganization of the Regija boundary (RS) ČapljinaStolac Berkovići state aimed at guaranteeing the self-de- Kanton/Županija boundary (FBiH) Općina/Opština boundary Bileća termination rights for the three national 0 20 40 60 km Republika Srpska (RS) Ravno groups reinforcing the link between na- Trebinje Federacija Bosne i Hercegovine (FBiH) IfL 2015 Map content: E. Bassi Brčko District Cartographer: T. Zimmermann local government (refer to 2008). tional affiliation and the organization of The debate upon the controversies of Fig. 1: Administrative division of Bosnia and Herzegovina Woelk Dayton peace agreement still represents an animated discussion since, according institutionalizing the internal line of divi- south-eastern neighbourhoods plus sev- to some analyses, the main goals declared sion that Bosnian Serb nationalists had eral municipalities located in the sur- in the documents remained largely unat- self-declared during the war and recog- rounding rural area. tended (refer to 2001; nizing two different institutional entities The separation of Sarajevo actually led 2008). Among the complicated dilemmas within the state territory. With some spa- - Jokay Woelk involved by the post-war scenario, one of tial adjustments the Inter-Entity Bound- tion along national lines. After the IEBL to a definitive separation of its popula the most delicate issues concerned the was drawn some districts and suburbs of return of displaced people forced to leave Federation of Bosnia-Herzegovina from the city controlled by Bosnian Serb ary Line (IEBL) definitely divided the their home places by operations of ethnic Republika Srpska, two autonomous ad- troops during the war became part of the cleansing. On the other hand the urgency ministrative entities provided with sepa- Federation. Within a short time Bosnian to stop the war combined with the strife rated constitutions. The agreement also Serb inhabitants of those areas became - autonomous district directly put under niak gangs occasionally harassed them to find acceptable compromises for all recognized the spatial unit of Brčko as an the target of a double attack: while Bos solution that has been largely contested. the state sovereignty (Fig. 1). expressing their resentment, Bosnian the conflicting parts led to a hasty final As such, the main discussed Dayton par- The boundary line peripherally crossed Serb nationalists begun to destroy their adox lies in the fact that instead of creat- the area of Sarajevo so that as a conse- properties in the attempt to force them ing conditions to restore a multinational quence of the post-war agreement two to abandon Sarajevo. Such attacks went state, the institutionalization of territo- autonomous local administrations were in parallel with a massive Serb national- rial separation provided the basis to re- - ist propaganda that pictured Sarajevo as inforce and stabilise national divisions tion, and Eastern Sarajevo, part of Repub- an unsafe place for Bosnian Serbs and in- established: Sarajevo, part of the Federa (refer to 2008). cisively promoted their resettlement old town centre and a large portion of the within the new born Republika Srpska. Woelk lika Srpska (Fig. 2). The first included the Washington agreement signed in 1994, former city while the latter included the Therefore Bosnian Serbs progressively The international accord ratified the

103 Europa Regional 22, 2014 (2015) 3-4

Sarajevo

Eastern Sarajevo

border

Fig. 2: Territorial partition of Sarajevo left Sarajevo moving to the municipalities After a time, episodes of violence slowly Bosnian Serbs who used to live in Sara­ of the new city of Eastern Sarajevo decreased, the situation progressively jevo. (refer­ to 2002; 2007; stabilized and civilians were enabled to Eighteen years after the end of the war, 2010). cross the boundary in safety. Moreover, the situation is rather different from the Sekulić Bollens At the same time people escaping soon after the war the international com- one recalled by my interlocutors. For Mazucchelli from ethnically cleansed territories and munity started several programs to fos- many people of both sides the crossing seeking shelter in Sarajevo during the ter the process of reconciliation and in experience has become a usual practice war rarely returned to their home villag- Sarajevo many NGOs begun activities in- and feelings of discomfort connected to volving inhabitants of both sides of the being on the other side of the boundary processes led to a strong homogeniza- new boundary. Nevertheless, only few have progressively vanished since the es definitely settling in the city. Such people could initially deal with the emo- post-war time. Comparing the experienc- nowadays Sarajevo is constituted for tional stress aroused by crossing that es and narratives related to the immedi- tion of the population in national terms: about 80 % by Bosniaks and for 12 % by line. Such an experience often entailed a ate post-war period with those referring Bosnian Serbs while before the war the to the present situation, it emerges that ratio was 50 % and 30 %; on the other people going on the other side often for many people the separation and its double source of strain: on the one hand, hand, Eastern Sarajevo is mainly popu- spatial demarcation have lost most of the lated by Bosnian Serbs ( 2001, aroused by their presence; on the other past emotional burden. perceived a general feeling of diffidence p. 171). hand, they had to face the moral judg- To different extent, people from both Bollens After Dayton agreement was signed, in- ment of those blaming them for going in sides cross the boundary quite regularly ternational forces – IFOR – took control the former enemy territory. - over the new institutionalized line. De- Feelings of mutual distrust and resent- habitants cross the boundary on a daily without psychological strain: some in spite the end of the war, episodes of vio- ment had lasted long after the war, pro- basis while others cross it only in rare oc- lence didn’t immediately stop and from gressively vanishing but not disappear- casions, but beyond such different habits time to time news reported reciprocal of- ing. Even when individuals could move the crossing experience has become a fensive actions carried out by armed across the two sides of the boundary quite usual practice mainly related to gangs still active in the area. In such a without any risk, for many of them the utility reasons. As such, the presence of strained atmosphere, the overwhelming recognizable origin of their names and the boundary has progressively lost its emotional burden lasted in people’s mind surnames continued to represent a seri- emotional burden for people living on for long. While the war had come to an ous deterrent. As they personally told me, both sides. end, the distressed civilian population on most people were concerned about the As we will see below, the power of par- both sides of the boundary had to deal likelihood of being recognized as mem- tition manifests through other dimen- with their reciprocal feelings of resent- bers of the national counterpart by sim- sions concerning in particular regulations ment. ply introducing themselves, especially and interventions of urban space man-

104 Elena Bassi: Divided Sarajevo – Space management, urban landscape and spatial practices across the boundary

agement. Focusing on the rhetoric of tion operations, the new local adminis- planning issues as well as on local admin- state transports and communication. De- trations put great effort in restoring and nificantly expressed by the issue of inter- istrators’ interpretations the following spite both sides equally stress the developing services and connections. paragraph discusses how the logic of sep- urgency of developing and reinforcing in- Within the changed political and institu- aration results predominant at institu- frastructures and connection network, tional scenario such initiatives were au- tional level, pointing out the intentional inter-entity collaboration has not led to tonomously carried out leading to the de- effort to make Sarajevo and Eastern Sa- successful results so far. Considering the velopment of separated urban areas. In rajevo two separated spatial environ- existence of two separated international several cases, the Federation’s spatial ments, functionally autonomous and bus stations, the selective organization of plan was taken into consideration by pro- strongly connoted in cultural terms. inter-state connection represents anoth- fessionals in Republika Srpska in order to er revealing element through which sep- organically extend the new infrastruc- The rhetoric of space manage- aration manifests. Busses run from East- tures – such as waste water system – but ment ern Sarajevo to seven times per such activities were carried out without The territorial partition has brought sig- day, each day of the week, while from Sa- any particular attempt to collaborate. In - rajevo there is only one bus during the many cases Eastern Sarajevo planned and al level, since the two cities are separate- day, running only three days a week. Cro- realised its own infrastructures by sim- nificant consequences on the institution ly managed and different city councils au- atian main cities – , Split, and Du- ply referring to those already existing in tonomously deal with planning issues, brovnik – are daily connected with Sara- Canton Sarajevo and the area progres- services and responsibilities. The norma- jevo bus station, while from Eastern Sa- sively transformed from a peripheral un- tive frame regulating such activities re- rajevo there are no connections at all. derdeveloped zone into an autonomous sults deeply affected by the institutional With regards to internal connections it is urban system. reorganization of the whole country. In- - deed the Bosnian central power appears ern Sarajevo station exclusively serves management it assumes particular rele- particularly significant the fact that East Beyond specific interventions of space rather weak, while the majority of func- destinations within Republika Srpska. vance the rhetoric involved both in nor- tions and duties is accorded to the two Local public transports represent a fur- mative documents and institutional ac- entities, including spatial planning (refer tors’ discourses; as I will argue, such rep- to 2001). Entities represent the completely lack direct connections. Bus resentations express an explicit effort to ther significant example as the two sides leading administrative level where nor- companies are separately managed and Jokay mative documents are produced but re- the existing projects of providing a clearly separated environments both in define Sarajevo and Eastern Sarajevo as sponsibilities can be eventually devolved shared service have eventually failed. The spatial and cultural terms. to lower hierarchical level. That happens last attempt in this sense, dating back to Representations and discourses pro- in the case of Federation, where the ten 2007, was part of activities of the Saraje- duced in this sense stress the promotion cantons are put in charge of issuing the vo Economic Region Development Agen- of the local context emphasizing the city’s main spatial plan that represents the nor- cy (SERDA - potential in economical terms. Within mative frame to which any other plan- lished by European Union. The project such general frame different elements are ), an international office estab ning document needs to account for. The was presented as an intervention of cru- strong top-down approach is common in cial importance and it had been already investment. Cultural identity, environ- defined as crucial tools to attract foreign both contexts and the main regulatory elaborated in its details, but it has never mental protection and technological de- document is represented by the spatial been realized. velopment are conceived as fundamental plan (Prostorni plan) issued by the plan- Despite the absence of physical barri- aspects to be valorised in order to pro- ning institute at canton or entity level. ers and material separation, infrastruc- mote the image of the city at internation- In functional terms the two contexts tures as well as service delivery and re- al level, in the light of a future European appear completely separated therefore sources management are separately de- integration. Sarajevo and Eastern Saraje- conceivable as separated urban systems. veloped and organized. Different vo make equal effort to promote their Infrastructures and connections are sep- companies operate across the boundary arately managed and organized, while while new infrastructural constructions ignoring the counterpart as a potential specific image of the city, simultaneously joint projects result scarcely effective. are carried out without any particular partner. Thus, recalling the concept implied by joint initiative. After the war the local ad- The promotion of local context based and (1999, pp. 202f.), ministrations started to build ex novo in- on economical attractiveness represents the boundary can be described as com- frastructures carrying out separated pro- the main rhetoric in both documents as Kliot Manfield pletely impermeable. jects from the beginning. Considering the well as in local administrators’ discours- The self-referential logic and the rela- general lack of infrastructures combined es. General goals of development and eco- tive dysfunctional consequences are sig- with the post-war urgency of reconstruc- nomic growth are translated and articu-

105 Europa Regional 22, 2014 (2015) 3-4

lated using a constant reference with oth- tained throughout the hardest times. tions because each of them is respon- er countries and capitals simultaneously Therefore, its origin should not be sible for its own part. [This situation] neglecting the city across the boundary. forgotten and its symbols and values does [affect urban development] in - the sense that everything is managed (Spatial plan of Republika Srpska, p. separately, infrastructures and so on, Both discourses are justified by the ful should be protected from oblivion” perspective of a future integration. 7, own translation). but I wouldn’t say that this rep- fillment of European standards in the In the case of Sarajevo a strong empha- sis is put on the development of a com- Throughout the document it is widely re- resents a problem” (Interview n. 2, munication network with other cities marked that the city’s representation as Općina Istočni Novi Grad). worldwide. Moreover, the representation a crucial centre for Serbian identity and “Maybe it would be better if we could of Sarajevo as an international capital city culture has been often left in the back- have a common and general view of is fostered producing the image of a new ground. Thus, new effort should be ad- the context and the problems, but I dressed in promoting the identitarian don’t know … We’ve already learnt to able to attract foreign professionals; the context’s peculiarity not to forget the live this way so I don’t think there’s cultural, educational and scientific centre same discursive strategy is retraceable in roots of the local community and its land. any need to work together, to plan to- the case of Eastern Sarajevo. Both cities In conclusion, the underlying logic of - are pictured as centres of cultural and spatial planning regulations and goals re- tar, Sarajevo). gether” (Interview n. 4, Općina Cen technological innovation insisting on the - relevance of international network, but Discourses and representations involved flects a rooted approach of reciprocal de on the other hand any reference to the from the planning regulative framework by the planning normative frame foster a nial: on the one hand, such logic emerges counterpart as a possible partner for po- as well as from representations of inter- vicious circle that reproduces functional, tential collaboration or knowledge circu- viewed actors; on the other hand, such organizational and infrastructural divi- lation is completely absent. self-referential approach spatially con- sion, crystallizing a situation that doesn’t In both cases discursive strategies foster- cretises in the separated functioning of entail visible political tensions and de- ing the promotion of local context provides the two spatial contexts since the two ur- clared mutual distrust, but rather mani- exclusive spatial representations where ban systems don’t share any infrastruc- fests through less visible forms of recip- each side of the boundary is conceived as a tures and joint planning initiatives result rocal non recognition. Furthermore the single and autonomous city. As such, both largely unsuccessful. Within this scenar- political purpose to celebrate a well de- Sarajevo and Eastern Sarajevo are discur- io, administrators and professionals from sively pictured as peculiar social, economi- both sides express a general acceptance the counterpart, contributes to physical- fined collective identity while neglecting cal and cultural environments provided of such self- referential approach. ly shape urban space in different features with a crucial attractive potential. “Spatial plan in Federation and Spa- across the boundary. A further element deserving particular attention in the case of Eastern Sarajevo own plan and is independent. Since Landscape of division tial plan in RS: each part works on its is the emphasis accorded to Serbian iden- we are the same country we should As in the case of urban development and tity as a fundamental aspect of the local have a common spatial plan and regulation, the shape of urban landscape cultural heritage. The creation of the city hopefully we will have it in the fu- is represented as a crucial political ture, but for now we still have to social contexts that have reciprocally confirm the existence of two separated achievement while space is openly con- - erased every elements of their common noted in national terms, stressing the ter- - past, undertaking a self-referenced path think separately for each entity” (In ritory of Republika Srpska as the main jevo). towards future development. Despite the terview n. 1, Općina Stari Grad, Sara reference spatial unit. Much emphasis is division is not physically delimited, there accorded to the promotion of local com- “[Eastern Sarajevo] it’s just a suburb are several marks within urban land- munity’s well-being and the preservation of Sarajevo, so urban development scape connoting space in different iden- of the territory’s natural resources. More- it’s not affected by this separation at titarian terms so that the absence of walls over the document openly states a polit- all. They are doing everything by or check-points doesn’t make the cross- ical intention to guarantee and maintain themselves so it really doesn’t affect the city’s integrity fostering its internal As a relevant example, the different use ing experience less significant. cohesion and preventing its fusion with of alphabet and colours in road signs the city of Sarajevo at all” (Interview Sarajevo. doesn’t entail a simple aesthetic choice, n. 7, Općina Novo Sarajevo). “Eastern Sarajevo represents a shel- “With regards of issuing spatial plans but implicitly contribute to strengthen an ter for Serbian people, a safe place there is no communication or nego- identitarian connotation that simultane- that has been defended and main- tiation between the two administra- ously excludes the counterpart. As I will

106 Elena Bassi: Divided Sarajevo – Space management, urban landscape and spatial practices across the boundary

ration of damaged ones (refer to since they are built in much more sump- 2010). tuous and majestic features and are spa- Akšamia The visual impact of urban landscape’s tially set in the higher level of the city to change strongly emerges through the be visible from several standpoints ( - comparison between the city centre‘ aes- 2008, p. 59). This trend repre- Lo thetic and the new built in the sents another difference with the Otto- franco western neighbourhoods of the city, in man tradition, that privileged buildings particular Otoka and Alipašino . De- gently and discretely integrated within spite their destruction during the war, the the whole urban landscape (refer to old town centre and the adjacent Austro 2010) (Photograph 1 and 2). Hungarian part have not been structur- The diffusion of such mosques has not Akšamia ally altered by the following intervention been embraced by all Sarajevans and of reconstruction. Restorative measures within the city’s political debate many of mosques and other historical buildings criticisms have been fostered against the had been carried out following the prin- excessive celebration of a particular col- ciple of reproducing the pre-war feature lective identity that doesn’t represent the ( 2010, pp. 199ff.). On the whole population. Indeed such a spread- other hand, the changed feature of the ing tendency represents a crucial issue in Photograph 1: Ali Pašina , Sarajevo Mazzucchelli (E. Bassi 2012) city’s landscape is particularly visible in the general political debate, as many in- Novo Sarajevo and Novi Grad, the west- habitants hardly accept the progressive discuss below, such exclusive identitarian ern area of the city developed under the connotation of Sarajevo’s urban identity celebration insists on different character- socialist period. The new mosques dom- in mono-religious terms. On the one inate the view with their spatial exten- hand, criticisms come from observant is becoming progressively connoted in Is- sion and high minarets reproducing the who don’t feel represented by izing elements: on the one hand, Sarajevo lamic terms, while the peculiar feature of architectural feature of Middle-East the new religious tendency and its im- Eastern Sarajevo is represented by a con- mosques (refer to 2010). The posed architectural principles; on the stant reference to Serbian identity. Such construction of such mosques clashes other hand, non Muslim population claim Akšamia contrasting symbolic connotation of ur- with Islamic building principles that Bos- for the past multicultural urban identity ban space is differently accepted within nia inherited from the Ottoman tradition where religion belonged to a more pri- celebration of Serbian identity remains the two contexts: on the one hand, the uncontested as it implicitly legitimises the existence of Eastern Sarajevo itself; on the other hand, the progressive con- notation of Sarajevo in Islamic terms has fostered a deep political debate upon the city’s religious radicalization under the

The image of Sarajevo as a cultural growing influence of Saudi Arabia. melting pot seems to have inexorably fad- ed while the diffusion of some peculiar elements of Islamic culture and identity has contributed to gradually connote the city in mono-religious terms. Different circumstances and events have contrib- uted to such change, in particular, the growing incidence of Bosniak population as a demographic aftermath of the war and the strengthening of economical and cultural ties with Islamic countries, in particular Saudi Arabia, that played a Photograph 2: King Fahd mosque, Alipašino Polje neighborhood, Sarajevo - Source: http://www.mirzak.com.ba/photo/nocna_fotografija/sarajevo_2/02+Dzamija+Kral- j+Fahd.jpg.php struction of new mosques and the resto- Attribution: © cityN photography 2008 consistent role in financing both the con

107 Europa Regional 22, 2014 (2015) 3-4

vate sphere. In many occasions media and press portrayed the construction of new mosques as a further example of ter- ritorial demarcation in ethno-national terms, perpetrated by architectural means (refer to 2010). Once the boundary with Eastern Sara- Akšamia jevo has been crossed, any reference to the Islamic tradition drastically disap- pears leaving space for architectural ele- ments connected to the Orthodox culture. Beyond the mono-religious connotation of urban landscape, there are other sig- - nificant examples that show how the re the boundary has systematically dis- definition of collective identities across missed the counterpart. Among signs used in a selective and ex- cluding way alphabet appears the most Photograph 3: House number in Bosnian Parliament square, Sarajevo (E. Bassi 2011) - fort to celebrate the group’s identity Islamic imagery as it is conventionally Other examples concerning Eastern Sa- evident one and reflects a reciprocal ef through the negation of the other. Indeed - - in Bosnia both Latin and Cyrillic scripts ligious symbol, the half moon. On the taining and promoting the Serbian iden- used in representations of the official re rajevo reflect the strong effort in main other hand, blue is the same colour used tity of the population. Stressing the sym- while throughout the Federation Latin for street signs in Eastern Sarajevo as bolic bond between people and land such are officially recognized and allowed, but - the one used in Serbia. Once again, sim- efforts aim at fostering the internal cohe- cial alphabet, Cyrillic script is adopted ple material elements are provided with sion of the national community, highligh- script is conventionally used as the offi throughout Republika Srpska as a sign of a strong symbolic meaning that entails ting the importance of the IEBL as a fun- Serbian heritage. With the exception of the selective celebration of collective damental boundary and providing a basis the signs positioned along the boundary, identities declined in religious and na- to further legitimize Republika Srpska’s written in both alphabets, each part of tional terms. territorial sovereignty. the country exclusively employs just one of them. In the case of Eastern Sarajevo – and Republika Srpska in general – the symbolic reference to the Serbian imagi- nary assumes a radical connotation since

Cyrillic script, road signs are always dis- in Serbia, despite the official adoption of played using both alphabets. The use of alphabet becomes here a clear tool of identity maintenance fostered through the intentional negation of the counter- part. Such a reciprocal contraposition can be caught not only by looking at streets signs, but also at house numbers that are displayed on backgrounds of differ- - graph 3) and blue in Eastern Sarajevo ent colours: green in Sarajevo (Photo (Photograph 4). Such a choice is not sim- ply an aesthetic matter, but entails in both cases an intentional symbolic allu- Photograph 4: House number in King Alexander Square, opposite side of the street, sion. On the one hand, green recalls the Eastern Sarajevo (E. Bassi 2011)

108 Elena Bassi: Divided Sarajevo – Space management, urban landscape and spatial practices across the boundary

urban feature combines the growing cel- ebration of Muslim identity with the pro- gressive cancellation of the Serb compo- nent of collective memory, contributing to demolish the traditional multicultural identity of the city. On the other hand, Eastern Sarajevo incisively promotes the exclusive celebration of Serbian identity, similarly ignoring the perspective of a multi-national and multi-religious milieu. As such, the selective celebration of col- lective identities is achieved through a mutual denial of the elements testifying

the complex and heterogenic Yugoslav a shared past and a common tradition: identity has been progressively concealed and replaced with mono-national and

and neglect each other. Photograph 5: Coat of arms of Republika Srpska and Orthodox icon, University of Eastern mono-religious specificities that oppose Sarajevo, Eastern Sarajevo (E. Bassi 2014) Such strong identitarian connotation of urban landscape in both sides contrib- The most evident effort in this sense rolled up instead of hanging sideways utes to spread a sense of detachment in concerns the use of Serbian flags and (Photograph 6). people living on the other side. Among in- other national symbols. In my several The examples discussed above illus- habitants of Sarajevo the issue of Cyrillic visits to institutional offices for inter- - alphabet is often raised as an example of views I had many chances to spot Ser- tion and reshape of urban architecture the deliberate attempt to draw a line of trate the extent to which the configura bian coat of arms and flags both in in- distinction by the counterpart. While the ternal rooms and outside the buildings celebration of the collective memory (re- use of Cyrillic was formerly part of a com- and aesthetic always reflects a selective (Photograph 5). Moreover, their clear fer to 2004; 2006; - mon tradition, today its exclusive use in symbolic meaning acquired further re- 2010; 2010). On Republika Srpska is interpreted by peo- Dell’Agnese Mela Wa levance as Bosnian state’s flags were the one hand, the reshaping of Sarajevo’s ple in Sarajevo as a strategy to celebrate genaar Mazzucchelli the separation. On the other hand, people in Eastern Sarajevo refer to the progres- sive diffusion of mosques in Sarajevo to express their feelings of extraneousness as they lack any cultural or religious link- age with Islamic world. From this standpoint the strong iden- titarian connotation of the built environ- ment provides the basis to renovate the separation as it strongly affect people’s representations and interpretation of re- ality.

Daily practices in a changed built environment Despite the presence of the boundary scarcely affect people in emotional terms, the deep changes of the built environ- - habitants’ daily life and collective repre- ment have to some extent influenced in sentations. On the one hand the crossing Photograph 6: Flags hanging at the entrance of the University of Eastern Sarajevo, Eastern Sarajevo. The Bosnian flag in the middle is rolled up. (E. Bassi 2014) experience has lost much of its emotion-

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al burden, but on the other hand spatial spatial practices typical of urban environ- Conclusions and relational practices carried out on a ments rather than rural contexts. Despite The paper has discussed the division be- daily basis foster a reciprocal sense of ex- the absence of a proper old town centre, tween Sarajevo and Eastern Sarajevo traneousness between inhabitants of the the central area offers bars, restaurants, showing how the divisive power of the two sides. As discussed below, the way in clubs and all the services that individuals boundary has progressively decreased to which people experience space and ne- could need on a daily basis. People walk- some extent but persists and renovates gotiate a collective sense of belonging re- ing down the streets or sitting in bars and itself through other processes. While in- restaurants contribute to provide space habitants appear much less emotionally other side. affected by the separation than before, flects a deep detachment towards the In the case of Sarajevo the inhabitants’ spatial and social practices inhabitants their daily practices and sense of belong- with a specific meaning: through their discourse stresses the urban-rural divide negotiate and elaborate a collective rep- resentation of that place as the centre of built environment. At institutional level ing prove to be influenced by the changed separation becomes socially relevant as a city. Indeed inhabitants have progres- the divisive power is constantly and in- as a tool of differentiation: the spatial it distinguishes the city’s inhabitants sively developed a new sense of belong- tentionally renovated by the rhetoric of from the rural world. Sarajevo is con- - stantly represented as the real city and such aspect appears particularly rel- tial organization of space within the two ing towards that specific spatial context spatial planning: indeed the self-referen through discursive strategies that stress evant considered that a large portion of cities doesn’t simply involve a functional urbanity as a desirable value. From this people was formerly living in Sarajevo. and infrastructural separation, but rather perspective Eastern Sarajevo is conceived Among my interlocutors, people born in implies an intentional effort to create and as a built up area striving to present itself Sarajevo minimized their emotional tie - as a new city but still perceived as a vil- with their birthplace as their new settle- cally connoted in cultural terms. Such define two different spatial units specifi lage. Although the crossing experience ment coincided with the rebuilding of a rhetoric emerges both through normative represents a quite common practice for new sense of belonging. Indeed, through documents and institutional actors’ rep- utility reasons, Sarajevans express a gen- daily social and spatial practices people - eral sense of extraneousness and indif- have attached a new collective meaning festation within the shape of urban space. resentations and finds its physical mani ference towards the other side and East- to Eastern Sarajevo simultaneously de- As it has been presented, symbolical ele- ern Sarajevo is often pictured as a rural veloping an emotional detachment to- wards the other side of the boundary. national identity characterise the built ments expressing a specific religious and identity. In conclusion, urbanity is generally environment on both sides of the bound- area struggling to build an artificial urban On the other hand, daily spatial and re- represented as a desirable value and a ary. lational practices reveal how Eastern Sa- tool of distinction by inhabitants of both In conclusion, Sarajevo and Eastern Sa- sides; nevertheless, people experience rajevo are progressively structuring as as the home place for its residents. and perform their urban life-style in dif- two different cities rather than the two rajevo has been progressively redefined Through the re-spatialization of daily ferent spatial contexts fostering a recip- sides of a partioned urban system. Such practices, Eastern Sarajevo is represent- rocal sense of extraneousness and disin- empirical results warn against the ed and experienced by its inhabitants as terest. While Eastern Sarajevo has func- long-lasting effects of separation as well a city itself rather than the peripheral tionally developed as a separated urban as the generative power of division since side of a divided urban system. system, its inhabitants have progressive- territorial separations imposed as solu- In the last ten years the area has been tions to inter-group violence entail provided with a growing supply of ser- of belonging and cohesion. In parallel, long-lasting consequences much harder ly redefined and negotiated a new sense vices and structures – such as schools people in Sarajevo have assisted to such to remove than physical barriers. The re- and university, a hospital and a new sport process with indifference and detach- centre – thus the opportunity to enjoy ment, employing the separation as a spa- the interpretation suggested by sults discussed within this paper confirm proximity has limited the inhabitants’ ne- tial reference to celebrate their urban (2007, 2009, 2012) in his wide contribu- Bollens cessity to go to Sarajevo for basic needs identity in opposition with the counter- tion, according to whom the new post- or leisure time activities. From an exter- part’s rural character. Such a scenario nal standpoint the area still looks like a provides a further element to acknowl- centrifugal forces and separate futures. war reconfiguration is likely to reinforce developing periphery and lacks any his- edge the divisive power of the boundary As the author states “The misplacing of torical location that could promote the as Sarajevo and Eastern Sarajevo repre- the city in the state’s new political geog- aesthetic value of the place. Nevertheless sent two separated urban systems not raphy foregoes a major opportunity for the progressive provision of services and only in institutional, functional and struc- Sarajevo to constitute a multicultural cen- tural terms, but also in people’s represen- experience of space, encouraging new tations. (2007, p. 84). After seven years such re- structures has influenced the residents’ ter in an otherwise fragmenting state”

110 Elena Bassi: Divided Sarajevo – Space management, urban landscape and spatial practices across the boundary

marks prove still appropriate as the sce- L. Female, age 32 (17.05.2012) S. Female, age 28 (20.05.2012) and Democratization. New York. Bollens, S.A. (2009): Cities, Therefore it appears even more urgent to nario has not significantly changed. investigate possible alternatives to pro- Eastern Sarajevo divided societies. New York. Bollens, S.A. (2012): Cities and soul in mote future societal transformations. K. Female, age 42 (01.10.2011) , J., E. - J. Female, age 35 (05.10.2011) vided cities. Belfast, Beirut, Jerusalem, Calame Charlesworth (2009): Di Methodological appendix D. Male, age 27 (14.12.2011) Mostar, Nicosia. Philadelphia. List of interviewees: Local administrators L. Male, age 23 (03.11.2011) - and professionals D. Male, age 33 (07.11.2011) altà e metafore della distinzione. Bolo- Cella, G. P. (2006): Tracciare confini. Re M. Female, age 28 (10.12.2011) gna. 1. O. Male, age 31 (19.05.2012) S. Female, age 24 (21.05.2012) - Mirsada Smajić, office of Urbanism, Dell’Agnese, E. (2004): Sarajevo come (12.07.2011) V. Female, age 39 (21.05.2012) Općina Stari Grad Sarajevo, Sarajevo paesaggio simbolico. In: Rivista geogra 2. , H., T.M. Border fica italiana, 111 (2), pp. 259-283. Planning, Transport and Public Ser- Consulted documents: identities. Nation and state at interna- Gorjana Piljak, office of Territorial Donnan Wilson (1998): Spatial plan of Canton Sarajevo (Prostor- tional frontiers. Cambridge Eastern Sarajevo (16.09.2011) ni Plan Kantona Sarajeva) Bor- vices, Općina Istočno Novo Sarajevo, 3. Branislav Todorović - Spatial plan of Republika Srpska (Prostor- Donnan, H., T.M. Wilson (1999): torial Planning, Transport and Public ni Plan Republike Srpske) States. Oxford. , office of Terri ders: Frontiers of Identity, Nation and - Dayton Peace Agreement, Annex 4 - ern Sarajevo (08.10.2011) ating power through spatial forms. Services, Općina Istočna Ilidža, East Dovey, K. (1999): Framing places. Medi 4. Alma Sadović Bibliography London

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112 Elena Bassi: Divided Sarajevo – Space management, urban landscape and spatial practices across the boundary

Peзюме Résumé

Разделённое Сараево. Территориальное управление и Sarajevo divisée. Gestion de l’espace et paysage urbain de Елена Басси Elena Bassi городской ландшафт по обе стороны границы part et d’autre de la frontière - Cet article porte sur Sarajevo, à titre d’étude de cas d’une ville - divisée. Suite aux Accords de paix de Dayton signés en 1995, la В статье представлено исследование, посвящённое разде - Bosnie-Herzégovine est divisée intérieurement en deux enti- лённым городам, на примере Сараева. Как результат Дей - - тонского соглашения, подписанного в 1995 г., Босния и Гер blika Srpska (RS). Au niveau local, la ligne administrative divise цеговина была разделена на два субъекта, а именно: на Фе tés: la Fédération de Bosnie-et-Herzégovine (FBeH) et la Repu - deux zones qui, avant la guerre, constituaient un système ur- дерацию Босния и Герцеговина (ФБиГ) и Республику - Сербскую (РС). На муниципальном уровне административ - - ная граница разделяет два района, которые до войны со bain unique: Sarajevo, y compris les quartiers historiques de la - baines faisant désormais partie du territoire de la RS. Étant ставляли единую городскую систему: Сараево (в том чис ville, faisant partie de la FBeH, et Istočno Sarajevo, zone périur donné la partition de la ville, cet article aborde dans quelle me- ле исторический городской квартал) как часть ФбиГ, и Вос - sure le pouvoir de division de la frontière est soit réduit, soit точное Сараево в пригородной зоне, которое в настоящее - restauré. время относится к территории PC. Что касается разделе - Du point de vue des habitants, les traversées sont devenues ния города, в работе исследуется, в какой степени разде pratique courante depuis la quasi disparition du fardeau émo- ляющая, враждебная сила границы уменьшается либо вос tionnel dont la population souffrait en raison de la présence de станаливается la frontière. Néanmoins, les processus de séparation en cours С точки зрения жителей, пересечение границы стало peuvent être admis dans la rhétorique de la gestion de l’espace обычной практикой, поскольку эмоциональная нагрузка mais aussi dans les particularités de l’environnement bâti. En в значительной степени исчезла. Тем не менее в риторике - властей постоянно можно заметить сепаратистские paration territoriale, cet article montre comment la logique de устремления, то же самое относится и к застройке. Говоря observant la manière dont la planification urbaine traite la sé division est constamment nourrie par les interprétations des о том, как градостроительное планирование справляется administrateurs et des professionnels locaux, alors que les in- с территориальным разделением, предлагаемая статья terventions et les initiatives suggérant une approche alterna- показывает, в какой степени логике сепаратизма содействует соответствующая интерпретация местных cadre normatif entretient un cercle vicieux reproduisant la di- органов власти и экспертов и что как возражения, так и tive sont rares et inefficaces. Ainsi, la rhétorique implicite du vision fonctionnelle, organisationnelle et infrastructurelle. инициативы, представляющие альтернативный подход Le pouvoir de séparation peut être également admis en re- для обсуждения, оказываются редкими и неэффек­ gardant la connotation symbolique des paysages urbains. Mal- тивными. Соответственно неявная риторика нормативной gré l’absence d’artéfact marquant la division, l’utilisation inten- базы способствует формированию порочного круга, кото­ tionnelle de symboles et de signes de part et d’autre de la fron- рый приводит к созданию функционального, органи­ tière commémore de manière sélective des identités collectives зационного и инфраструктурного разделения. Силу этого разделения можно увидеть также, если обра­ l’autre partie. De plus, ce type de changements opérés au sein тить внимание на символическое значение городского spécifiques et néglige par la même occasion la présence de ландшафта. Хотя разделение не отмечено артефактами, la vie quotidienne et la représentation collective des habitants. преднамеренное использование символов и знаков по обе de l’environnement bâti a, dans une certaine mesure, influencé стороны границы отмечает точечную специфическую Sarajevo, ville divisée, frontière, gestion de l’espace, paysage urbain, общую идентичность, в то время как присутствием identité collective живущих напротив пренебрегают. Кроме того, изменения в застроенной окружающей среде в определённой степени влияют на повседневную жизнь и коллективные представ­ ления жителей.

Сараево, разделённый город, граница, управление территорией, городской ландшафт, коллективная идентичность

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