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Presidential Terms and Tenure: Perspectives and Proposals for Change
Presidential Terms and Tenure: Perspectives and Proposals for Change Thomas H. Neale Specialist in American National Government October 19, 2009 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R40864 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Presidential Terms and Tenure: Perspectives and Proposals for Change Summary The terms of the President and Vice President are set at four years by Article II, Section 1 of the Constitution. The 20th Amendment, ratified in 1933, sets the expiration date of these terms at noon on January 20 of each year following a presidential election. From 1789 to 1940, chief executives adhered to a self-imposed limit of two terms, although only 7 of the 31 Presidents from 1789 through 1933 actually served two consecutive terms in office. The precedent was exceeded only once, by President Franklin D. Roosevelt, who was elected to four terms, and served from 1933 through 1945. The 22nd Amendment, proposed and ratified following the Franklin Roosevelt presidency, provides that “No person shall be elected to the office of the President more than twice.” It also specifies that Vice Presidents who succeed to the presidency may be elected to two full terms as President if they have served less than two years of their predecessor’s term, for a theoretical total of 10 years’ service as President. If, however, they have served more than two years of their predecessor’s term, they can be elected to only one additional term, for a total of between four and eight years of service, depending on when the Vice President succeeded to the presidency. -
Lack of Safe Water, Sanitation Spurs Growing Dissatisfaction with Government Performance
Afrobarometer Round 6 New data from 36 African countries Dispatch No. 76 | 22 March 2016 Lack of safe water, sanitation spurs growing dissatisfaction with government performance Afrobarometer Dispatch No. 76 | Corah Walker Summary If water is fundamental to life and human dignity, no issue is more pressing for 663 million people for whom access is still lacking (United Nations, 2015). As World Water Day (March 22) reminds us, safe and readily available water is a human right and an important contributor to public health, whether it is used for drinking, washing, food production, or recreational purposes. Contaminated water and inadequate sanitation help transmit diseases such as diarrhea, cholera, dysentery, and typhoid; diarrheal deaths due to unclean drinking water are estimated at 502,000 each year, most of them of young children (World Health Organization, 2015). Improved access to safe water and sanitation boosts economic growth, contributes to poverty reduction, and is highly relevant to achieving all of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), from health and education to food security and environmental sustainability (World Bank, 2014). Substantial progress was made under the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) initiative; worldwide, the target of reducing by half the proportion of the population without sustainable access to safe drinking water was met in 2010. But in sub-Saharan Africa, most countries fell short, and achieving the new SDG No. 6 – ensuring access to water and sanitation for all by 2030 – will require intensive and sustained action. In observance of World Water Day, new findings from Afrobarometer’s Round 6 surveys in 36 African countries give voice to citizens who call on their governments to address inadequate water supply and sanitation as a top priority. -
Working Paper No. 130 RESOURCES: LAND, CHIEFS and COALITION-BUILDING in AFRICA by Kate Baldwin
Working Paper No. 130 WHEN POLITICIANS CEDE CONTROL OF RESOURCES: LAND, CHIEFS AND COALITION-BUILDING IN AFRICA by Kate Baldwin AFROBAROMETER WORKING PAPERS Working Paper No. 130 WHEN POLITICIANS CEDE CONTROL OF RESOURCES: LAND, CHIEFS AND COALITION- BUILDING IN AFRICA by Kate Baldwin April 2011 Kate Baldwin is Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Florida and Visiting Scholar, Center for the Study of Democratic Politics, Princeton University. Mailing address: 308A Robertson Hall, Princeton University, Princeton, NJ, 08544. Telephone: 917-375-7614. Fax: 609-258-5014. E-mail: [email protected] . Copyright Afrobarometer i AFROBAROMETER WORKING PAPERS Editor Michael Bratton Editorial Board E. Gyimah-Boadi Carolyn Logan Robert Mattes Leonard Wantchekon Afrobarometer publications report the results of national sample surveys on the attitudes of citizens in selected African countries towards democracy, markets, civil society, and other aspects of development. The Afrobarometer is a collaborative enterprise of the Centre for Democratic Development (CDD, Ghana), the Institute for Democracy in South Africa (IDASA), and the Institute for Empirical Research in Political Economy (IREEP) with support from Michigan State University (MSU) and the University of Cape Town, Center of Social Science Research (UCT/CSSR). Afrobarometer papers are simultaneously co-published by these partner institutions and the Globalbarometer. Working Papers and Briefings Papers can be downloaded in Adobe Acrobat format from www.afrobarometer.org . Idasa co-published with: Copyright Afrobarometer ii When Politicians Cede Control of Resources: Land, Chiefs and Coalition-Building in Africa Abstract 1 Why would politicians give up power over the allocation of critical resources to community leaders? This article examines why many African governments have ceded power over the allocation of land to non-elected traditional leaders. -
04-17-1961 Bay of Pigs.Indd
This Day in History… April 17, 1961 Bay of Pigs Invasion On April 17, 1961, a group of Cuban exiles launched an operation in Cuba known as the Bay of Pigs Invasion. It was an important event in the Cold War, and led to major changes between the US, Cuba, and the Soviet Union. The US and Cuba have long had a close relationship. Following the Spanish-American War, the US established a military government there from 1898 to 1902. Cuba’s 1901 constitution included a provision called the Platt Amendment, which allowed the US to intervene in Cuban affairs and buy or lease naval bases there. After the Republic of Cuba was formed, American forces were called back in from 1906 to 1909 to quell a rebellion and again in 1917 to protect American-owned sugarcane plantations. In 1933, army sergeant Fulgencio Batista overthrew the government and pursued friendly relations with the US. In 1934, the US and Cuba signed a treaty ending the provisions of the Platt Amendment, except the permanent lease of Guantánamo Bay for use as a naval base. Batista ruled Cuba through figurehead presidents from 1936-1940. In 1940, Overprinted US Batista was elected president – but with a one-term limit. He moved to Florida stamp issued during after his term ended, but returned to Cuba in 1952 to run for president again. When American occupation it became clear he was going to lose, he overthrew the government again and of Cuba. established himself as dictator with the support of the US. Batista allied himself the American owners of the largest sugarcane plantations, revoking the right of Cubans to strike, and many other political liberties. -
Electoral Politics in South Korea
South Korea: Aurel Croissant Electoral Politics in South Korea Aurel Croissant Introduction In December 1997, South Korean democracy faced the fifteenth presidential elections since the Republic of Korea became independent in August 1948. For the first time in almost 50 years, elections led to a take-over of power by the opposition. Simultaneously, the election marked the tenth anniversary of Korean democracy, which successfully passed its first ‘turnover test’ (Huntington, 1991) when elected President Kim Dae-jung was inaugurated on 25 February 1998. For South Korea, which had had six constitutions in only five decades and in which no president had left office peacefully before democratization took place in 1987, the last 15 years have marked a period of unprecedented democratic continuity and political stability. Because of this, some observers already call South Korea ‘the most powerful democracy in East Asia after Japan’ (Diamond and Shin, 2000: 1). The victory of the opposition over the party in power and, above all, the turnover of the presidency in 1998 seem to indicate that Korean democracy is on the road to full consolidation (Diamond and Shin, 2000: 3). This chapter will focus on the role elections and the electoral system have played in the political development of South Korea since independence, and especially after democratization in 1987-88. Five questions structure the analysis: 1. How has the electoral system developed in South Korea since independence in 1948? 2. What functions have elections and electoral systems had in South Korea during the last five decades? 3. What have been the patterns of electoral politics and electoral reform in South Korea? 4. -
Discussion Piece Reflecting on the Recent Implementation of Programmes and Policies Supported by the World Bank in Benin, Camero
COMMUNITY-BASED RESULTS-BASED FINANCING IN HEALTH IN PRACTICE. A discussion piece reflecting on the recent implementation of programmes and policies supported by the World Bank in Benin, Cameroon, the Republic of Congo, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, The Gambia, and Rwanda Jean-Benoît Falisse, Petra Vergeer, Maud Juquois, Alphonse Akpamoli, Jacob Paul Robyn, Walters Shu, Michel Zabiti, Rifat Hasan, Bakary Jallow, Musa Loum, Cédric Ndizeye, Michel Muvudi, Baudouin Makuma Booto Joy Gebre Medhin Executive summary This report discusses Community Results-Based Financing (cRBF), a 'close to client' approach whereby community actors are paid based on the activities they undertake. The focus is on six developing cRBF experiences that have started in Cameroon, The Gambia, Benin, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DR Congo), Rwanda, and the Republic of Congo. The report's main aim is to cast light on the success and difficulties encountered in the implementation of such a programme. The report is based on a participative process that included a short review of the existing literature on cRBF, a review of the manuals of procedures and reports produced in each country case, in-depth interviews with a focal point in five countries, and two workshops with practitioners. Do cRBF schemes work? It is too early to say: most schemes are still in their infancy. An impact evaluation of the Rwandan scheme found mixed effects. The Cameroon, Congo, and the Gambia schemes integrate rigorous impact evaluation mechanisms and the first results should be available in two to five years. At this stage, the main discussion is on the implementation of cRBF. -
Kevin Mgwanga Gunme Et Al / Cameroon Summary of Facts
266/03 : Kevin Mgwanga Gunme et al / Cameroon Summary of Facts 1. The Complainants are 14 individuals who brought the communication on their behalf and on behalf of the people of Southern Cameroon1 against the Republic of Cameroon, a State Party to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. 2. The Complain[an]ts allege violations which can be traced to the period shortly after “La Republique du Cameroun” became independent on 1st January 1960. The Complainants state that Southern Cameroon was a United Nations Trust Territory administered by the British, separately from the Francophone part of the Republic of Cameroon, itself a French administered United Nations Trust Territory. Both became UN Trust Territories at the end of the 2nd World War, on 13 December 1946 under the UN Trusteeship System. 3. The Complainants allege that during the 1961 UN plebiscite, Southern Cameroonians were offered “two alternatives” , namely: a choice to join Nigeria or Cameroon. They voted for the later. Subsequently, Southern Cameroon and La République du Cameroun, negotiated and adopted the September 1961 Federal Constitution, at Foumban, leading to the formation of the Federal Republic of Cameroon on 1st October 1961. The Complainants allege further that the UN plebiscite ignored a third alternative, namely the right to independence and statehood for Southern Cameroon. 4. The Complainants allege that the overwhelming majority of Southern Cameroonians preferred independence to the two alternatives offered during the UN plebiscite. They favoured a prolonged period of trusteeship to allow for further evaluation of a third alternative. They allege further that the September 1961 Federal Constitution did not receive the endorsement of the Southern Cameroon House of Assembly. -
African Dialects
African Dialects • Adangme (Ghana ) • Afrikaans (Southern Africa ) • Akan: Asante (Ashanti) dialect (Ghana ) • Akan: Fante dialect (Ghana ) • Akan: Twi (Akwapem) dialect (Ghana ) • Amharic (Amarigna; Amarinya) (Ethiopia ) • Awing (Cameroon ) • Bakuba (Busoong, Kuba, Bushong) (Congo ) • Bambara (Mali; Senegal; Burkina ) • Bamoun (Cameroons ) • Bargu (Bariba) (Benin; Nigeria; Togo ) • Bassa (Gbasa) (Liberia ) • ici-Bemba (Wemba) (Congo; Zambia ) • Berba (Benin ) • Bihari: Mauritian Bhojpuri dialect - Latin Script (Mauritius ) • Bobo (Bwamou) (Burkina ) • Bulu (Boulou) (Cameroons ) • Chirpon-Lete-Anum (Cherepong; Guan) (Ghana ) • Ciokwe (Chokwe) (Angola; Congo ) • Creole, Indian Ocean: Mauritian dialect (Mauritius ) • Creole, Indian Ocean: Seychelles dialect (Kreol) (Seychelles ) • Dagbani (Dagbane; Dagomba) (Ghana; Togo ) • Diola (Jola) (Upper West Africa ) • Diola (Jola): Fogny (Jóola Fóoñi) dialect (The Gambia; Guinea; Senegal ) • Duala (Douala) (Cameroons ) • Dyula (Jula) (Burkina ) • Efik (Nigeria ) • Ekoi: Ejagham dialect (Cameroons; Nigeria ) • Ewe (Benin; Ghana; Togo ) • Ewe: Ge (Mina) dialect (Benin; Togo ) • Ewe: Watyi (Ouatchi, Waci) dialect (Benin; Togo ) • Ewondo (Cameroons ) • Fang (Equitorial Guinea ) • Fõ (Fon; Dahoméen) (Benin ) • Frafra (Ghana ) • Ful (Fula; Fulani; Fulfulde; Peul; Toucouleur) (West Africa ) • Ful: Torado dialect (Senegal ) • Gã: Accra dialect (Ghana; Togo ) • Gambai (Ngambai; Ngambaye) (Chad ) • olu-Ganda (Luganda) (Uganda ) • Gbaya (Baya) (Central African Republic; Cameroons; Congo ) • Gben (Ben) (Togo -
State of Forest Genetic Resources in the Gambia
Forest Genetic Resources Working Papers State of Forest Genetic Resources in The Gambia Prepared for The sub- regional workshop FAO/IPGRI/ICRAF on the conservation, management, sustainable utilization and enhancement of forest genetic resources in Sahelian and North-Sudanian Africa (Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, 22-24 September 1998) By Abdoulie A. Danso A co-publication of FAO, IPGRI/SAFORGEN, DFSC and ICRAF December 2001 Danida Forest Seed Centre Forest Resources Division Working Paper FGR/19E FAO, Rome, Italy STATE OF FOREST GENETIC RESOURCES IN THE GAMBIA 2 Forest Genetic Resources Working Papers State of Forest Genetic Resources in The Gambia Prepared for The sub- regional workshop FAO/IPGRI/ICRAF on the conservation, management, sustainable utilization and enhancement of forest genetic resources in Sahelian and North-Sudanian Africa (Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, 22-24 September 1998) By Abdoulie A. Danso Forestry Department, The Gambia. A co-publication of Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) Sub-Saharan Africa Forest Genetic Resources Programme of the International Plant Genetic Resources Institute (IPGRI/SAFORGEN) Danida Forest Seed Centre (DFSC) and International Centre for Research in Agroforestry (ICRAF) December 2001 Working papers FGR/19E STATE OF FOREST GENETIC RESOURCES IN THE GAMBIA 3 Disclaimer The current publication « State of the Forest Genetic Resources in The Gambia » is issue of country national report presented at The Sub- Regional Workshop FAO/IPGRI/ICRAF on the conservation, management, sustainable utilization and enhancement of forest genetic resources in Sahelian and North-Sudanian Africa (Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, 22-24 September 1998). It is published with the collaboration of FAO, IPGRI/SAFORGEN, DFSC and ICRAF, as one of the country and regional series which deals with the assessment of genetic resources of tree species in the Sahelian and North- Sudanian Africa and identification of priority actions for their Conservation and Sustainable Utilization. -
Highlights of Round 6 Survey Findings from 36 African Countries
Highlights of Round 6 survey findings from 36 African countries Afrobarometer Round 6 New data from across Africa Table of contents Priority problems and investments ........................................................................................ 2 Infrastructure............................................................................................................................. 3 Lived poverty............................................................................................................................ 4 Tolerance .................................................................................................................................. 5 Electrification ............................................................................................................................ 6 Water and sanitation ............................................................................................................... 7 Health care ............................................................................................................................... 8 Media freedom ........................................................................................................................ 9 Regional integration .............................................................................................................. 10 Youth engagement ............................................................................................................... 11 Trustworthy institutions .......................................................................................................... -
An Overview of the Gambia Fisheries Sector
An Overview of The Gambia Fisheries Sector Prepared by: Asberr Natoumbi Mendy Principal Fisheries Officer (Research) August 2009 1. Introduction The Gambia, officially the Republic of The Gambia, is between 13oN and 14oN latitude on the west coast of Africa, bordering the Republic of Senegal and the Atlantic Ocean (Figure 1; The World Factbook, 2008). It is a sub-tropical country in West Africa with a total land area of approximately 10,689 km2, a population of about 1,400,000 people and a population growth rate of 4.2% per annum. The country has a total area of approximately 11,000 square kilometers. Its coastline extends from the mouth of Allahein River (San Pedro River) in the South at 13” 4’ N, to Buniadu Point and Karenti Bolong in the north at 13’31’56”N. The Coast line of the Gambia is about 80 km long, and 25 km of this lies in the bay- shaped mouth of the Gambia River and the rest facing the Atlantic Ocean. It has territorial sea extending to 12 nautical miles with an Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) of 200 nautical miles from the geographical baseline. The continental shelf area of The Gambia is approximately 4000 square kilometres and an EEZ of nearly 10,500 square kilometres. The fisheries waters of the Republic of The Gambia are characterized by marine waters, brackish waters and freshwater regimes which correspond with the three (3) Fishery Administrative Areas of the country namely: The Atlantic/Marine Coast Stratum, the Lower River Stratum and the Upper River Stratum. -
The Role of the Constitutional Court of Korea in the Transition from Authoritarian to Democratic Rule
chapter 9 The Role of the Constitutional Court of Korea in the Transition from Authoritarian to Democratic Rule Justine Guichard Among the so-called “third wave” countries which moved away from authori- tarianism in the 1980s, the Republic of Korea (South Korea) is usually consid- ered a paragon of “democratic success.” As with most instances of regime change, its 1987 transition was accompanied by constitutional reform, a pro- cess that resulted in the revision, rather than replacement, of the framework originally adopted in 1948 in the context of the founding of the two Korean states.1 Since its proclamation, the Constitution of the Republic of Korea has endured through six different regimes and undergone nine amendments.2 The latest revision was mainly aimed at transforming the method of presi- dential election from an indirect vote by an electoral college into direct popu- lar suffrage, but it also created the Constitutional Court of Korea (Hŏnpŏp Chaep’anso), a new institution entrusted with ensuring the conformity of leg- islative statutes to constitutional norms. The South Korean Constitutional Court is today recognized as “the most important and influential” institution of its kind among its counterparts in the region.3 A growing literature celebrates the independence and achievements of the court since it began to operate, 1 The Republic of Korea (rok) was established in the south of the peninsula on August 15, 1948, while the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (dprk) was proclaimed in the north- ern half on September 9, thereby solidifying the 1945 division of the country into two sepa- rate political entities.