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Journal De La Société Des Océanistes, 146 | 2018 the Materiality of Sepik Societies 2 Journal de la Société des Océanistes 146 | 2018 Le Sepik : société et production matérielle The materiality of Sepik societies Introduction Christian Kaufmann, Philippe Peltier and Markus Schindlbeck Translator: Nora Scott Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/jso/8868 DOI: 10.4000/jso.8868 ISSN: 1760-7256 Publisher Société des océanistes Printed version Date of publication: 15 July 2018 ISBN: 978-2-85430-135-9 ISSN: 0300-953x Electronic reference Christian Kaufmann, Philippe Peltier and Markus Schindlbeck, « The materiality of Sepik societies », Journal de la Société des Océanistes [Online], 146 | 2018, Online since 15 July 2018, connection on 23 September 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/jso/8868 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/jso. 8868 This text was automatically generated on 23 September 2020. © Tous droits réservés The materiality of Sepik societies 1 The materiality of Sepik societies Introduction Christian Kaufmann, Philippe Peltier and Markus Schindlbeck Translation : Nora Scott We thank Nora Scott for translating the French text. 1 From the time of its discovery at the end of the 19th century, the northern Sepik Valley was recognized as one of those places with a seemingly inexhaustible capacity for artistic creation. The cultures found along the river and its tributaries produced objects and architectures that astonished by the impressive diversity of their forms. This creativity has motivated numerous studies with no end in sight so rich is the material, as attested by the articles collected in the present volume. 2 Most of the articles were first presented at a conference organized by the musée du quai Branly-Jacques Chirac in the autumn of 2015. This meeting was one of the high points in a project begun several years earlier and culminating in the Sepik exhibition presented in Berlin, Zurich and Paris in 2015-2016. The show featured some 230 original works from the lowlands and surrounding regions between the mouth of the Sepik and April River. 3 The checkerboard of languages and cultures found in the Sepik Valley makes reducing this zone to some two hundred sculptures a difficult, daunting and necessarily partial (in both senses of the word) exercise. To avoid being reductive, a risk entailed in any exhibition on the Sepik, the visitor was invited to explore a fictitious village. This stroll was a pretext for discovering, first, the objects contained in a family dwelling, then those kept in the men’s house and finally those used in elaborate ceremonies. The device supposed the existence of a cultural fabric uniting all of the valley’s groups. The idea of a unified Sepik culture has haunted research on the region from the start. It was prompted by the existence of objects whose shapes and uses seemed infinite but which also shared a certain je-ne-sais-quoi, a family resemblance. From the very first publications, the objects that had been collected or seen raised the formidable question of cultural differences and group boundaries. The museographic layout took for granted that there were some common features, a “Sepikness”, a feeling binding all Journal de la Société des Océanistes, 146 | 2018 The materiality of Sepik societies 2 groups together whatever specific forms and shapes might be found in the different carvings. 4 Tracing the history of European exploration and examination of Sepik culture(s) is a compulsory step in present-day research. If the articles contained in this volume often refer to analyses developed in the past century, they nevertheless expand our knowledge through specific case studies. This interpretation rests not only on the role of the artists, the iconography or the study of materials used, but also on the way the objects are constructed through the effects produced by their use, whether they are made to appear and then disappear in the course of rituals or in chance events. The present articles broadly chart the effects of globalization, which raises questions about social transformation and loss of material and immaterial knowledge. Paradoxically, this loss of knowledge has resulted in a return to the collections kept in many of the world’s institutions. Here, too, history is vital to analysis, but this historical reading is conditioned by new and complex dialectical relations with the communities of origin. 5 The geographic space concerned in these articles is broader than that covered by the exhibition proper, including part of the Upper Sepik (above April River) or the hills between the river and the coast. By broadening the scope of comparison, the extension of the valley’s geography enables us to grow our knowledge of the cultures that developed in the valley over the past millennia. MAP 1 ‑ Sepik Area with the main administrative centres and three regional centres: Gaikorobi, Biwat and Bosmun (final version drawn by Rudolf Zimmermann, Basel; map drafts Courtesy of Oceania department, Museum der Kulturen Basel) Journal de la Société des Océanistes, 146 | 2018 The materiality of Sepik societies 3 History of research and collecting in the Sepik area 6 Constant reference to history demands a quick look back over some of the most significant points. 7 It all began one day in 1885, when Otto Finsch and Captain Eduard Dallmann, together with some German and Indonesian sailors, discovered the mouth of the Sepik River. They sailed their way a few kilometers inland. Several exploratory trips followed. In 1886, the voyage of the Ottilie brought back the first objects to the West. However studies of Sepik material culture would have to await the years preceding the Great War. In 1910, Otto Schlaginhaufen’s book on the collection he brought back from his 1909 voyage for the Dresden museum appeared (Schlaginhaufen, 1910). In 1913, Otto Reche, who would take part in the expedition organized by the Hamburg museum under the direction of Friedrich Fülleborn, published what remains a major treatise: in the space of nearly 500 pages he describes some one hundred objects out of the 900 collected by the expedition between 22 May and 4 June 1909 (Reche, 1913). To these he adds numerous Sepik pieces already in German museums. For those interested in Sepik culture, these two books are still a must. Not only do they provide the first descriptions of the villages and inhabitants of the Sepik but they draw up an inventory of certain objects used along the river.1 8 Otto Reche was the first to divide the region into four stylistic areas, which he reduced to three culture areas (Reche, 1913: 475). These divisions are still used, though their boundaries have been altered as knowledge of the river has extended further upstream. Time and again in his text, Reche notes that some objects have true artistic worth. This remark runs counter to today’s widespread idea that early-20th century ethnographers were indifferent to the artistic value of these objects. One only has to read the first texts to understand the erroneous nature of this idea. To wit: von Luschan’s article published in 1911 in the Baessler Archiv, in which he recommended nothing less than drawing up a program of field studies on Sepik art (von Luschan, 1911). 9 This article was definitely known to the members of the multi-disciplinary expedition organized in 1912–13 by the Berlin museum of ethnography. Headed by Artur Stollé, the members included Carl Ledermann, botanist, Walter Behrmann, geographer, and two ethnographers, Adolf Roesicke and Richard Thurnwald. The expedition would spend several months in the valley, while Thurnwald stayed on into 1914. Unfortunately the First World War made it impossible to publish the voyage. The collections, or what was left of them after the vicissitudes of history, were published only fifty years later when the rediscovered objects were transferred to the new Dahlem museum (Keklm, 1966 for volumes 1 and 2, 1968 for volume 3).2 Roesicke’s voluminous travel journal was published only some one hundred years after the author’s death in early 1919 (Schindlbeck, 2015 and Roesicke 1914). We are indebted to Behrmann, however, not only for a remarkably precise map (Behrmann, 1917-1924), but for a book (Behrmann, 1922) in which, following Roesicke’s work, he proposes a classification of the culture groups by, among others, the forms of their ceremonial houses. 10 As early as the first years of the 20th century, the Sepik aroused an interest that went beyond Germany’s imperial power and colonial project. Following that of George Dorsey, a large-scale expedition was organized by Albert B. Lewis, who was at the time an assistant curator with the Chicago Field Museum of Natural History. After a lengthy Journal de la Société des Océanistes, 146 | 2018 The materiality of Sepik societies 4 tour of the Pacific with several stops along the northern coast, his boat sailed 465 kilometers up the river between 9 and 16 August 1910. Lewis purchased enormous numbers of objects in the villages. Upon returning, he published a few studies on his collections and provided for their installation in the Field Museum’s new rooms. Here, once again, history repeated itself, as his journal would not be published until 1998 (Welsch, 1998). 11 This quick introduction to three expeditions organized by museums allows us to point up a paradox: whereas these institutions hold – not to say hoard! – a considerable number of objects, the early collections were little known owing to historical circumstances. These objects, together with the information available about their origins, nevertheless made it possible to reconstruct a relatively complete picture of the region’s material production. As several of the articles in the present volume show, exploiting the documentation from these expeditions allows some objects to be brought back to life. 12 Life on the river was not altered by the First World War.
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