DOCSLIB.ORG

Temporary Workers from the Democratic People's Republic Of

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Temporary Workers from the Democratic People's Republic Of Temporary Workers from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in Mongolia Mitsuhiro Mimura (The Economic Research Institute for Northeast Asia) Yuji Fukuhara (University of Shimane) This presentation is based on fieldwork and interviews from 5 to 8 September 2017 in Ulan Bator, Mongolia. We went to construction sites and companies employing North Korean workers, and looked at the places of construction. We will report the contents of this fieldwork and discuss the significance of sending and receiving the North Korean workers from the viewpoint of Mongolia and DPRK relations. Mongolia has a population of 3 million whereas the DPRK has 24 million. Although North Korea is very small, it has 8 times more population of Mongolia. Ulan Bator is the only large city in Mongolia and has a population of 1.5 million. Because the economy is growing, there is a lot of construction work. In terms of history, Mongolia was established in 1924, and the DPRK was founded on 9 September 1948. After the USSR, the second country that established diplomatic relations with the DPRK was Mongolia in October 1948. During the Korean War, Mongolia supported North Korea together with the USSR and China, providing material support and horses. It also received many war orphans. From 1948 to 1989 was a honeymoon period for Mongolia-DPRK relations. North Korea had some flexibility about doing business with the USSR and China. Mongolia, on the other hand, was a landlocked country, located between the Soviet Union and China. Speaking bluntly, usually countries next to China don’t like China. Of course, the countries next to Russia don’t like Russia. Nevertheless, Mongolia chose to be a part of the Soviet Bloc, not China, and became a member of COMECON in 1962. The same year, North Korea withdrew from COMECON because of the bad relations between China and the Soviet Union. When the DPRK stepped back from the Soviet Union and China, Mongolia became a very good brother of the USSR. There are differences on the attitude towards the big brothers. Nevertheless, North Korea and Mongolia had very good relations. Kim Il Sung visited Mongolia twice, and mutual visits of leaders, government parties and students were often made, and continuous cultural exchange was also performed. However, the honeymoon suddenly finished because of the democratization of Mongolia between the winter of 1989 to the spring of 1990. Mongolia introduced a multi-party system and abandoned the one- party dictatorship of the Mongolian People’s Party which was the communist party. Mongolia decided to ask the Soviet Union to withdraw its army. Mongolia also started free trade that was monopolized by the state. Mongolia recognized the Republic of Korea, the enemy of the DPRK, on 26 March 1990. This change happened in only six months. The DPRK then prohibited the entry of Mongolian citizens to North Korea with South Korean visas or an entry stamp of South Korea in their passport. 7 For Japanese citizens, it was permissible to go to South Korea and subsequently to enter North Korea. However, before Kim Dae-jung met Kim Jong-Il, those who had stayed more than three months in South Korea were prohibited from visiting North Korea. That is the reason why I (Mitsuhiro Mimura) didn’t go to South Korea to study Korean. The two countries also maintained embassies. In 1994 Mongolia started a new diplomatic policy. Mongolia expanded interactions and friendly relations with the former socialist communities and also with developing countries. The DPRK was included in developing countries. Mongolia established the Eastern Thought University, that taught the Juche ideas — not a philosophy, but anyway, a tool of governance of North Korea. North Koreans are happy to hear about foreigners learning Juche ideas. Whenever I go to North Korea, there is a lecture of Juche ideas for at least two hours. I have to pretend to listen very eagerly in order to have good relations with North Korean counterparts. The Mongol-Korea parliamentary group also visited the DPRK together with foreign ministers in 1997 and 1998. In the 1990s, therefore, the Mongolians tried to establish new relations not only with North Korea but also other countries in Asia. As for more recent Mongolia-North Korea relations, in 2000 President Kim Dae-jung of South Korea visited Mongolia. The North Koreans were furious and temporarily closed their embassy in Ulaanbaatar. As well as providing a new embassy building, Mongolia also exempted North Koreans from a tax on foreign workers in an attempt to improve relations with the DPRK. This tax exemption remains and is one of the reasons why North Korean workers go to Mongolia. In August 2002, Paek Nam- sun, the DPRK Minister of Foreign Affairs, visited Mongolia, and revised the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation. In 2004 Mongolia signed an agreement with the DPRK to receive 10,000 North Korean workers. Many of these workers are employed on construction sites in and around Ulaanbaatar as the city expands. Previously, more than 10,000 female workers were employed to engage in sewing at Gobi. Gobi was a state-owned enterprise that makes cashmere products and embroidery craftwork. Because the wages were relatively high, this was popular work. However, due to pressure by the United States, these workers were sent back to North Korea. As a result, currently most of the North Korean workers in Mongolia are male and working in construction. How do North Korean workers come to Mongolia? Mongolian companies who want workers apply to one of about 60 larger companies. These larger companies communicate the job description and the number of workers required to the Ministry of Labor of Mongolia. If the documents are valid, the Ministry of Labor sends a request to their counterpart in North Korea. The DPRK Ministry of Labor then orders temporary staffing agencies in North Korea to recruit those workers to be sent to Mongolia. Some of the workers recruited are teachers, party officials and public servants in North Korea. Once the necessary number of workers have been recruited, the Ministry of Labor checks their identities to ensure each individual will be unlikely to defect. One reason for the mismatch of people sent, to work engaged in, is because of this identity checking. Real construction workers in North Korea are not always sent to construction sites in Mongolia. When selection is completed, a list of workers is sent to the Mongolian Embassy in Pyongyang. The Mongolian Embassy issues 8 visas and once the workers receive the notification that they are able to get a visa, they go to Mongolia. After arriving in Mongolia they receive training when necessary, and start to work. Figure 2 Figure 1 Photographs of North Korean workers in Mongolia Figure 3 What are the terms of a typical contract? From 2017, no workers over 50 years are allowed. The terms of contracts can vary significantly. They range from six months to one year to five years. Different contracts provide different conditions so some include travel expenses from North Korea to Mongolia or an allowance for clothing, food, and shelter. Some include response to accidents, health insurance and the possibility of temporary return home during the contract period. The wages also vary significantly. A sum of $1000 is high-end. For the Mongolian side, the merits of Korean workers are firstly acceptance of low wages, secondly willingness to engage in heavy labor, and thirdly obedience. North Korean workers do not go on strike and accidents can be overlooked. Also, because North Koreans are exempt from the foreign workers’ tax the wages paid can be lower than for other nationalities such as the Chinese. Problems include the mismatch between the needs of employers and the skills of workers. Also, some employers don’t pay wages. Such treatment increases the complaints of North Korean workers. In addition, the workers are occasionally unfamiliar with the machines and tools they are provided with. In North Korea most machinery is that of the 1960s and 1970s while in Mongolia it is of the 21st century. These photographs (Figure 1,2 and 3) show an apartment building under construction. 9 North Koreans are doing the work. These photographs also show North Korean workers, this time in the service sector. This is the White Flower (Figure 4), one of two North Korean restaurants in Ulaanbaatar. The other is called the Pyongyang Restaurant (Figure 5). We were not allowed to take a photo of the workers working inside the restaurant. Chinese and North Korean workers often work together in construction and also on farms and at hospitals and restaurants. Female workers are usually working in restaurants and the light industry sector. In North Korea many of them are engineers, teachers, researchers and soldiers. Figure 4 Figure 5 What is the significance of sending and receiving workers for Mongolian-DPRK relations? Mongolia has retained friendly terms with North Korea (despite there having been fluctuations) since the Cold War ended depending on the Mongolian- South Korean relations. In 2011, Mongolia’s new foreign policy guidelines and the country’s labor shortage meant there were ‘pull’ factors for North Korean workers. For North Korea, the chance to earn foreign currency is attractive. For individuals, going to Mongolia to work represents a chance to live outside of North Korea. Many Mongolians are critical of the regime of the DPRK, but rarely directly to the people in Ulaanbaatar. The flow of workers from the DPRK to Mongolia is accepted in terms of mutual cooperation. The DPRK government does not regard the treatment of its North Korean workers as exploitative. In return, the Mongolian government says nothing about North Korea’s development of nuclear power and armaments.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • ICS Mongolia
    Integrated Country Strategy Mongolia FOR PUBLIC RELEASE FOR PUBLIC RELEASE Table of Contents 1. Chief of Mission Priorities ................................................................................................... 2 2. Mission Strategic Framework ............................................................................................. 4 3. Mission Goals and Objectives ............................................................................................. 6 4. Management Objectives ................................................................................................... 11 FOR PUBLIC RELEASE Approved: August 07,2018 1 FOR PUBLIC RELEASE 1. Chief of Mission Priorities Mongolia is a key partner in the Asia-Pacific region, and our shared priorities with Mongolia are fully aligned with the Administration’s Indo-Pacific strategy. Mongolia’s continued and enhanced sovereignty is in our national interest. We are strengthening Mongolia’s independence through supporting its continued democratic development; facilitating strong, sustainable, inclusive economic growth; and strengthening our bilateral defense cooperation. Formerly a de facto Soviet satellite, Mongolia chose in 1990 to become a democracy and embrace free-market economic principles. Its achievements since then have been impressive, but in a tough geopolitical neighborhood with alternative political models, Mongolia is under constant pressure to deliver positive results from reform efforts to its citizens. While voter turnout has declined from a peak of 98
    [Show full text]
  • New Documents on Mongolia and the Cold War
    Cold War International History Project Bulletin, Issue 16 New Documents on Mongolia and the Cold War Translation and Introduction by Sergey Radchenko1 n a freezing November afternoon in Ulaanbaatar China and Russia fell under the Mongolian sword. However, (Ulan Bator), I climbed the Zaisan hill on the south- after being conquered in the 17th century by the Manchus, Oern end of town to survey the bleak landscape below. the land of the Mongols was divided into two parts—called Black smoke from gers—Mongolian felt houses—blanketed “Outer” and “Inner” Mongolia—and reduced to provincial sta- the valley; very little could be discerned beyond the frozen tus. The inhabitants of Outer Mongolia enjoyed much greater Tuul River. Chilling wind reminded me of the cold, harsh autonomy than their compatriots across the border, and after winter ahead. I thought I should have stayed at home after all the collapse of the Qing dynasty, Outer Mongolia asserted its because my pen froze solid, and I could not scribble a thing right to nationhood. Weak and disorganized, the Mongolian on the documents I carried up with me. These were records religious leadership appealed for help from foreign countries, of Mongolia’s perilous moves on the chessboard of giants: including the United States. But the first foreign troops to its strategy of survival between China and the Soviet Union, appear were Russian soldiers under the command of the noto- and its still poorly understood role in Asia’s Cold War. These riously cruel Baron Ungern who rode past the Zaisan hill in the documents were collected from archival depositories and pri- winter of 1921.
    [Show full text]
  • South Korea's Economic Engagement Toward North Korea
    South Korea’s Economic Engagement toward North Korea Lee Sangkeun & Moon Chung-in 226 | Joint U.S.-Korea Academic Studies On February 10, 2016, the South Korean government announced the closure of the Gaeseong Industrial Complex, a symbol of its engagement policy and inter-Korean rapprochement. The move was part of its proactive, unilateral sanctions against North Korea’s fourth nuclear test in January and rocket launch in February.1 Pyongyang reciprocated by expelling South Korean personnel working in the industrial complex and declaring it a military control zone.2 Although the May 24, 2010 measure following the sinking of the Cheonan naval vessel significantly restricted inter-Korea exchanges and cooperation, the Seoul government spared the Gaeseong complex. With its closure, however, inter-Korean economic relations came to a complete halt, and no immediate signs of revival of Seoul’s economic engagement with the North can be detected. This chapter aims at understanding the rise and decline of this engagement with North Korea by comparing the progressive decade of Kim Dae-jung (KDJ) and Roh Moo-hyun (RMH) with the conservative era of Lee Myung-bak (LMB) and Park Geun-hye (PGH). It also looks to the future of inter-Korean relations by examining three plausible scenarios of economic engagement. Section one presents a brief overview of the genesis of Seoul’s economic engagement strategy in the early 1990s, section two examines this engagement during the progressive decade (1998-2007), and section three analyzes that of the conservative era (2008-2015). They are followed by a discussion of three possible outlooks on the future of Seoul’s economic engagement with Pyongyang.
    [Show full text]
  • South Korean Efforts to Counter North Korean Aggression
    http://www.au.af.mil/au/csds/ South Korean Efforts to Counter North The Trinity Site Korean Aggression Papers By Major Aaron C. Baum, USAF http://www.au.af.mil/au/csds/ Recent North Korean nuclear aggression has raised debates Prior to the armistice, President Dwight Eisenhower signaled about how the United States should secure its interests in North- his willingness to use nuclear weapons to end the Korean Con- east Asia. However, any action on the peninsula should consid- flict. He then reiterated his resolve should China and North Ko- er the security preferences of American allies, especially the rea reinitiate hostilities.3 From 1958 to 1991, the United States Republic of Korea (ROK). With militaristic rhetoric coming stationed nuclear artillery, bombs, and missiles in South Korea from the Trump administration, the question arises of how im- to counter a North Korean invasion.4 Further, in 1975 the Ford portant U.S. policy is to the actions of our Korean allies in administration affirmed that the United States would consider countering North Korean (DPRK) nuclear aggression. Thus, it the use of nuclear weapons in a conflict “likely to result in de- is important to review nuclear crises of the past and the align- feat in any area of great importance to the United States in Asia ment of U.S. and ROK policy toward Pyongyang. This paper … including Korea.”5 reviews three periods of nuclear crisis on the Korean Peninsula It was not until 1978 at the 11th Security Consultative and argues that U.S. military policy is not the sole factor deter- Mechanism (SCM) that extended nuclear deterrence was for- mining South Korean response to DPRK nuclear provocation.
    [Show full text]
  • Inner Mongolia Information Overview Inner Mongolia Is Located in The
    Inner Mongolia Information Overview Inner Mongolia is located in the northern region of China and shares an international border with Mongolia and the Russian Federation. Inner Mongolia is the third-largest subdivision of China and covers 12% of China's total land area. The main languages spoken here are Chinese and Mongolian. The province has a population of about 24 million people with the majority being the Han Chinese. The capital of Inner Mongolia is Hohhot and the largest city is Baotou. The region is known as “Inner” Mongolia, to distinguish itself from “Outer Mongolia”, or the independent state of Mongolia. Geography Inner Mongolia ties the province of Shaanxi in that is has the most neighboring provinces of any other Chinese province. Inner Mongolia borders Heilongjiang, Jilin, Liaoning, Hebei, Shanxi, Shaanxi, Ningxia, and Gansu. Due to the size of the province stretching from Northwest to Northeast, the region has a four-season climate to include long, cold, dry winters and very warm to hot summers. Economy Farming of crops such as wheat takes precedence along the river valleys. In the more arid grasslands, herding of goats, sheep and so on is a traditional method of subsistence. Inner Mongolia has an abundance of natural resources such as coal, cashmere, natural gas, and rare earth elements. The region also has more deposits of naturally occurring niobium, zirconium and beryllium than any other province in China. Demographics When the region was established in 1947, Han Chinese comprised about 83% of the population, while the Mongols made up about 14% of the population. The Han Chinese live mostly in the Hetao region as well as in central and eastern Inner Mongolia.
    [Show full text]
  • Mongolia and the OSCE Adiyasuren Jamiyandagva
    In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2014, Baden-Baden 2015, pp. 155-162. Adiyasuren Jamiyandagva Mongolia and the OSCE Introduction to Mongolia Mongolia is located in the heart of Asia. It shares borders only with Russia (3,543 km) to the north and China (4,709 km) to the south. Mongolia is a landlocked nation with a surface area of 1.5 million square kilometres. In terms of territory, Mongolia is the seventh largest country in Asia and the 19th largest in the world. Mongolia has a continental climate with four sea- sons, and consists of a mixture of forests, steppes, deserts, and mountains. In 2013, Mongolia’s population was 2.93 million, making it the 139th most populous nation in the world. The latest census shows that 67 per cent of the population is under the age of 35, thus, making the country rather youthful compared to its neighbours. Mongolia’s official language is Mongolian, a language of the Altaic language family. Standard written Mongolian is based on the Khalkha dialect using the Cyrillic alphabet with slight modifications. The most common for- eign language used in Mongolia is English, followed by Russian. Mongolians, like other nomadic groups of Central Asia, mainly adhered to Shamanism until the rapid spread of Buddhism began in the 14th century. Nevertheless, Shamanism continues to be practised. According to the 2010 census, 53 per cent of citizens above the age of 15 identified themselves as Buddhists, three per cent as Muslims, three per cent as adherents of Shaman- ism, two per cent as Christians, and 39 per cent as atheists.
    [Show full text]
  • North Korea's Political System*
    This article was translated by JIIA from Japanese into English as part of a research project to promote academic studies on the international circumstances in the Asia-Pacific. JIIA takes full responsibility for the translation of this article. To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your personal use and research, please contact JIIA by e-mail ([email protected]) Citation: International Circumstances in the Asia-Pacific Series, Japan Digital Library (March 2016), http://www2.jiia.or.jp/en/digital_library/korean_peninsula.php Series: Korean Peninsula Affairs North Korea’s Political System* Takashi Sakai** Introduction A year has passed since the birth of the Kim Jong-un regime in North Korea following the sudden death of General Secretary Kim Jong-il in December 2011. During the early days of the regime, many observers commented that all would not be smooth sailing for the new regime, citing the lack of power and previ- ous experience of the youthful Kim Jong-un as a primary cause of concern. However, on the surface at least, it now appears that Kim Jong-un is now in full control of his powers as the “Guiding Leader” and that the political situation is calm. The crucial issue is whether the present situation is stable and sustain- able. To consider this issue properly, it is important to understand the following series of questions. What is the current political structure in North Korea? Is the political structure the same as that which existed under the Kim Jong-il regime, or have significant changes occurred? What political dynamics are at play within this structure? Answering these questions with any degree of accuracy is not an easy task.
    [Show full text]
  • Realpolitik in Mongolia-US Relations
    Realpolitik in Mongolia-US Relations Ron A. PORTER Ritsumeikan Asia Pacifi c University Abstract The United States has, in recent years, touted the accomplishment of Mongolian democracy as a positive example to other nations in the region. The shift from socialism to democracy on the part of the Mongolians has dominated both academic discourse and political speeches alike on the growing friendship between these two countries. This article argues, however, that the growing relationship between the United States and Mongolia is one based on practical benefi ts to both parties instead of the ideals of liberal democracy. Hence, US- Mongolia relations are based in realpolitik, not ideology. Keywords: Independence, strategic interests, liberal economy, democracy, realpolitik. Introduction Mongolia’s declaration of independence from the Qing (Manchu) dynasty of China in 1911 was founded on Mongol nationalism that, at that time, fostered dreams of a comprehensive nation made up of Mongol inhabitants of territories that stretched from Manchuria in the east, to Tuva in the west, and what is now Inner Mongolia south of the Gobi desert.1 However, this comprehensive pan-Mongolian state never materialized and only what is known as Khalkha Mongol territory (excluding Inner Mongolia) was carved out and successfully made into an independent nation-state. Nevertheless, since its initiation in 1911 and its subsequent successful independence in 1924, the Mongolian state has been founded on the principal of Mongol “national” unity. Even the socialist revolution of 1924 refl ected Mongolia’s unique situation for social reform that was aided along, but not completely in line with, the Soviets’ world social revolution scheme.
    [Show full text]
  • PRESENT SITUATION of KAZAKH-MONGOLIAN COMMUNITY Ts.Baatar, Ph.D
    The Mongolian Journal of International Affairs Number 8-9, 2002 PRESENT SITUATION OF KAZAKH-MONGOLIAN COMMUNITY Ts.Baatar, Ph.D (Mongolia) The name and identity “kazakh” emerged in the sixteenth century, when a Kazakh Khanate was founded in today’s Kazakhstan. The Kazakh aristocrats trace their origin directly to Chinggis Khan or his sons. In the sixteenth century, ethnic Kazakhs were historically divided into three clans or zhuzes: The senior zhuz, the middle zhuz, and the junior zhuz. Once under the rule of the Oirad Mongols in the seventeenth to eighteen centuries, some middle zhuz Kazakhs later moved into Jungaria. The Kazakhs in Mongolia are mostly Abak-kerei and Naiman Kazakhs who settled in the Altai and Khovd regions, where they rented pasture from the lords of Mongolia during the 1860s according to Tarbagatai Protokol between Russia and Qing Dynasty. The nomads came to graze their sheep on the high mountain pastures during the summer, and spent the winter in Kazakhstan or Xinjiang province in China. After the Mongolian revolution in 1921, a permanent border was drawn by agreement between China, Russia and Mongolia, but the Kazakhs remained nomadic until the 1930s, crossing the border at their own will.1 The word kazakh is said to mean ‘free warrior’ or ‘steppe roamer’. Kazakhs trace their roots to the fifteenth century, when rebellious kinsmen of an Uzbek Khan broke away and settled in present-day Kazakhstan. In Mongolia, more than in Kazakhstan, Kazakh women wear long dresses with stand-up collars, or brightly decorated velvet waistcoats and heavy jewelry. The men still wear baggy shirts and trousers, sleeveless jackets, wool or cotton robes, and a skullcap or a high, tasseled felt hat.2 In 1923 the Mongolian Kazakh population numbered 1,870 households and 11,220 people.3 Subsequently, many more have come to Mongolia from 3 Paul Greenway, Robert Story and Gobriel Lafitte (1997), Mongolia (Lonely Planet Publications), p.231.
    [Show full text]
  • Untying the Knot: Making Peace in the Taiwan Strait
    asia policy, number 2 (july 2006), 109–139 book review roundtable Richard C. Bush’s Untying the Knot: Making Peace in the Taiwan Strait Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press, 2005 ISBN: 0-815-71288-X (hardcover) Allen Carlson Derek Mitchell Lyle Goldstein Dan Blumenthal Mark Williams Steven M. Goldstein Richard C. Bush © The National Bureau of Asian Research, Seattle, Washington asia policy (K)not Yet Untied: Comments on Richard Bush’s Untying the Knot Allen Carlson ichard Bush, who served as the acting director of the American Institute R in Taiwan from 1997 to 2002, is one of America’s most experienced observers of Taiwanese politics. His new book, Untying the Knot, clearly reflects such expertise, and forwards a timely, comprehensive, and fairly well- balanced account of the evolution of contemporary cross-Strait relations. The book makes two main contributions to the already vast literature on this potentially explosive relationship. First, Bush attempts to explain the tenacity of conflict across the Taiwan Strait. As an initial step, he identifies sovereignty and security as forming the interlocking core of the conflictual relationship between Beijing and Taipei. He then calls attention to three “aggravating” factors—domestic politics, the decisionmaking process, and leverage-seeking—that have made this volatile situation even more intractable. As a second contribution, Bush suggests a set of policy measures that, if enacted, would be conducive to lessening tensions and reducing the chances of outright military conflict across the Taiwan Strait. More specifically, he recommends that Beijing move beyond the “one country, two systems” formula. Taipei is encouraged not only to refrain from pushing Beijing into a corner (via formal measures to declare Taiwan’s independence) but also to strengthen Taiwan’s own status both at home and abroad in order to maintain its negotiating position vis-à-vis the mainland.
    [Show full text]
  • Taiwan and the United States: Enduring Bonds in the Face of Adversity.”
    Statement before the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific, and Nonproliferation “Taiwan and the United States: Enduring Bonds in the Face of Adversity.” A Testimony by: Bonnie S. Glaser Senior Advisor for Asia and Director of the China Power Project, CSIS December 10, 2020 Cisco Webex Glaser: Written Testimony, HFAC APNP 12/10/20 2 Chairman Bera, Ranking Member Yoho, and distinguished members of the Subcommittee, thank you for the opportunity to testify before you on the topic of “Taiwan and the United States: Enduring Bonds in the Face of Adversity.” Taiwan’s well-being is critically important to the United States and its future will impact U.S. national interests in the realm of values, economic prosperity, and security. While some countries that transitioned from dictatorship to democracy along with Taiwan in the 1980s and 1990s have suffered democratic backsliding, Taiwan’s democracy has become more robust and is now among the most progressive globally. Its score of 93 out of 100 in the 2019 Freedom House in the World report places Taiwan second in Asia behind only Japan. By contrast, China was rated “not free” with a score of 10, placing it among the world’s most repressive regimes. In addition to a vibrant civil society, which includes active religious and labor rights organizations, Taiwan is the first country in Asia to legalize same-sex marriage and leads the region in gender equality in its legislature. Women account for 41.6 percent of Taiwan’s lawmakers. Taiwan’s democratic achievements are impressive. Especially noteworthy is its ongoing efforts to strengthen its democracy in the face of growing Chinese pressure and interference through disinformation, cyberattacks, economic coercion, and military intimidation.
    [Show full text]
  • Diplomatic Relations Between Russia, China and Mongolia: the Creation of the Mongolian People's Republic, 1881-1924
    Western Oregon University Digital Commons@WOU Student Theses, Papers and Projects (History) Department of History 6-12-2020 Diplomatic Relations between Russia, China and Mongolia: The Creation of the Mongolian People's Republic, 1881-1924 Jeffery Pittsenbarger Western Oregon University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.wou.edu/his Part of the Asian History Commons, Diplomatic History Commons, and the Political History Commons Recommended Citation Pittsenbarger, Jeffery, "Diplomatic Relations between Russia, China and Mongolia: The Creation of the Mongolian People's Republic, 1881-1924" (2020). Student Theses, Papers and Projects (History). 278. https://digitalcommons.wou.edu/his/278 This Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of History at Digital Commons@WOU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Student Theses, Papers and Projects (History) by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@WOU. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]. Diplomatic Relations between Russia, China and Mongolia: The Creation of the Mongolian People's Republic, 1881-1924 Jeffery Pittsenbarger History 499: Senior Seminar Dr. David Doellinger Dr. Elizabeth Swedo June 5, 2020 1 Abstract Beginning with an agreement between China and Russia in 1881, Mongolia was faced with a series of unfair treaties that prevented them from becoming independent from China. This thesis examines the agreements and treaties made between China, Russia and Mongolia between 1881 and 1924 to illustrate how the Mongolian People’s Republic formed as a direct result of unfavorable diplomatic relations between the three nations.
    [Show full text]