The Squatter Settlement As Slum Or Housing Solution: Evidence from Mexico City Author(S): Peter M

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The Squatter Settlement as Slum or Housing Solution: Evidence from Mexico City Author(s): Peter M. Ward Source: Land Economics, Vol. 52, No. 3 (Aug., 1976), pp. 330-346 Published by: University of Wisconsin Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3145530 . Accessed: 16/07/2014 22:03

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This content downloaded from 128.59.222.12 on Wed, 16 Jul 2014 22:03:03 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The Squatter Settlement as Slum or Housing Solution: Evidence from Mexico Cityt Peter M. Ward*

LOW-INCOMERESIDENTIAL has been the subject of considerable GROWTHIN LATINAMERICA debate. Do they constitute a slum universe, or form a viable housing solution? For the past two decades many studies of urbanization in Latin America and other "developing" areas have focused CHANGINGATTITUDES TOWARD attention upon residential expansion. SQUATTERSETTLEMENTS Low-income settlements,1 which often have an ambiguous legal status, go under Many conflicting statements about a plethora of names: favelas in Brazil, squatter settlements in the 1950s and ranchos or barrios in Venezuela, villas early 1960s were the result of a lack of miserias in Argentina, barriadas or pueb- detailed micro-level analyses and a ten- los jbvenes in Peru, callampas in Chile dency to evaluate them according to and colonias proletarias in Mexico.2 inappropriate middle-class values and Moreover, their relative importance is standards. The classic stereotyped analo- increasing. In Mexico City in 1952 colonias proletarias constituted 23.48% of the built-up area and 14.2% of the t I am indebted to Colin Clarkeof the University population. By 1970 they had extended of Liverpoolfor his comments on an earlierdraft of to somewhere between 35% and 40% of this paper. *Lecturerin Latin AmericanGeography, Univer- a total population of 8.5 million [Turner sity CollegeLondon. et al. 1971-2; Harth Deneke 1966], and 1 Low income for the purposeof this paperis taken 41.5% of the urban area.3 Relative as earning the minimum wage or less. In 1974 the minimum wage was 52 pesos a day (1,248 pesos a growth of colonias proletarias is esti- month). According to the Buro de Investigacidnde mated to have been on the order of Mercados, S.A., in 1970 45% of the economically 10-15% per annum since 1950, in con- active population earned less than 1,000 pesos a month, and 70%less than 1,500. (12.5 Mexicanpesos trast with an overall city growth rate of = $1 U.S., approximately.) 5.7% per annum [Turner et al. 1971-2]. 2Literally "proletarianneighborhoods," they are A similar is observed in other themselvesmade up of both squattersand illegal sub- pattern divisions. Latin American cities. In 1970 the 3Data extrapolated from the BNHUOPSAmap, ranchos of Caracas housed 34.4% of the "Estudio de la Habitaci6nen la Ciudadde MBxico," [Banco Obrero 1973] and Depto. de Estudios y Proyectos [1952], and from a population contemporaryplan constructedby the author. had a growth rate of 15% per annum.4 4 Oficina Municipal de Planeamiento Urbano The role of such areas as a housing form [1972].

Land Economics * 52 * 3 * August 1976

This content downloaded from 128.59.222.12 on Wed, 16 Jul 2014 22:03:03 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Ward:The Squatter Settlement: Mexico City 331 gies to an urban cancer [Juppenlatz ment. This paper seeks to identify dis- 1970], inhabited by ruralites who crete residential types for Mexico City arrived in ever-increasing numbers and and attempts to shed light on the constructed houses according to a rural improving and nonimproving sectors. technology, gave credence to demands Second, it discusses some of the factors for their eradication and replacement by that encourage slum growth, and finally, public sector housing (see also Bonilla draws preliminary conclusions regarding [1962]; Pearse [1961]). These stereo- planning responses. types were put into doubt by field research [Turner 1965, 1967; Mangin 1967; Mangin and Turner 1968; Leeds MEXICOCITY: and Leeds 1970] describing the dynamic THELOW-INCOME HOUSING SYSTEM improvement processes in urban squatter settlements. Moreover, although squatter In Mexico City the low-income hous- populations are in large part provincial in ing stock is organized into a series of origin, they are not rural "hicks" [Leeds sub-systems (Table 1), each having dis- and Leeds 1970]. Some have lived in tinctive properties of location, structure urban areas all their lives, others have and tenure.6 Making a choice between had long periods of experience with each sub-system depends upon people's urban or city life prior to the city in demands and priorities which are them- question [Balan 1969; Flinn 1968; Her- selves highly variable [Turner and rick 1965; Ward 1975]. In addition, Fichter 1972]. Factors which may influ- their intra-urban residential histories do ence demand are marital status, stage in not correspond with a direct movement the life cycle, family size, urban residen- into squatter settlements but rather indi- tial history, ability to pay, employment cate varying periods of residence in type and stability, city-based contacts rental or shared accommodation else- and their distribution, and so on. The where in the city [Turner 1968; Mangin degree to which the options listed in 1967; Ray 1969; Ward 1975]. In spite Table 1 accurately reflect the informa- of these studies, conflict and confusion tion upon which low-income residential continue to exist in the popular litera- decisions are made is not known. It is ture [De Jesus 1970] and the press,5 as unlikely that all of the options will be well as among research workers [Schul- man 1968; Salmen 1970] and government institutions [INVI 1968]. This sThe press is often most at fault with regardto the perpetuation of middle-classvalues or inappropriate paper suggests that some of the contra- housing standards.In Mexico referenceis frequently dictions regarding the role of squatter made to the coloniasproletarias as being cinturonesde settlements in the urbanization miseria("belts of misery"),in which the people live in process housing conditionsbarely fit for animals.While enor- are the result of definitional misunder- mous problems clearly exist such reporting is irre- standings. There is a lack of consensus as sponsibleand counterproductive. to what constitutes a 6I am indebted to J. F. C. Turnerfor clarification squatter settlement, of the of the and terms such as principalcomponents Mexicansystem at ranchos, barriadas, an early stage of this study (see Turneret al. [1971- favelas may cover very disparate ecologi- 2]; Sudraand Turner[1973]). In his schemeciudades cal and social universes. Moreover, they perdidas and colonias paracaidistasare "compensa- tory" sub-systemsthat have developedin responseto fail to reveal the heterogeneity of settle- demandsand changesin the efficiency of the system. ments at different levels of self improve- In Table 1 they are portrayedas basic sub-systems.

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TABLE 1-THE LOW-INCOME

Usual Usual Sub-System Location Tenure

Classic Vecindad Central city Rent (often (Primer cuadro) controlled) e i Vecindad Central city Rent (libre) n and intermediate ring d a Vecindades Nuevas Intermediate As above d ring and periph- e In the s ery. older colonias proletarias

Fraccionamientos Periphery "Owned" by C Clandestinos (often in the occupier- o P State of Mex.) contract often 1 r invalid or confused o0 nl i e a t s a Colonias Paracaidistas Intermediate Held illegally r ring and periphery by occupier i a Colonias Paracaidistas As above Owner occupied s (legalized) Some renting and sharing

Ciudades Perdidas Central city, Rent. Often intermediate confused ring and old pueblo cores

Conjuntos Subsidiados (a) Soc. security Intermediate Rent affiliates ring, periphery

(b) Resettlement Periphery Varies, usually schemes owner-occupiers

Source: After Sudraand Turner[1973]. *Turneret al. [1972] **Lowerestimate according to data collected by the author,upper estimate that of Turneret al. [1972].

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HOUSINGSYSTEM OF MEXICOCITY

Usual Period Approx. Total Structure Services of Expansion Numbers

Often colonial palaces, Access to all Varies 1900- subdivided and services but 1940 deteriorating shared

Large purpose-built, As above 1930-1942 varying state of repair 2 million*

Small, 1-10 families, As above 1955 onwards varying degree of permanency

Varies, usually consoli- Varies, may often 1950 onwards dating. Autoconstruction lack one or all of the following: drainage, paving, water, refuse collection, etc.

As above As above 1950 onwards 3-3.5 millions

Consolidating May lack any of 1950 onwards the services listed above

Shanty, unconsolidated Usually access to 1940s water. Limited or 1950s 112,000- lack of other 200,000** facilities

Multifamily All services 1960 onwards

Individual units, some As above 1970 onwards Below 100,000 multifamily

This content downloaded from 128.59.222.12 on Wed, 16 Jul 2014 22:03:03 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 334 LandEconomics relevant to an individual at any one time from the outset acutely aware of the so that once a decision on tenure type illegality of their invasion, the dangers and optimum location has been formu- and struggles that they may have to con- lated the sub-systems are condensed. front, and the various means of maximiz- Moreover, the common practice of securing their chances of successfully laying ing accommodation via personal contacts claim to the occupied territory.7 (kin, friends, workmates) as well as the Squatter settlements are selected for usual requirement of "key money" to further analysis as it is this particular obtain the transfer of the name on the sub-system that is most frequently lease, probably increases the available viewed in derogative terms as though it information used in search behavior. were synonymous with "shantytowns" Portes, working in Chile, regarded deci- [INVI 1968]. sion making for low-income residential Three squatter settlements were preference as highly rational and cogni- selected a priori according to their differ- tive [Portes 1972]. ent ages, with a view to examining the For the purpose of this paper the process of consolidation that had attributes of two particular sub-systems occurred over an extended period of (coloniasparacaidistas and ciudadesper- time. Fieldwork was undertaken over didas) are discussed in an attempt to thirteen months in 1973-4 and data shed light on the fundamental differ- were collected from each settlement by ences between "consolidating" squatter means of participant observation, settlements and "static" shantytowns. unstructured interviewing of leaders and a random sample survey drawn from a previously compiled household listing. COLONIASPARACAIDISTAS: Although data were gathered on a vari- A DEVELOPINGUNIVERSE ety of topics, one of the principal aims of the study was an examination of the Table 1 indicates that colonias para- process of consolidation by comparing caidistas (literally "parachutists") are house structures between squatter settle- not the only residential type making up ments, as well as within each settlement. the largest single sub-system-colonias Earlier writings have suggested that an proletarias. The other component, frac- important advantage of self-help housing cionamientos clandestinos (illegal sub- to low-income populations is its flexibil- divisions), differs in several ways. Most ity, leaving decision making and invest- important is the manner in which each is ment in the hands of the household established. Illegal subdivisions are those [Mangin 1967; Turner 1967]. House- into which families purchase a lot, often holds are able to improve the physical receiving pseudo-legal land titles. The arrangement is illegal where either the vendor (subdivider) does not have legal 7This may include such featuresas the cultivation title to the or alternatively, he of sympathetic publicity, rapidity of the invasion land, process to confront the governmentwith an effective defaults on the provision of services fait accompli, the power of large numbers, overt [Frieden 1965]. However, occupants demonstrationof nationalismand adherence to the incumbent regime. The latter is usually mediated do perceive themselves as having rights, through the display of flags, nationalist slogans and thereby providing them with a degree of may even go so far as to namingthe incipientcolonia legitimacy. In contrast, squatters are afterthe presidentor his wife.

This content downloaded from 128.59.222.12 on Wed, 16 Jul 2014 22:03:03 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Ward:The SquatterSettlement: Mexico City 335 structure of the dwelling in accordance water is brought in by water trucks and with various criteria-available invest- electricity is stolen by illegal hook-ups. ment surplus, family size, investment pri- The majority of houses comprise one orities, perceived security of tenure and so on. As a result, the internal structure SThequestionnaire consists of four main sections of settlements is highly heterogeneous. covering migration, household attributes, dwelling In this study an attempt is made to dis- attributes and patterns of social interactionfor the cern the various levels of consolidation head of household, spouse and eldest child over 16 years of age (where relevant).Consolidation indices achieved by households. A score was were compiledas follows: compiled by the interviewer after a short (a) Structureand services includes scores for the tour of the dwelling on completion of building materials used in walls, roof and floors, the This degree of "decoration"-plastered,bare and so on. interview.8 composite score, Servicesare those of water, drainageand electricity, itself an amalgam of separate scores of scored for presence or absence, whether private or structure and services of the house, shared,and location vis-i-visthe dwellingunit. At the lower end of the scale would be a provisionalshack material possessions and the function of with an earth floor, makeshift doors and windows, each room, was later allocated to one of entirely lacking services.At the other extreme is the seven classes, the limits of which had brick-builthouse with plasteredwalls, concreteroof, parquet floor, frameddoors and windows and all ser- been set after the pilot study. vices. Table 2 displays consolidation indices (b) Material possessions were included as many for the three colonias, along with other householdschoose to investin householdgoods rather than continue in structuralconsolidation. The score data which help to demonstrate the comprisesan inventory with low scores for common degree to which these settlements have household items (electric iron, radio) and high scores been upgraded. Below follows an over- for telephone,new car,color television. view of this in the (c) Room function classifies rooms accordingto process three settle- the degreeof specificityattained. High scores are given ments studied. to rooms with a clear single function (diningroom), Santo Domingo Los Reyes is the most low scores where rooms consistently fulfill several functions. Calibration was made according to the recent. It was one of the most dramatic numberof separatefunctions. and successful invasions to have occurred The thresholds of "consolidation indices" 1-7 in Mexico City, with hundreds of fami- were assessedafter the pilot survey and later checked againstthe distributionof scores obtained in the final lies invading comunero9 lands adjacent survey. Cut-off points remaineddiscrete with values to the University City on September 1, falling into the categories rather than across them. 1971. Lots were laid out on a gridiron Classes 6 and 7 are said to be "incipient"-that is, and after four there shacks without services and a minimum of personal pattern only days possessions.In contrast, "consolidated"dwellings are were estimated to be between four and those with several rooms, brick-built,fully serviced five thousand families (20,000 inhabi- and with a wide rangeof consumergoods. In between, in the total "consolidating"consists of three classes, 3, 4 and 5 tants) occupation."1 Today with household levels varying accordingto the inter- is in the order of 60,000 inhabitants. play of investmentin a, b and c. The rapid influx was due not simply to 9Agriculturallands set up under the Agrarian the of Reformprogram after the MexicanRevolution. Unlike high degree organization achieved ejido landsthey are alienable. by colonia leaders, but also to a large 'oNewspaperreports vary wildly. El Dia Nov. 12, number of young nuclear households 1971, put it at 10,000 families;El Dia Jan. 28, 1972, who came from "consolidat- at 15,000 families;April 21, 1972, at 7,000. The latter surrounding estimate is probablythe most accurateas it was based ing" squatter settlements where they had upon an enumeration by the leaders to establish been living with kin. Table 2 indicates pseudo-ownership.It now seemsthat there are approx- that levels of consolidation are low. imately 10,000 families (60,000 people), many of whom are livingen pendiente-sharingand awaitinglot Services are nonexistent in the colonia: allocation.

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TABLE 2 COMPARISONOF THREEIMPROVING SQUATTER SETTLEMENTS IN MEXICOCITY

Santo Domingo Los Reyes Isidro Fabela Sector Popular (incipient) (consolidating) (consolidated)

Age in 1974 3 yrs. 14 yrs. 26 yrs. Households renting - 8.4% 46.6% Average households per lot 1.2 1.8 4.2 Density, persons per hectare 211 415 753 Range of different industrial, commercial and service enterprises 5 34 66

Consolidation Index* 1 - 1.9% (2) 8.7% (10) 2 17.8% (19) 45.2% (52) 3 - 22.4% (24) 25.2% (29) 4 9.1% (6) 29.0% (31) 16.5% (19) 5 21.2% (14) 21.5% (23) 3.5% (4) 6 43.9% (29) 7.5% (8) .9% (1) 7 25.8% (17) Total 100% (66) 100.1% (107) 100% (116)

Note: Figuresin parenthesesdenote absolutenumbers. *See footnote 8.

room, usually made of provisional mate- needs of squatters as well as their low rials. In spite of the high insecurity, fre- purchasing power, so that enterprises are quent threats of eradication from the limited to grocery stores, tortillerias, government (practically impossible given pharmacy, a yard where building materi- the settlement's size), and prohibitions als may be purchased and a cafe that upon house improvement "quasi- serves as a bar and informal social center. enforced" by the police,11 a significant On June 24, 1974, after three years of proportion of households have begun to conflict, the government agreed to sell improve their dwellings (Table 2). Single- the lots to occupiers at a low price [El room shacks of pitched corrugated card- Dia June 24, 1974]. By that time INPI board are substituted for one- or two- (Instituto Nacional para la Proteccidn de room structures built of brick. Most la Infancia) had built two large schools households occupy an individual lot and and social centers in the colonia, and the only a small proportion share, usually electricity company was about to legal- awaiting allocation of a lot. A common ize the power supply through the pro- criticism of squatter settlements is that vision of individual metering. Given their low densities are wasteful of valuable urban land. Table 2 indicates that densities can be substantial at the outset, " "Quasi-enforced"since the police can be bribed into turning a blind eye. This is prejudicialagainst and increase over time. Commercial those squatters who cannot afford to pay a regular development at this level reflects the bribe.

This content downloaded from 128.59.222.12 on Wed, 16 Jul 2014 22:03:03 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Ward:The Squatter Settlement: Mexico City 337 these combined stimuli, it is likely that tures, particularly after expropriation in consolidation will be increasingly rapid 1952. This colonia, like several surround- over the next two to three years. ing it which began at approximately the The colonia of Isidro Fabela began in same time, now enjoys all services: elec- 1960 after a small invasion and then tricity, water and drainage are all con- grew accretively up to 1968 when the nected to the interior of each lot. government expropriated the land and Viewed from the road, frontages are agreed to sell it to the squatters. Services brick-built, and many houses are of two were gradually installed (electricity in or more stories, which makes it unlikely 1969, later standpipes at the corner of that an uninformed observer would blocks and more recently the paving of recognize the origins of the zone. Brown the central thoroughfare). The explicit [1972] describes the tendency for older recognition of the colonia's status on the colonias proletarias to increase their part of the government has stimulated population densities and for rental house consolidation (Table 2), and accommodation to become increasingly dwellings have been improved to varying common. In Sector Popular over one- levels. 12 Demographic characteristics half of households interviewed were reflect an older cohort structure com- found to be sharing lots or residential pared with Santo Domingo Los Reyes, space; 47% were formally renting, which so that families are considerably larger. suggests that the colonia is no longer a Moreover, the proportion of households typical squatter "owner-occupier" settle- sharing lots rises, thereby increasing ment but rather an important supplier of overall densities. Sharing evolves either rental accommodation, particularly for through the construction of rental recent migrants [Turner 1968; Brown accommodation or by the subdivision of 1972; Ward 1975]. This changing status lots between kin, with related nuclear has occurred in two ways. Originalsquat- families living on the same lot in separate ters may have chosen, or been forced dwellings. Commercial development has through economic impoverishment, to diversified enormously to include ser- sublet part of their lot. In this way a vices such as hairdressers,funeral parlors, petty landlord-tenant system evolves- repair shops of various types, dry- usually in physically insubstantial dwell- cleaners and so on. The participation of ings. Alternatively, speculators have con- squatters in colonia improvements, high structed either self-contained apartments in the early stages of colonia formation, or vecindades nuevas (single-room dwell- has recently atrophied as participant ings in which services are shared; see satisfaction and security increases and Table 1). Speculators can be original services still outstanding decrease. This is squatters who obtained title to several a trend frequently commented upon by lots, or late arrivalswho have bought out observers in urban areas throughout Latin America [Mangin 1967]. 12 Sector Popular was established in The uppermostclasses are not in all casesoriginal 1947 at what was then the squatters. It is not unusualfor lower-middle-income city's periph- householdsto "place"a family in a lot at the time of ery (it has since become part of the invasion as a caretaker.Once recognitionhas taken intermediate ring of the city). Shacks place possession of the lot is regainedand the house- were constructed in the first instance hold can either sell at a high profit or employ a contractorto constructa substantialhouse, complete and slowly replaced by permanent struc- with services.

This content downloaded from 128.59.222.12 on Wed, 16 Jul 2014 22:03:03 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 338 Land Economics the original squatter. The end result is a there are no standpipes on the site, or if highly heterogeneous population of rent- they are inadequate, then water must be ers and owners of different socio- brought in from outside or purchased economic levels. Densities at this stage from an itinerant water seller [INVI are high and the neighborhood's com- 1968]. mercial activity has diversified still fur- It forms a relatively small sub-system; ther to include public baths, small work- Turner [1971-2] estimated that it shops, private hospitals and so on. totaled approximately 200,000 people These three vignettes are not designed or 20% of the very low-income popula- to suggest that the trajectory of squatter tion.16 According to data collected from settlement improvement is unilinear, nor Habitacidn Popular17 the total popula- that recent invasions will necessarily tion is considerably less-in the order of come to resemble exactly the demo- 110,000 people-and the lower estimate graphic and physical characteristics of is in part due to the eradication policy of Sector Popular. Rather, the intention is the present administration. to demonstrate that squatter settlements Ciudad perdida formation tends to do upgrade themselves over time and predate that of colonias paracaidistas that certain processes are common to all. (which have mostly developed since However, these will vary in rate and 1950), with a mean age of 28.6 years: degree according to local conditions. only 13%have originated since 1957 and This paper now turns its attention to a 40% since 1947. Turner [1971-2] sug- nondeveloping housing sub-system in gests that they have formed as a sub- Mexico City, ciudades perdidas. stitute type of cheap rental accommodation after the vecindades became saturated in the early 1950s. However, CIUDADESPERDIDAS: A STATICSLUM UNIVERSE

13 "lost cities." In the press and many research institu- Literally They are definedby Direc- ci6n de Promoci6n de la Habitaci6n Popular as tions ciudades perdidas13 are frequently "encapsulatedspaces within the widerarea of the city considered synonymously with colonias whose inhabitantslack the minimumof servicesto be able to live March proletarias, though they are a very differ- comfortably"(El D6a 2, 1972). 14The INVI study [1968], titled Una Ciudad ent sub-system.14 Perdida, while a very good descriptionof the attri- Their nomenclature is significant. In butes of a typical ciudad perdida, does regardit as spite of their implicit "city" size they synonymouswith the largelyperipheral colonias proletarias.See also Arreola[1974]. are rarely as large as squatter settlements I The name given to the traditionalrural house and are invariably "lost" to view, being type. located on vacant lots screened by high 16 Turner [1971/2] classifiedvery low income as being below the minimum wage in 1970, and sug- boundary walls. This contrasts with the gested a figure of 625 pesos a month for a family of very visible peripheral squatter settle- 5/6 personsas being typical for ciudadperdida dwell- ments. Typically they are shackyards ers. 1IHabitacidn Popular del Departamento del Distrito (occasionally referred to as jacales) 15 Federal.It is currentlyresponsible for the eradication and occupy lots in the inner city and programof ciudadesperdidas and their resettlement. intermediate ring (Figure 1). They lack, All of the materialcited in the abovetext for ciudades perdidas was extrapolated from a handbook which or are parasitic upon, formal urban ser- includesa map of the site of each ciudadperdida, land vices. Electricity may be robbed, and if tenure,how formed,size, age and so on.

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FIGURE 1 DISTRIBUTION OF CIUDADES PERDIDAS AND COLONIAS PROLETARIAS IN MEXICO CITY, 1973

This content downloaded from 128.59.222.12 on Wed, 16 Jul 2014 22:03:03 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 340 Land Economics the majority of ciudades perdidas were the average lot size is 131 square started before the effects of rent control meters-a reasonable sized lot. This is in vecindades were felt, though it is like- probably due to the way in which the ly that their densities have increased data were collected by social workers, since the 1950s. who would almost certainly have esti- Fifty-nine percent of ciudades per- mated the total area of the shantytown, didas were founded upon private prop- divided it by the total number of house- erty and only 18% began on lands be- holds, thereby including unoccupied longing to the federal government (in land, thoroughfares and communal contrast with the usual practice of squat- spaces. When the distribution of data is ter settlements). Ten percent developed more closely analyzed it is apparent that on lands registered as belonging to the 43% of lots are less than 80 square railway company, in areas adjacent to meters in area and 66% are less than 120 the tracks, and occasionally in disused square meters. rolling stock. Associated with the fact Figure 1 plots their distribution that the majority began on private prop- within the metropolitan areas, and it is erty, the data indicate that 68% of clear that they are primarily a city center ciudades perdidas had their origins as and intermediate ring housing sub- rental accommodation whereby the own- system, approximately coincident with er would either sublet lots or construct the 1958 herradurade tugurios ("horse- the shacks and install the minimum of shoe of slums" [INVI 1958]). However, services before subletting at an exhorbi- comparing them with the pattern of city tant rent (often in the order of 25% of growth suggests that this has not always the total family income). Although this been the case. Indeed, when one takes accommodation is relatively cheap, rent- the position of the urban fringe by ing can yield returns equal to the total decades, it is found that prior to 1930 market value of the land annually [Sudra the formation of ciudades perdidas and Turner 1973]. Only 13% were re- occurred at or beyond the fringe.18 Dur- corded as having begun by invasion. ing the decade 1930-1940, twenty-five In squatter settlements the usual lot of the currently existing settlements size varies between 150 and 250 square were formed, of which only two began meters which allows an effective organi- more than a half kilometer inside the zation of space so that a household can fringe. This trend continued until 1953 erect a provisional dwelling on one-half with five (21%) of the twenty-four that of the lot and at the same time construct formed between 1940 and 1952 being a number of permanent rooms on the inside the fringe. In contrast, of those other. Once completed they move into that began during the period 1953-1960 the consolidated dwelling (which may the majority (81%) formed away from only be one room), demolishing the orig- the fringe, primarily in areas that were in inal shack. This is not the case for existence prior to 1950. This change was ciudades perdidas where shacks are built stimulated by the rapid areal growth of cheek-by-jowl [INVI 1968] and rarely the city and, in particular, the expansion comprise more than a single room which of the colonias proletarias which greatly functionally serves all purposes. How- ever, the data provided by Habitacidn 1" The edge of the built-up area. "Fringe" = a half a Popular are at first sight confusing since kilometer within that limit.

This content downloaded from 128.59.222.12 on Wed, 16 Jul 2014 22:03:03 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Ward: The Squatter Settlement: Mexico City 341 increased the distance between the al's mobility is a function of his psycho- center and the periphery. This meant logical attitudes towards upward mobil- that peripheral locations no longer ity and the structural barriers of society offered the same advantages of prox- that he has to confront. imity or ease of access to the downtown A more penetrating analysis is pro- area-the essence of this particular hous- vided by Delgado's [1971] in-depth ing sub-system. study of the barriadas of Lima. He suggests a typology constructed upon the variables of density, location and level of FACTORSTHAT INFLUENCE improvement attained in the barriada. SLUMFORMATION Clear differences are observed between ANDPERPETUATION the high-density barriadas of various locations, in which dwellings are highly The first half of this paper has congested, unhygienic shanty structures, described the attributes of ciudades and tenancy is a mixture of rental and perdidas emphasizing their inherent dif- illegal possession; and the non-slum set- ferences from squatter settlements. tlements (now called pueblos j6venes), Attention is now directed towards those which are usually peripheral or past- factors that may stimulate the slumifica- peripheral and in various stages of the tion process. This is done first with refer- consolidation process. He proposes a ence to past theories and second by model of two social universes. The first examining the rationale underpinning one is that of active slum formation in ciudad perdida formation in Mexico areas of spatial restriction, lack of prop- City. erty rights and proximity to highly diver- It is clear that the low-income housing sified centers of employment with a high stock is a product of historical, eco- capacity to absorb unskilled labor. The nomic and sociopolitical factors and can second is a non-slum social universe be expected to vary between different which "represents a situation of great cities [Leeds 1969]. Moreover, the dynamism and high potential for self degree to which the self-help housing development" [Delgado 1971, p. 294]. sector is a dynamic and successful one is The slum universe described by Delgado likely to vary considerably. The rate of bears a marked resemblance to the urbanization, the real benefits accruing ciudades perdidas of Mexico City. to low-income groups controlling for the In Mexico slum formation predomi- effects of inflation, and the attitudes nates in areas where both the incentives adopted by governments vis-a-vis their and means whereby low-income popula- squatter populations will be crucial in tions might improve and upgrade their this respect. Nevertheless, several authors housing are either nonexistent or are have attempted to conceptualize the subverted. This results in an overall problem of slum formation per se, and decline of the residential environment. formulated operational typologies that Two broad sets of factors contribute to categorize slum forms according to their the process. The first, as in ciudades per- different potentials for development. In didas, acts to encourage their formation. an abstract form Stokes [1962] differ- The second set of factors operates in entiates between "slums of hope" and both ciudades perdidas and some "slums of despair" in which an individu- squatter invasions, intervening as barriers

This content downloaded from 128.59.222.12 on Wed, 16 Jul 2014 22:03:03 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 342 Land Economics at the colonia or household level, physical structure of the dwelling. It is thereby reducing the opportunity and likely that the head of the household incentive for successful self-help solu- will be earning at best the minimum tions. wage, and probably considerably less [Turner 1971-2; INVI 1968]. However, this may not be substantially different Factors that Encourage Slum Formation from incomes of squatter heads of The continuing high demand for rela- household who do exhibit patterns of tively low rental accommodation in loca- successful consolidation. Other factors tionally advantageous parts of the city is therefore usurp or subvert the invest- a very important factor, and it is not ment surplus into other items. The pay- recognized by government eradication ment of rents of 25% or more of the and resettlement policies. Supply has total household income, in addition to decreased at the city center as a result of the normal day-to-day living costs, the declining number of vecindades and would make it practically impossible to the growing stability of population create a surplus. Additionally, the com- attracted by increasing economies of mon practice of sharing goods through- rent control. They are no longer tempted out low-income kinship networks to move to autoconstructive settlements [Lomnitz 1975] acts as an equalizing at the periphery [Brown 1972]. At the mechanism, inhibiting the accumulation same time the opportunities for upward of savings. economic mobility are no longer as great Second, self-help potential is as they were in the 1950s, as access to "stunted" where there is a high per- industrial employment becomes more ceived risk or hazard. For example, in difficult [Mufioz et al. 1973]. Indicative cases of rental tenure default or arrears of sustained demand is the high rental of payments, combined with the high charged for dilapidated shanty dwellings demand can easily result in the loss of and the "key money" paid to previous the dwelling. There are other cases where occupants. (Sudra and Turner report tenure is confused and occupants regard sums of 400 pesos ($32) as common- themselves as "owner-occupiers." In place-approximately one week's wages these instances tenurial status must be at the minimum wage.) resolved with householders securing full From the owner's point of view prof- rights of ownership, or the threat of evic- its from ciudades perdidas rentals are tion or eradication operates as a continu- high. At the same time, inflation of land ous disincentive to invest in the physical prices makes it profitable not to develop structure of the house. In these cases inner-city lots. This helps to ensure their investments are usually made in con- continued existence, as does the lack of sumer durables such as radios, televisions effective regulatory or prohibitive con- and furniture. High insecurity also trol of speculation by the government. occurs where environmental hazards are high. Land slippage and flooding are common barriers Latin Solu- throughout Barrierswhich Inhibit Self-Help America and the Caribbean. In Mexico tions City, settlements in the western mining Economic constraints intervene districts are especially susceptible to land against the incentive to improve the slips and house collapse, particularly in

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the rainy season. Butterworth[1972, p. cation and resettlementrather than in- 222] describes five low-income settle- situ improvement. ments in Oaxaca, Mexico, and suggests Finally, spatial restrictions of dwell- that the large differences observed ings increasesthe problemof organizing between relative levels of consolidation renovation or house construction. Self- in two settlements are a product of help house building in Mexico usually environmentaland tenurial insecurities involvesthe constructionof a permanent that exist in one and are absent in the dwelling on one-half of the lot while other. An active alternativeland use has living in a provisionalstructure on the much the same effect by making the other. Wherelots are severelyrestricted chances of future ownership unlikely. this processis inhibited."9 This is best demonstratedin the conces- sions made by Mexican Railways to house constructors alongside railway GOVERNMENTPOLICY tracks and in sidings. The same barrier prevails in residentialdevelopments on This paper argues that shantytowns motorway reservations, under bridges (ciudades perdidas) and squatter settle- and even on roof tops in the inner city ments constitute different housing sub- area. systems, offering a variety of solutions. Third, variationin the organizational Governmentpolicy regardingboth sub- abilities of different communities is systems shouldtherefore be cognizantof likely to affect the success of demand the value that each alternativeoffers to making. Cornelius [1973b] found that users. inhabitantsof low-incomeself-help com- First, government attitudes towards munities demonstrategreater awareness the nonimprovingshantytown universe of politicalprocesses and a propensityto needs to be examined. Although the participatemore fully than do popula- physical structureis similar in ciudades tions of other housingsub-systems. Simi- perdidas and squatter settlements in larly, in all three squatter settlements which consolidation is blocked, policy studied by the author, an understanding makingshould accommodate the varying of leadershipwas crucialin interpreting needs of each type. In cases where the the relativesuccesses and failuresof each shantytownis a rental sub-system,indis- community.The role of leadersas politi- criminateeradication and resettlementat cal "brokers"and the active participa- the peripheryis unlikely to be a viable tion of colonos (squatters)in the peti- solution. Habitacidn Popular, prior to tioning for the installationof servicesis a relocation of ciudad perdida residents, common feature of squatter settlement carriesout an economic feasibilitystudy consolidation [Mangin 1967; Cornelius to determine total family income and 1973a; Peattie 1969]. In contrast, the the housing solution that is best suited lack of bargainingpower of a group of to them. It estimatesthat a family earn- rentersand their inabilityto developthe ing between 1,000 and 1,500 pesos a same degree of internal organizationas their squatter counterpartsis a significant barrier to improvement. Indeed, 9 This "problem" is not insuperable. Consolidators in Caracas, Venezeula, upgrade their dwellings by successful petitioning in most ciudades building a wall of permanent materials alongside the perdidaswould probablyresult in eradi- provisional wall.

This content downloaded from 128.59.222.12 on Wed, 16 Jul 2014 22:03:03 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 344 Land Economics month can afford an amortization rate ble to inundation or land slippage, then of 250 pesos monthly over a fifteen-year removal to serviced lots might offer the period. However, housing projects are best solution. located at the margins of the city, at The second broad area of government least a one-and-a-half-hourbus ride from policy that requires examination is the the city center, the usual place of work. response to squatter settlements. The (No changes are made in the distribution suggestion that self-help housing presents of employment opportunities.) Traveling a viable solution is not so outrageous results in huge losses of time and reduces today as it was ten years ago. Indeed, the opportunities for spare time "odd several authors have argued that the jobbing." Similarly, the wife and child Mexico City government might formally who previously had easy access to local embody the process into its planning employment opportunities (taking in policies [Frieden 1965; Harth Deneke washing, shoe cleaning, hawking) find 1966]. that surrounding neighborhoods are less The Oficina de Colonias Populares conducive to casual work. Both instances takes major responsibility for overseeing may result in an overall decline of family the installation of services, judicial pro- income. Little is known about the effect cedures and complaints, and treats cases of the disruption of social networks, on their individual merits. It either acts though there is some evidence to suggest directly through land expropriation and that these relationships are crucial to resale to the colonos, or indirectly by the economic survival of populations installing certain services-implying that [Lomnitz 1975]. These diseconomies eradication will not ensue.2" Absolute can be minimized by the extension of ownership of property is very important in-situ rehousing schemes. This principle to squatters [Andrews and Phillips has been embodied in the remodelling of 1970], both for security as well as pro- some vecindades in the old colonial viding an inheritance for one's children. center of the city as well as at a ciudad Greater weight should be put upon those perdida site at Picos de Ixtacalco. Unfor- approaches that encourage outright tunately, these proposals frequently run ownership. counter to the primary motive of eradi- Access to credit facilities remains an cation-the securing of valuable down- important problem for a considerable town land sites for redevelopment. proportion of the population, although Where slumification has evolved in recent years it has become easier to because the aspirations of would-be con- obtain loans through one's place of work solidators have been subverted, success- (e.g., INFONAVIT). Widerdissemination ful solutions rest with the removal of of technical assistance, cheap building the barriers. Government intervention materials and prefabricated items could should aim to provide incentives without be introduced at the colonia level, either interfering in the autoconstructive pro- at purpose-built centers or via the wel- cess. For example, tenurial insecurity may fare centers that already exist in many be reduced through land appropriation and sale to occupants. Stimuli can also be provided through the installation of 20 This proves attractive to governments as it allows of them to play a two-way cooptation game whereby services, recognition improvement services are "sold" in exchange for political support. associations and so on. If conditions pro- Leaders are the middlemen or "brokers" in this pro- hibit in-situ improvement, as in areas lia- cess (see Cornelius [1973a]).

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"incipient" and "consolidating" colo- References nias. Credit facilities for minor house improvements could be administered and overseen at the same level. In all cases Andrews, F. M., and Phillips, G. W. 1970. "The Squatters should of Lima: Who Are They and What government policy be designed to Do They Want." Journal of Developing stimulate house improvement without Areas 4 (Jan.): 211-224. directly interfering in the autoconstruc- Arreola, Gerardo. 1974. Las Ciudades Perdidas. tive process. Testimonios del Fondo, Mexico, D.F. Balan, Jorge. 1969. "Migrant-Native Socio- economic Differences in Latin American Cities: A Structural Analysis." Latin Ameri- CONCLUSION can Research Review 4(Feb.): 3-29. , Browning and Jelin. 1973. Men in a This paper has sought to provide Developing Society. Austin: University of into the solution Texas Press. insights slum-housing Banco Nacional debate on low-income settlements Hipotecario Urbana Obras in S.A. (BNHUOPSA). 1952. El Prob- Latin America. Many of the seemingly lemaPtiblicas, de la Habitacion en la Ciudad de conflicting statements in the literature Mexico. Mexico, D.F. Agency Report. might usefully be reevaluated in terms of Banco Obrero. 1973. Politica de Vivienda. the different attributes and for Caracas, Venezuela (Oct.). Agency Report. potential Bonilla, Frank. 1962. self that offer. In "Rio's Favelas: The Rural improvement they this Slum within the City." A UFS Reports, East respect the application of a "systems" Coast of South America Series 8, no. 3. structure may help to order discrete Brown, Jane C. 1972. Patterns of Intra-Urban housing types as well as allowing their Settlement in Mexico City: An Examination consideration as of an of the Turner Theory. Cornell University: part interdepen- Latin American dent Data from other Studies Program Disserta- system. areas (e.g., tion Series, no. 40 (Aug.). [Leeds 1974]) indicate that rental shan- Butterworth, Douglas S. 1973. "Squatters or tytowns may coexist with consolidating Suburbanites? The Growth of Shantytowns squatter settlements, just as they do in in Oaxaca, Mexico." In Latin American Mexico City. Modernization Problems: Case Studies in the The data for two Crisis of Change, ed. R. E. Scott. Urbana: presented housing University of Illinois Press. in sub-systems Mexico City suggest that Cornelius, Wayne. 1973a. "Contemporary their dynamics are in large part related Mexico: A Structural Analysis of Urban to tenure, environmental security of the Caciquismo." In The Caciques: Oligarchical local dwelling environment, government Politics and the System of Caciquismo in the attitudes and the needs Luso-Hispanic World, ed. R. Kern. Albuquer- and aspirations que: of the University of New Mexico Press. population concerned. This paper 1. 973b. "The Impact of Governmental has emphasized the differential capaci- Performance on Political Attitudes and ties of settlements to consolidate them- Behavior: The Case of the Urban Poor in selves and has argued for various ways in Mexico." In Latin American Urban which this process can be stimulated. In Research, vol. 3, eds. F. Rabinovitz and F. Trueblood. Beverly Hills and London: Sage those settlements where consolidation is Publications. not a primary aim, as in rental shanty- Delgado, Carlos. 1971. "Three Proposals towns, it argues for a greater understand- Regarding Accelerated Urbanization Prob- ing of the opportunities that they offer. lems in Metropolitan Areas: The Lima Only in so doing can the generation of Case." In Latin American Urban Policies and the Social Sciences, eds. J. Miller and R. policy accurately reflect the needs of Gakenheimer. Beverly Hills: Sage Publica- low-income populations. tions.

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