Mill and Pettit on Freedom, Domination, and Freedom-As-Domination
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1 Republicanism Across Cultures Philip Pettit Introduction Every
1 Republicanism Across Cultures Philip Pettit Introduction Every philosophy of the good society starts with an account of the central complaint that the state should help to put right: the evil that the society should drive out by means of political organization and initiative. If the philosophy is to be persuasive, then the complaint should attract widespread sympathy and support, being recognized as something that everyone will want to have remedied. And, of course, it should be a complaint that the state has the ability in principle to rectify, reducing or even eradicating the ill indicted. Republican philosophy identifies a complaint that is meant to be at once popularly motivating and politically implementable. It indicts the evil of subjection to another’s will — particularly in important areas of personal choice — as an ill that we all recognize and recoil from and at the same time as an ill that the state is well placed to deal with. Such subjection can be effectively corralled and reduced, if not wholly eliminated, by means of political initiative. And yet it takes only a little imagination to realize just how repellent it can be. Think, by way of exercising such imagination, of how you would feel as a student if you depended for not failing a course on the whim of an instructor. Or as a wife if you had to rely on the mood of your husband for whether you could enjoy an unmolested day. Or as a worker if you hung on the favor of a manager for whether you retained your job. -
Thomas Jefferson and the Ideology of Democratic Schooling
Thomas Jefferson and the Ideology of Democratic Schooling James Carpenter (Binghamton University) Abstract I challenge the traditional argument that Jefferson’s educational plans for Virginia were built on mod- ern democratic understandings. While containing some democratic features, especially for the founding decades, Jefferson’s concern was narrowly political, designed to ensure the survival of the new republic. The significance of this piece is to add to the more accurate portrayal of Jefferson’s impact on American institutions. Submit your own response to this article Submit online at democracyeducationjournal.org/home Read responses to this article online http://democracyeducationjournal.org/home/vol21/iss2/5 ew historical figures have undergone as much advocate of public education in the early United States” (p. 280). scrutiny in the last two decades as has Thomas Heslep (1969) has suggested that Jefferson provided “a general Jefferson. His relationship with Sally Hemings, his statement on education in republican, or democratic society” views on Native Americans, his expansionist ideology and his (p. 113), without distinguishing between the two. Others have opted suppressionF of individual liberties are just some of the areas of specifically to connect his ideas to being democratic. Williams Jefferson’s life and thinking that historians and others have reexam- (1967) argued that Jefferson’s impact on our schools is pronounced ined (Finkelman, 1995; Gordon- Reed, 1997; Kaplan, 1998). because “democracy and education are interdependent” and But his views on education have been unchallenged. While his therefore with “education being necessary to its [democracy’s] reputation as a founding father of the American republic has been success, a successful democracy must provide it” (p. -
Republican Citizenship Richard Dagger University of Richmond, [email protected]
University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Political Science Faculty Publications Political Science 2002 Republican Citizenship Richard Dagger University of Richmond, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/polisci-faculty-publications Part of the American Politics Commons, and the Political Theory Commons Recommended Citation Dagger, Richard. "Republican Citizenship." In Handbook of Citizenship Studies, edited by Engin F. Isin and Bryan S. Turner, 145-57. Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications, 2002. This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Political Science at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 9 Republican Citizenship RICHARD DAGGER To speak of republican citizenship is to risk There might also be no need for this confusion, at least in the United States, chapter if it were not for the revival of where it is often necessary to explain that scholarly interest in republicanism in recent one is referring to 'small-r' republicanism years. Such a revival has definitely rather than a position taken by the Republi occurred, though, and occurred simultane can Party. But just as one may be a democrat ously with a renewed interest in citizenship. without being a Democrat, so one may be a This coincidence suggests that republican republican without being a Republican. The citizenship is well worth our attention, not ideas of democracy and the republic are far only for purposes of historical understand older than any political party and far richer ing but also as a way of thinking about than any partisan label can convey - rich citizenship in the twenty-first century. -
Socialism and Republicanism in Imperial Germany
chapter 8 Socialism and Republicanism in Imperial Germany In November 1918, German Social Democrats were suddenly confronted with the need to establish a new republican state order in Germany following the collapse of the Empire. In light of the difficulties Social Democrats experi- enced in founding a stable and viable republic in 1918–19, the question of their prior understanding of republicanism – including the importance attached to the issue within the party – merits closer attention. Theoretically, the Social Democratic Party in Imperial Germany was opposed in principle to the mon- archical state. This opposition was manifested in a number of ways, such as refusing to take part in demonstrations of loyalty to the crown, in the Reichstag, for example, a policy that precluded Social Democrats from taking up a Vice- President’s (i.e. Deputy Speaker’s) position in the parliament when the party’s numbers would have justified it.The demand that the German empire be trans- formed into a democratic republic, however, was generally muted in the party’s public agitation. Robert Michels, during the time in which he identified with the left of the party, criticised it for placing too little emphasis on agitation for a republic: this he saw as ‘a mistake, that may be half attributed to a certain degree of complacency in the party, but […] equally to our monarchical institu- tions [themselves] with their rubbery law paragraphs on lèse-majesté’.1 Perhaps it was a demonstration of the effectiveness of the latter that Michels published his own most trenchant critiques of the reign of Kaiser Wilhelm II in the rel- ative safety of Italy, in Italian.2 It is clear that the Social Democratic Party was, to some extent, constrained by the prevailing laws from making open attacks on the monarchy. -
Two-Dimensional Democracy and the International Domain Philip Pettit
Draft for conference presentation, NYU Law School, 4 Oct, 02. Two-dimensional Democracy and the International Domain Philip Pettit Drawing on a background in republican thought, I have argued elsewhere that democracy should be two-dimensional in character, allowing for an electoral and a contestatory aspect.1 I argued in a normative spirit that the two- dimensional ideal is more defensible and more commanding than the more common, purely electoral alternative. This usage of the word ‘democracy’ also picks up some aspects of common talk. Few of us would happily apply the word to regimes, no matter how electorally unimpeachable, that failed to provide for certain forms of contestation, say through the presence of a viable opposition or an independent judiciary. My aim in this paper is to recast the two-dimensional way of thinking about democracy, with the aim of preparing the ground for a consideration of what democracy should require in the international domain: in the context of international organizations and, more generally, cooperation among national governments. In section 1 I look at the two-dimensional ideal from an abstract perspective; in section 2 I consider how it might be implemented in a national context; and in section 3 I consider how far the ideal can be approximated in the international domain. I should emphasise that I am no expert on the institutions of the international domain. My hope is, at best, to sketch a line that those who have a professional knowledge of the domain may find useful in considering the common complaint that international institutions inevitably erode democracy. -
Augustine's Contribution to the Republican Tradition
Grand Valley State University ScholarWorks@GVSU Peer Reviewed Articles Political Science and International Relations 2010 Augustine’s Contribution to the Republican Tradition Paul J. Cornish Grand Valley State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/pls_articles Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Cornish, Paul J., "Augustine’s Contribution to the Republican Tradition" (2010). Peer Reviewed Articles. 10. https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/pls_articles/10 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Political Science and International Relations at ScholarWorks@GVSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Peer Reviewed Articles by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@GVSU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. article Augustine’s Contribution to the EJPT Republican Tradition European Journal of Political Theory 9(2) 133–148 © The Author(s), 2010 Reprints and permission: http://www. Paul J. Cornish Grand Valley State University sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav [DOI: 10.1177/1474885109338002] http://ejpt.sagepub.com abstract: The present argument focuses on part of Augustine’s defense of Christianity in The City of God. There Augustine argues that the Christian religion did not cause the sack of Rome by the Goths in 410 ce. Augustine revised the definitions of a ‘people’ and ‘republic’ found in Cicero’s De Republica in light of the impossibility of true justice in a world corrupted by sin. If one returns these definitions ot their original context, and accounts for Cicero’s own political teachings, one finds that Augustine follows Cicero’s republicanism on several key points. -
Political Legacy: John Locke and the American Government
POLITICAL LEGACY: JOHN LOCKE AND THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT by MATTHEW MIYAMOTO A THESIS Presented to the Department of Political Science and the Robert D. Clark Honors College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Science January 2016 An Abstract of the Thesis of Matthew Miyamoto for the degree of Bachelor of Science in the Department of Political Science to be taken January, 2016 Title: Political Legacy: John Locke and the American Government Professor Dan Tichenor John Locke, commonly known as the father of classical liberalism, has arguably influenced the United States government more than any other political philosopher in history. His political theories include the quintessential American ideals of a right to life, liberty, and property, as well as the notion that the government is legitimized through the consent of the governed. Locke's theories guided the founding fathers through the creation of the American government and form the political backbone upon which this nation was founded. His theories form the foundation of principal American documents such as the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and the Bill of Rights, and they permeate the speeches, writings, and letters of our founding fathers. Locke's ideas define our world so thoroughly that we take them axiomatically. Locke's ideas are our tradition. They are our right. This thesis seeks to understand John Locke's political philosophy and the role that he played in the creation of the United States government. .. 11 Acknowledgements I would like to thank Professor Dan Tichenor for helping me to fully examine this topic and guiding me through my research and writing. -
Liberalism, Republicanism and the Public Philosophy of American
Liberalism, Republicanism and the Public Philosophy of American Democracy I Introduction Political philosophers can be placed on a spectrum according to how they view the relationship between philosophy and social institutions. At one extreme, a naive a priorism considers social institutions only to the extent that they are necessary for the practical realization of, supposedly timeless, philosophical principles. At the other extreme, are certain Marxists and post-structuralists for whom philosophy is no more than an expression of specific social institutions: a particular discursive practice which occupies no privileged critical vantage- point in relation to other institutions. In this paper, I shall look at the relationship between philosophy and institutions in the context of a critical examination of the work of the contemporary Harvard political philosopher, Michael Sandel. Sandel made his name in the early nineteen-eighties with his first book, Liberalism and the Limits of Justice1, a fierce and eloquent critique of the work of his Harvard colleague, John Rawls. The extraordinary resonance of his original polemic 1 Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982. The recently published second edition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998) contains a new preface and final chapter responding to Rawls’s Political Liberalism (New York, N.Y.: Columbia University Press, 1993) as well as a very useful supplementary bibliography of the most important contributions to the debate that Liberalism and the Limits of Justice has provoked. Since, as far as the main body of the text is concerned, the two editions are identical, I shall specify an edition only when referring to this new material. 1 has elicited important clarifications of Rawls’s position on the part of Rawls’s followers and Rawls himself.2 But Sandel’s work recommends itself in the present context for another reason. -
JS Mill's Political Thought
P1: JZZ 0521860202pre CUFX079B/Urbinati 0 521 86020 2 cupusbw December 26, 2006 7:38 This page intentionally left blank ii P1: JZZ 0521860202pre CUFX079B/Urbinati 0 521 86020 2 cupusbw December 26, 2006 7:38 J. S. MILL’S POLITICAL THOUGHT The year 2006 marked the two hundredth anniversary of John Stuart Mill’s birth. Although his philosophical reputation has varied greatly in the interven- ing years, it is now clear that Mill ranks among the most influential modern political thinkers. Yet despite his enduring influence, and perhaps also because of it, the breadth and complexity of Mill’s political thought is often under- appreciated. Although his writings remain a touchstone for debates over liberty and liberalism, many other important dimensions of his political philosophy have until recently been mostly ignored or neglected. This volume aims, first, to correct such neglect by illustrating the breadth and depth of Mill’s political writings. It does so by drawing togetheracollection of essays whose authors explore underappreciated elements of Mill’s political philosophy, including his democratic theory, his writings on international relations and military inter- ventions, and his treatments of socialism and despotism. Second, the volume shows how Mill’s thinking remains pertinent to our own political life in three broad areas – democratic institutions and culture, liberalism, and international politics – and offers a critical reassessment of Mill’s political philosophy in light of recent political developments and transformations. Nadia Urbinati -
Contrasted Revolutions
REVIEWS John Sidel, Republicanism, Communism, Islam: Cosmopolitan Origins of Revolution in Southeast Asia Cornell University Press: Ithaca ny 2021, $39.95, hardback 324 pp, 978 1501755613 Saskia Schäfer CONTRASTED REVOLUTIONS The standardized designation ‘Southeast Asia’—two words, un-hyphenated, capitalized—originated in the Pacific War. The Allies divided the world into warzones. Mountbatten’s South East Asia Command (seac) comprised most of what was to be wrested from Japan that was not already in the China thea- tre or a former us possession (and included some territory no longer typically placed in Southeast Asia: Sri Lanka; the Andaman, Nicobar and Laccadive Islands; Christmas Island; the Maldives). In 1945, Washington established the Department of Southeast Asia Affairs. The following year a depart- ment of ‘Southeast Asian Affairs’ sprouted up at soas, joined by another at Yale in 1947. Diffusion of the term was rapid and far-reaching. Before the Second World War, Chinese-speakers had referred to the region with a variety of terms and epithets, if mostly as Nanyang—‘South Sea’—but today they more commonly use 东南亚—‘Eastsouth Asia’ (whereas, in compound designations of a region, European languages put the vertical north–south axis before the horizontal east–west, in Chinese the horizontal east–west axis comes first). One place where the term has not acquired purchase is the region itself, whose inhabitants rarely identify as ‘Southeast Asians’. If the exact contours of Southeast Asia were not determined until after the war, however, the region as a whole had long shared certain broad features. It is the part of the globe where several of the major religious tra- ditions intersect or overlap: Catholicism abutting Islam in the Philippines; the Sanskrit-sphere underlying the more recent arrival of Islam in the new left review 129 may june 2021 125 126 nlr 129 Malay-speaking world; Buddhism surrounding islands of Protestant Christianity in Myanmar. -
Liberalism, Communism, Islam Transnational Motors of ‘Nationalist’ Struggles in Southeast Asia
> Research & Reports Liberalism, Communism, Islam Transnational Motors of ‘Nationalist’ Struggles in Southeast Asia In my reading and teaching on Southeast Asia over the past several years, I have come to Philippines. Far beyond any other attractive energies remained powerful believe that existing scholarship has underestimated the role of crucial transnational forces colony in Southeast Asia, Vietnamese for years to come. Indeed, the national- Research > – most notably nineteenth-century Liberalism, twentieth-century Communism, and intellectuals were exposed and attract- ist cause championed by Sukarno ral- South Asia ‘modernist’ Islam – in favour of more narrowly national, and nationalist, narratives. ed to powerful transnational currents lied Indonesians around his slogan of Therefore, in the course of two years of research and writing, I shall be working to elaborate emanating both from China and from NASAKOM – Nasionalisme, Agama and substantiate a revisionist account of what scholars have described as nationalist Europe, even as the proximity of China, (Religion), Komunisme – and, under cir- struggles in Southeast Asia, one which shows how the driving forces behind these struggles the networks of Vietnamese migrants cumstances decisively different from were profoundly transnational in nature. in neighbouring Laos, Cambodia, and, those facing Vietnamese revolutionar- beyond French Indochina, independ- ies, both Communist and Islamic net- By John Sidel fates of the immigrant ‘Chinese’ (and its of these transnational horizons soon ent Siam, and the unique circum- works resurfaced in the Revolusi of ‘Arab’ and ‘Indian’) merchant commu- became apparent, both in the tensions stances of a Vichy French-Japanese 1945-49 that followed the Japanese he intellectual backdrop to this proj- nities. -
A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy
A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy Blackwell Companions to Philosophy This outstanding student reference series offers a comprehensive and authoritative survey of philosophy as a whole. Written by today’s leading philosophers, each volume provides lucid and engaging coverage of the key fi gures, terms, topics, and problems of the fi eld. Taken together, the volumes provide the ideal basis for course use, representing an unparalleled work of reference for students and specialists alike. Already published in the series: 20. A Companion to Analytic Philosophy Edited by A. P. Martinich and David Sosa 1. The Blackwell Companion to Philosophy, 21. A Companion to Genethics Second edition Edited by Justine Burley and John Harris Edited by Nicholas Bunnin and Eric Tsui-James 22. A Companion to Philosophical Logic 2. A Companion to Ethics Edited by Dale Jacquette Edited by Peter Singer 23. A Companion to Early Modern Philosophy 3. A Companion to Aesthetics Edited by Steven Nadler Edited by David Cooper 24. A Companion to Philosophy in the Middle 4. A Companion to Epistemology Ages Edited by Jonathan Dancy and Ernest Sosa Edited by Jorge J. E. Gracia and Timothy B. Noone 5. A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy (2-volume set), Second edition 25. A Companion to African-American Edited by Robert E. Goodin, Philip Pettit and Philosophy Thomas Pogge Edited by Tommy L. Lott and John P. Pittman 6. A Companion to Philosophy of Mind 26. A Companion to Applied Ethics Edited by Samuel Guttenplan Edited by R. G. Frey and Christopher Heath Wellman 7. A Companion to Metaphysics Edited by Jaegwon Kim and Ernest Sosa 27.