DOCSLIB.ORG

The Squatter Settlement As Slum Or Housing Solution: Evidence from Mexico City Author(S): Peter M

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Squatter Settlement As Slum Or Housing Solution: Evidence from Mexico City Author(S): Peter M The Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System The Squatter Settlement as Slum or Housing Solution: Evidence from Mexico City Author(s): Peter M. Ward Source: Land Economics, Vol. 52, No. 3 (Aug., 1976), pp. 330-346 Published by: University of Wisconsin Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3145530 . Accessed: 16/07/2014 22:03 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System and University of Wisconsin Press are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Land Economics. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.59.222.12 on Wed, 16 Jul 2014 22:03:03 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The Squatter Settlement as Slum or Housing Solution: Evidence from Mexico Cityt Peter M. Ward* LOW-INCOMERESIDENTIAL has been the subject of considerable GROWTHIN LATINAMERICA debate. Do they constitute a slum uni- verse, or form a viable housing solution? For the past two decades many studies of urbanization in Latin America and other "developing" areas have focused CHANGINGATTITUDES TOWARD attention upon residential expansion. SQUATTERSETTLEMENTS Low-income settlements,1 which often have an ambiguous legal status, go under Many conflicting statements about a plethora of names: favelas in Brazil, squatter settlements in the 1950s and ranchos or barrios in Venezuela, villas early 1960s were the result of a lack of miserias in Argentina, barriadas or pueb- detailed micro-level analyses and a ten- los jbvenes in Peru, callampas in Chile dency to evaluate them according to and colonias proletarias in Mexico.2 inappropriate middle-class values and Moreover, their relative importance is standards. The classic stereotyped analo- increasing. In Mexico City in 1952 colonias proletarias constituted 23.48% of the built-up area and 14.2% of the t I am indebted to Colin Clarkeof the University population. By 1970 they had extended of Liverpoolfor his comments on an earlierdraft of to somewhere between 35% and 40% of this paper. *Lecturerin Latin AmericanGeography, Univer- a total population of 8.5 million [Turner sity CollegeLondon. et al. 1971-2; Harth Deneke 1966], and 1 Low income for the purposeof this paperis taken 41.5% of the urban area.3 Relative as earning the minimum wage or less. In 1974 the minimum wage was 52 pesos a day (1,248 pesos a growth of colonias proletarias is esti- month). According to the Buro de Investigacidnde mated to have been on the order of Mercados, S.A., in 1970 45% of the economically 10-15% per annum since 1950, in con- active population earned less than 1,000 pesos a month, and 70%less than 1,500. (12.5 Mexicanpesos trast with an overall city growth rate of = $1 U.S., approximately.) 5.7% per annum [Turner et al. 1971-2]. 2Literally "proletarianneighborhoods," they are A similar is observed in other themselvesmade up of both squattersand illegal sub- pattern divisions. Latin American cities. In 1970 the 3Data extrapolated from the BNHUOPSAmap, ranchos of Caracas housed 34.4% of the "Estudio de la Habitaci6nen la Ciudadde MBxico," [Banco Obrero 1973] and Depto. de Estudios y Proyectos [1952], and from a population contemporaryplan constructedby the author. had a growth rate of 15% per annum.4 4 Oficina Municipal de Planeamiento Urbano The role of such areas as a housing form [1972]. Land Economics * 52 * 3 * August 1976 This content downloaded from 128.59.222.12 on Wed, 16 Jul 2014 22:03:03 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Ward:The Squatter Settlement: Mexico City 331 gies to an urban cancer [Juppenlatz ment. This paper seeks to identify dis- 1970], inhabited by ruralites who crete residential types for Mexico City arrived in ever-increasing numbers and and attempts to shed light on the constructed houses according to a rural improving and nonimproving sectors. technology, gave credence to demands Second, it discusses some of the factors for their eradication and replacement by that encourage slum growth, and finally, public sector housing (see also Bonilla draws preliminary conclusions regarding [1962]; Pearse [1961]). These stereo- planning responses. types were put into doubt by field research [Turner 1965, 1967; Mangin 1967; Mangin and Turner 1968; Leeds MEXICOCITY: and Leeds 1970] describing the dynamic THELOW-INCOME HOUSING SYSTEM improvement processes in urban squatter settlements. Moreover, although squatter In Mexico City the low-income hous- populations are in large part provincial in ing stock is organized into a series of origin, they are not rural "hicks" [Leeds sub-systems (Table 1), each having dis- and Leeds 1970]. Some have lived in tinctive properties of location, structure urban areas all their lives, others have and tenure.6 Making a choice between had long periods of experience with each sub-system depends upon people's urban or city life prior to the city in demands and priorities which are them- question [Balan 1969; Flinn 1968; Her- selves highly variable [Turner and rick 1965; Ward 1975]. In addition, Fichter 1972]. Factors which may influ- their intra-urban residential histories do ence demand are marital status, stage in not correspond with a direct movement the life cycle, family size, urban residen- into squatter settlements but rather indi- tial history, ability to pay, employment cate varying periods of residence in type and stability, city-based contacts rental or shared accommodation else- and their distribution, and so on. The where in the city [Turner 1968; Mangin degree to which the options listed in 1967; Ray 1969; Ward 1975]. In spite Table 1 accurately reflect the informa- of these studies, conflict and confusion tion upon which low-income residential continue to exist in the popular litera- decisions are made is not known. It is ture [De Jesus 1970] and the press,5 as unlikely that all of the options will be well as among research workers [Schul- man 1968; Salmen 1970] and govern- ment institutions [INVI 1968]. This sThe press is often most at fault with regardto the perpetuation of middle-classvalues or inappropriate paper suggests that some of the contra- housing standards.In Mexico referenceis frequently dictions regarding the role of squatter made to the coloniasproletarias as being cinturonesde settlements in the urbanization miseria("belts of misery"),in which the people live in process housing conditionsbarely fit for animals.While enor- are the result of definitional misunder- mous problems clearly exist such reporting is irre- standings. There is a lack of consensus as sponsibleand counterproductive. to what constitutes a 6I am indebted to J. F. C. Turnerfor clarification squatter settlement, of the of the and terms such as principalcomponents Mexicansystem at ranchos, barriadas, an early stage of this study (see Turneret al. [1971- favelas may cover very disparate ecologi- 2]; Sudraand Turner[1973]). In his schemeciudades cal and social universes. Moreover, they perdidas and colonias paracaidistasare "compensa- tory" sub-systemsthat have developedin responseto fail to reveal the heterogeneity of settle- demandsand changesin the efficiency of the system. ments at different levels of self improve- In Table 1 they are portrayedas basic sub-systems. This content downloaded from 128.59.222.12 on Wed, 16 Jul 2014 22:03:03 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 332 Land Economics TABLE 1-THE LOW-INCOME Usual Usual Sub-System Location Tenure Classic Vecindad Central city Rent (often (Primer cuadro) controlled) e i Vecindad Central city Rent (libre) n and intermediate ring d a Vecindades Nuevas Intermediate As above d ring and periph- e In the s ery. older colonias proletarias Fraccionamientos Periphery "Owned" by C Clandestinos (often in the occupier- o P State of Mex.) contract often 1 r invalid or confused o0 nl i e a t s a Colonias Paracaidistas Intermediate Held illegally r ring and periphery by occupier i a Colonias Paracaidistas As above Owner occupied s (legalized) Some renting and sharing Ciudades Perdidas Central city, Rent. Often intermediate confused ring and old pueblo cores Conjuntos Subsidiados (a) Soc. security Intermediate Rent affiliates ring, periphery (b) Resettlement Periphery Varies, usually schemes owner-occupiers Source: After Sudraand Turner[1973]. *Turneret al. [1972] **Lowerestimate according to data collected by the author,upper estimate that of Turneret al. [1972]. This content downloaded from 128.59.222.12 on Wed, 16 Jul 2014 22:03:03 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Ward.-The Squatter Settlement: Mexico City 333 HOUSINGSYSTEM OF MEXICOCITY Usual Period Approx. Total Structure Services of Expansion Numbers Often colonial palaces, Access to all Varies 1900- subdivided and services but 1940 deteriorating shared Large purpose-built, As above 1930-1942 varying state of repair 2 million* Small, 1-10 families, As above 1955 onwards varying degree of permanency Varies, usually consoli- Varies, may often 1950 onwards dating. Autoconstruction lack one or all of the following: drainage, paving, water, refuse collection, etc. As above As above 1950
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Coordinating Community Reintegration Services for “Deportable Alien” Defendants: a Moral and Financial Imperative
    Florida Law Review Volume 70 Issue 5 Article 3 October 2019 Coordinating Community Reintegration Services for “Deportable Alien” Defendants: A Moral and Financial Imperative Amy F. Kimpel Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.ufl.edu/flr Part of the Criminal Law Commons Recommended Citation Amy F. Kimpel, Coordinating Community Reintegration Services for “Deportable Alien” Defendants: A Moral and Financial Imperative, 70 Fla. L. Rev. 1019 (2019). Available at: https://scholarship.law.ufl.edu/flr/vol70/iss5/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UF Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Florida Law Review by an authorized editor of UF Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Kimpel: Coordinating Community Reintegration Services for “Deportable Ali COORDINATING COMMUNITY REINTEGRATION SERVICES FOR “DEPORTABLE ALIEN”1 DEFENDANTS: A MORAL AND FINANCIAL IMPERATIVE Amy F. Kimpel* Abstract Recidivism rates for individuals who are convicted of illegal entry and re-entry (U.S.C. §§ 1325 and 1326) are quite high despite post-sentencing deportations. The “holistic defense” model developed in New York City at the Neighborhood Defender Services and Bronx Defenders has been instrumental in achieving better outcomes for criminal defendants and their communities, in large part due to an emphasis on re-entry or re- integration services for defendants being released from incarceration. However, that model is difficult to implement when applied to non- citizen defendants who are to be deported. This Article argues that some attention to re-entry services for deportable non-citizen defendants improves outcomes for the individual defendants and the communities they are prosecuted in.
    [Show full text]
  • ANAPRA: an Anatomy of the Border
    258 ARCHIPELAGOS: OUTPOSTS OF THE AMERICAS ANAPRA: An Anatomy of the Border CHRISTOPHER CALOTT University of New Mexico R71pre a71 ecotone occurs. there 1s nlo7-e lge and life 1s Border. He said that Ciudad Juarez was a Ierj beautiful cit! full louder because ~ILOor more groups ofplant5 and anmals of friendlj Uorteno people. If they lilted. it would be \el? eas! 01ellap, boost~nglfe's pitch and intensit>,. The border IS to find high-pajing ~{orltthere. He also carefully mentioned noic a place ~cherea huge ecotone offlesh and capltal that it was close to the Lnited States. in the event that the! and guns IS rubhng up against ltselfas tlto cultures and might nant to take a "~acatiori"there too. He emphasized that. ttt o economies and tlco languages nleet and mingle and there vasn't anything to lose. The trip would cost them nothing. erupt into something Ice cannot ?et name. - Charles Bo\\den, Juarez: Traveling north to Juarez. across the seeminplj-. endless. harsh The Laboratoq of our Future Chihuahua11 desert. 4na thought she was looking at the most barren place in the ~+orld.She sav a landscape that Isas bleak and treeless. She sat+ no green like the lush tropical rain forests of her home. The mighty Rio Brayo. called the Rio Grande on A BUS CAME TO VERA CRUZ: Ah!4'S STORY . - the CS side. was dr!. Passing through the squalid colonia neighborlioods with houses fashioned from discarded wood As for most Fronterizos. lna's Border story begins in a small pallets. cardboard and tin.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise of Renters and Renting in Texas Colonias
    Copyright by Noah Joseph Durst 2013 The Report Committee for Noah Joseph Durst Certifies that this is the approved version of the following report: The Rise of Renters and Renting in Texas Colonias APPROVED BY SUPERVISING COMMITTEE: Supervisor: Peter M. Ward Co-supervisor: Robert H. Wilson The Rise of Renters and Renting in Texas Colonias by Noah Joseph Durst, B.A. Professional Report Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degrees of Master of Public Affairs and Master of Arts The University of Texas at Austin May 2013 Dedication This report is dedicated to my former students at Ringgold Middle School in Rio Grande City, Texas. Thank you for teaching me the importance of community, generosity, and hope. Acknowledgements I would like to express my deepest appreciation to Dr. Peter Ward of the Lyndon B. Johnson (LBJ) School of Public Affairs for extensive guidance throughout the research process and for providing me with the opportunity to work on a variety of important policy research projects in colonias. I am also grateful for his consistent support and encouragement, for thorough and thoughtful feedback on multiple versions of this report, and, in particular, for inspiring in me an interest in housing and economic development in colonias. I also wish to thank Dr. Robert Wilson for guidance and feedback on the econometric model presented herein, as well as for helpful comments on an earlier draft of the report. I am grateful to Dr. Sasha West of the LBJ School Writing Center, who provided thorough and insightful input as well.
    [Show full text]
  • Colonia Certification Packet
    RE: Colonia Certification and Designation Dear Community Partner: The State of Arizona Department of Housing has developed a process to certify Arizona Colonias to ensure that they comply with federal legislation at Section 916 of the Cranston- Gonzalez Act of 1990 and HUD issued guidance in CPD notice 11- 001. As you may know, the State is required to set aside 10% of its CDBG funds for projects assisting Colonias with high priority needs. Communities, counties or tribes wishing to obtain funding for colonia set aside projects must first complete the certification process prior to being eligible to participate in a colonia set-aside competitive funding round. According to Section 916 of the Cranston-Gonzalez Act of 1990, a “colonia” is any identifiable community that: 1. Is located within 150 miles of the border between the United States and Mexico, except within any standard metropolitan statistical area that has a population exceeding 1,000,000; and 2. Is designated by the state or county in which it is located as a colonia; 3. Is determined to be a colonia on the basis of objective criteria, including the lack of potable water supply, lack of adequate sewage systems, and lack of decent, safe, and sanitary housing; and 4. Was in existence and generally recognized as a colonia before the enactment of the National Affordable Housing Act of 1990. A community, county or tribe wishing to obtain colonia certification must meet all four of the criteria listed above and must demonstrate eligibility thru extensive documentation much of which may be historical in nature.
    [Show full text]
  • Southwest Border Colonias: Housing and Sustainable Development in the 21St Century El Paso, Texas June 22-23, 2016
    Southwest Border Colonias: Housing and Sustainable Development In The 21st Century El Paso, Texas June 22-23, 2016 Taking place at the University of Texas at El Paso on June 22-23, 2016, the Southwest Border HUD co-hosted convening on Habitat III was a remarkable and effective gathering, which wisely recognized the need for input across the spectrum of housing issues. Those in attendance represented housing advocates, non-profit developers, academia, local and state governments, as well as the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development and the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas. Most importantly, residents of Colonias were present to add their direct and invaluable perspective into the challenges they face in daily life. This convening provided a complete picture of issues facing the Southwest Border area in regards to housing and community development, which may be of relevance in other border areas around the world. Sessions Highlights Colonias/Model Home Communities: In the United States, soon nearly ¾ of the nation’s population will live in cities. On the border, a Colonia is an unincorporated settlement, usually developed on plots sold by private developers, typically without access to basic utilities such as running water, electricity, sewage, and even basic infrastructure such as paved roads and designed drainage. A Model Home Community usually provides access to basic services, but again with minimum building codes and with a lack of infrastructure. Both such substandard communities are usually located close to larger urban environments but outside city limits, therefore avoiding zoning requirements or building codes that city centers typically enforce.
    [Show full text]
  • FY20 Annual Action Plan
    Executive Summary ES-05 Executive Summary - 24 CFR 91.200(c), 91.220(b) 1. Introduction As CDBG entitlement jurisdiction, Pinal County will receive an annual allocation of Community Block Development Grants (CDBG) funding from the US Department of Housing and Urban Development. Pinal County is required to prepare and submit a five-year consolidated housing and community development plan. In addition, the county is required to complete an Annual Action Plan which outlines how the allocation of funds will be used for the current fiscal year. In addition to CDBG funds, Pinal County became a Participating Jurisdiction (PJ) in 2020 and will therefore receive HOME Investment Partnership funding beginning with Year Two of the Consolidate Plan. The addition of the HOME funds required an amendment to the FY19-23 Consolidated Plan. To prepare the Annual Action Plan for year two, Pinal County convened public meetings throughout the county. The citizen participation process included the input of units of local governments (UGLGs), nonprofits, members of the public, county staff and elected officials, and other community partners. The attached 2020 Annual Action Plan is the result of these efforts based on the foundation of addressing housing and community development needs to benefit primarily low and moderate income residents of Pinal County. Pinal County also extended an invitation to county communities to participate in the county’s programs. Four communities became “participating communities” and will receive an annual allocation based upon their proportionate share of the funding. 2. Summary of the objectives and outcomes identified in the Plan Needs Assessment Overview Based upon the overarching goals of the Community Development Block Grant program to develop viable communities by providing decent housing, suitable living environments, and expanded economic opportunities principally for low- and moderate-income persons, our objectives will align these goals.
    [Show full text]
  • Homeless Youth in America: Who Are They
    HOMELESS YOUTH IN AMERICA: Who Are They? giving homeless youth a voice since 1974 Jessica left home when she was 15 to escape abuse after her sole source of support, her brother, left to join the Air Force. She didn’t have money for rent so she slept on friends couches in the beginning, then she started sleeping in laundromats or the public library and staying awake all night on the streets to try to stay safe. Aaron’s sole caretaker, his mother, died when he was a teenager and he had no other family who could care for him. No one stepped in to care for him; not even the child welfare system. Aaron was sleeping at friends’ houses for a bit, but soon ended up homeless and living on the streets. Charlene’s mom struggled with addiction and when Charlene was 13 years old she became the primary caretaker of her three younger sisters. Charlene became pregnant at age 16 and after her son was born, her stepfather began to sexually abuse and rape her. Charlene found the strength to report her stepfather to the police and he There are 1.68 million homeless was incarcerated. Soon after, Charlene was placed in youth in the U.S. each year. foster care with her son. At 18, she exited foster care and became homeless with her son. Many Factors Contribute to Youth Homelessness The vast majority of youth do not become homeless by choice. Many different factors contribute to youth homelessness, but studies suggest that some of the primary reasons are family dysfunction, sexual abuse, “aging out” of the foster care system, exiting the juvenile justice system, and economic hardship.
    [Show full text]
  • Enhancing Rural Reentry Through Housing Partnerships
    ENHANCING RURAL REENTRY THROUGH HOUSING PARTNERSHIPS A Handbook for Community Corrections Agencies in Rural Areas 2 of 47 DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE, BUREAU OF JUSTICE ASSISTANCE This handbook was made possible by Grant No. 2007-DD-BX-K003, awarded to Family Justice by the Bureau of Justice Assistance. The Bureau of Justice Assistance is a component of the Office of Justice Programs, which also includes the Bureau of Justice Statistics, the National Institute of Justice, the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, and the Office for Victims of Crime. Points of view or opinions in this document are those of Family Justice and do not represent the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. BJA supports law enforcement, courts, corrections, treatment, victim services, technology, and prevention initiatives that strengthen the nation’s criminal justice system. BJA provides leadership services and funding to America’s communities by: • Emphasizing local control, based on the needs of the field. • Developing collaborations and partnerships. • Providing targeted training and technical assistance. • Promoting capacity building through planning. • Streamlining the administration of grants. • Creating accountability of projects. • Encouraging innovation. • Communicating the value of justice efforts to decision makers at every level. FAMILY JUSTICE Family Justice taps the natural resources of families, the collective wisdom of communities, and the expertise of government to make families healthier and neighborhoods safer. Since its founding in 1996, Family Justice has emerged as a leading national nonprofit institution dedicated to developing innovative, cost-effective solutions that benefit people at greatest risk of cycling in and out of the justice system.
    [Show full text]
  • Texas Community Development Block Grant Program
    Texas Community Development Block Grant Program 2021-2022 Colonia Fund: Construction (CFC) Application Guide October 2020 Table of Contents TxCDBG Goals and Requirements ...................................................................................................................................2 Part I: CFC Fund-Specific and other Program Requirements ...........................................................................................3 Application Submittal and Deadline Requirements ..........................................................................................................3 Part II. General TxCDBG Application Requirements ....................................................................................................10 Application Completeness ..............................................................................................................................................10 Applicant Threshold Requirements ................................................................................................................................11 Basic Eligibility Documentation Requirements ..............................................................................................................12 Project-Specific Documentation Requirements ..............................................................................................................14 Documentation of Beneficiaries ......................................................................................................................................14
    [Show full text]
  • Federal Colonias Policy in California: Too Broad and Too Narrow
    755 Federal Colonias Policy in California: Too Broad and Too Narrow Vinit Mukhija University of California–Los Angeles Paavo Monkkonen University of California–Berkeley Abstract In this article, we compare colonias in Texas and California and evaluate the federal policy relating to them. In Texas, designated colonias are recently subdivided but unregulated housing settlements that lack infrastructure. Cali- fornia’s designated colonias are old communities, with varying demographics, infrastructure needs, and jurisdictional authority. Because subdivisions are strongly regulated in California, we did not expect to find designated colonias there. In actuality, there are over 30. However, federal policy is based on Texas colonias, and we argue that it is too broad because it fails to distinguish between inherently distinct areas and investment needs. Paradoxically, the federal criteria for defining colonias are also too narrow. Many locally designated colonias in California do not qualify for funding because they are not close to the Mexican border or exceed the population ceiling. Ironically, some of the colonias that fail to qualify have the worst housing conditions. Keywords: Federal government; Infrastructure; Low-income housing Introduction For planners and policy makers in the United States, the housing settle- ments called colonias—subdivisions without basic physical infrastructure—are a relatively recent phenomenon. Because of their Spanish name, many policy makers regard them as alien and out of place in this country. Most of the desig- nated colonias are along the southern border of Texas and were developed between the 1960s and the 1980s. Colonia developers subdivided land, mostly in peri-urban areas, where regulations prescribing minimum standards for housing conditions and basic services were weak or nonexistent.
    [Show full text]
  • The Case of Guatemala City, Guatemala by Carlos Enrique Valladares Cerezo
    The case of Guatemala City, Guatemala by Carlos Enrique Valladares Cerezo Contact: Carlos Enrique Valladares Cerezo Source: CIA factbook USAC 13 avenida 25-38 zona 5, Ciudad de Guatemala Guatemala Tel. 3603778 Fax. 3603778 E-mail:[email protected] I. INTRODUCTION: THE CITY A. URBAN CONTEXT 1. National Overview The Republic of Guatemala has an area of 108,889 Urban growth is very rapid, given that in the 1990s the km2. It borders with Mexico, El Salvador, Honduras and urban population grew at an annual rate of 3.8 per cent, Belize, as well as with the Caribbean and the Pacific as a result of which the urban population is expected to Ocean. Guatemala is a country with a great bio-diversity in a small territory, with geo-morphological and climatic areas which vary markedly, with regions of considerable agro-ecological richness. Two thirds of the country is mountainous, and 34 per cent is covered by woodland. The average temperature is between 18 and 22º C. Guatemala is located in the Central-American Isthmus, a region with a high level of risk from natural phenom- ena, as well as which it is extremely vulnerable due to the poverty of the majority of the population. Guatemala is divided into 8 Regions, 22 Departments and 331 Municipalities. Guatemala City is located in Metropolitan Region 1 (see Map 1) The country has a population of 11.3 million. There are 2.5 million inhabitants in the Metropolitan Region – 20 per cent of the total. National population density is 104 inhabitants/km2, climbing to 1,213 inhabitants/km2 in the Metropolitan Region.
    [Show full text]
  • 84Th Texas Legislature Regular Session Tracking the Progress of State-Funded Projects That Benefit Colonias Prepared By: Texas O
    84TH TEXAS LEGISLATURE REGULAR SESSION TRACKING THE PROGRESS OF STATE-FUNDED PROJECTS THAT BENEFIT COLONIAS PREPARED BY: TEXAS OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE COLONIA INITIATIVES PROGRAM DATE OF SUBMISSION DECEMBER 1, 2014 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 2 Executive Summary The 2014 report is the third update of “Tracking the Progress of State-Funded Projects that Benefit Colonias,” as required by Senate Bill 99 (80th Regular Session) and SB 827 (79th Regular Session). These pieces of legislation charged the Secretary of State (SOS) with three tasks: 1) developing and maintaining a colonia identification system; 2) creating and maintaining a statewide system for classifying colonias with the highest public health risks; and 3) developing a report to the legislature on the progress of state- funded infrastructure projects. Previous reports were submitted December 1, 2006 and December 1, 2010. The 2014 report is based on input received during regular meetings of agencies and entities charged with assisting the Secretary of State in the development of this report. At these meetings, raw data (collected and updated by the SOS ombudspersons) was discussed and translated into policy recommendations included in this report. The information provided showed primarily that the number of colonia residents having access to potable water, paved roads, and operational wastewater disposal systems (“Green” colonias) increased from 194,085 in 2010 to 214,220 in 2014, with the number of “Green” colonias rising from 891 to 922 for the same time. At the same time, the number of residents living in colonias that lacked basic infrastructure such as potable water, functional wastewater disposal, or platted subdivisions (“Red” colonias) dropped from 44,526 in 353 colonias in 2010 to 37,862 in 337 colonias for 2014.
    [Show full text]