1
PRIME MINISTER’S PRESS CONFERENCE HELD ON 26TH
AUGUST, 1965, AT CITY HALL.
Press : (local) Why have you been so silent over the last few weeks?
Prime Minister: First, there was a tremendous amount of work to be done.
This is a radically different situation and, you know, my
colleagues and I -- we like to calculate the consequence of
each and every move and overture that we make or that is
being made to us. And there are times when silence is
golden. And you can take it from me that what Mr.
Rajaratnam, the Foreign Minister, and Mr. Lim Kim San, the
Finance Minister, have been saying, is said after the closest
consultation with me and my colleagues. He speaks for us
all... So, it does not mean that because I do not speak, we are
not thinking or working.
I am meeting you today because I had to meet the Chambers
of Commerce and the Trade Unions, the Manufacturer's
Association, because economics is the basis of successful
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democracy and also because I think we have cleared the
hump. You know what Africans thinks about bases and the
British bases. You know my position is on that. And
although I am not a stranger to President Nasser, it took about
two weeks for him to accord recognition, knowing full well
what my position is. All of Asia now, except for Indonesia,
has recognised us and I think so will the O.A.U. (The
Orgainsation for African Unity). All the member-states, will,
I think, recognise us. I have no need for concern that I am a
neo-colonialist stooge.
Question 2 : (The Chinese Press) PM translates:
He said from the statements I have made, my colleagues and
I, it appears that we still consider that one day we will be
back in Malaysia, and that although we were pushed out or
asked to walk out of Malaysia, we walked out with every
intention, one day, of walking back into Malaysia.
Briefly, I said that students of geography, of history, of
economics -- any keen student -- must know that you cannot,
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by a legislative act, cut bonds between people who feel the
same, who are the same. It is not just Chinese here and
Chinese in Malaya, but Malays here and Malays in Malaya,
Eurasians here and Eurasians in Malacca. Mr. Devan Nair is
technically a foreigner now. But do you believe that in my
heart, although legally I can say nothing, I can do nothing --
do you believe that in my heart and in the heart of my
colleagues, he is anything other than one our closest
comrades? There are bonds which cannot be broken; and
what is more... you know, economics? Interdependence
makes it inevitable, that maybe in ten years, maybe less,
maybe more, it must come back together again, perhaps under
somewhat different conditions and circumstances. But I have
not the slightest doubt that that must be so.
Question 3 : (The Malaya Press) Translated by PM.
I will just translate briefly. He said what is my view of
Tunku's statement that Malaysia will have trade relations with
Russia. And I said it must be so; again one of those things in
history... In 1962, I visited Moscow; and I met the Minister
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for Trade and Commerce. He wanted very much to send a
rubber-buying mission to Singapore because otherwise he had
to buy dearer through London. I wanted very much to let that
rubber-buying mission come in, but at that time the Internal
Security Council consisted of the British, the old Federation
of Malaya, and ourselves and we were told "No".... So it was
"No" then. But I have already send word to the Minister for
Trade and Commerce... I do not know if it is the same man,
Russian names are a bit difficult for me. But I have passed word
through diplomatic channels that this rubber buying mission would
be welcome in Singapore, and so would TASS, and so would
TANJUK from Yugoslavia, and the Yugoslavia Ambassador in
Djakarta, formely Mr. Berber, was quite a friendly person.
We knew him quite well. He used to come and go through
Singapore. I met President Tito in 1962. He made a point of
meeting me in spite of the fact that it was May Day, May the
1st. I hope that he will still know that what I was in 1962 is
only stronger now, not weaker. I am nobody's stooge. I am
not here to play somebody else's game. I have a few million
people's lives to account for. And Singapore will survive, will
trade with the whole world and will remain non-communist. lky\1965\lky0826.doc 5
Question 4 : (The Chinese Press) -- PM translates.
Can I first translate? He says, very briefly, what about my
security and my safety? What is being done? Do I intend to
move house to a safer area? Let me first reply to him, then I
will give you my reply.
(PM replies in Chinese, then translates)
I said briefly: one of the impressions which will be in
everybody's mind if I move to a safe, comfortable residence,
would be one of irresponsibility: looking after my personal
safety, lowering morale. Yes, it is easy to come from the
Rhio Islands. And if we do not want to get rid of the British
bases, people can come; you know, volunteers ... If we are
influenced by these considerations, my colleagues and I --
We should be selling peanuts: it is a better life. If we are
afraid to die, then don't do this. The risk is there as you
know: and you will know from today's conference
arrangements, that nobody in this room and nobody outside
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this room can possibly be an enemy. I am sorry if any of you
have been put to any inconvenience, but it was necessary.
(PM here continues in Chinese)
I said there are several sources, not only Indonesians, who
wants to get rid of British bases, "volunteers" of course. My
relations with the Indonesian Government are what I call
"correct". I am also waiting their decision not with undue
anxiety.
There are Malay extreme elements, followers of the six wild
men in the Peninsula, and there are communists who are in
league with these Indonesians, who may find it covenient to
get rid of my colleagues and I. From the days we proclaimed
ourselves, from that moment, our position changed. If I was
knocked down by a bus on the 8th of August, it would not be
so difficult to keep things as usual as if I were knocked down
today, or even on the 9th of August after the proclamation.
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You know when I visited Nasser in 1962, he made quite an
impression on me. I was taken not to the Quebay Palace --
old King Farouk's Palace -- but to a little modest villa in the
suburbs of Cairo where he lived when he was just a colonel.
And I see no reason whatsoever why the arrangements cannot
be made to ensure the security of my residence. And not just
mine, but also my neighbours; because they may miss me and
get my neighbours, and my neighbours are my very close
friends. In front of me is the President of the Hakka
Association, Mr. Chong Moong Seng. You know I am a
Hakka. To my right, is a Teochew merchant, my clansman,
also Mr. Lee. To my left, is a small trader, a petty trader.
But we are all friends. Behind me is a piece of vacant land. I
am sorry for the owner of that land because I think they were
asking for planning approval to build a five-storey flat which
will overlook my house and make it easy for what happened
to President Kennedy to happen me. Well, it will remain
vacant land... It could serve a useful purpose there, having a
meterological office or a meteorological station and other
things.
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And the most important thing of all is the morale of the
people and of the administration. If I expect Singapore's
workers to make sacrifices, to work hard; if I expect my
officials to give of their best and I move to Sri Temasek --
and I have got every right, it is my official residence, there is
the vote -- you know, it seeps down the line. Everybody then
wants the good life. Then the flat which we now build,
average cost per unit $4,000. -- becomes $8,000-- as in some
neighbouring countries. It goes down the line. You know my
officials? Some of them have not slept a full night's sleep for
the last two weeks; Mr. Stewart for instance, he is 55; I am
42. I can take it better. Some of my junior officials who
have been runing around getting things done: it is a
tremendous job learning how to code message to foreign
countries. Worse, we have got very few French translators,
and half of Africa is French-speaking. It is a tremendous
business, and they have been working 24 hours flat. And if
you expect that kind of effort, then I say the Ministers -- my
colleagues and I -- must be preapared to make the same
effort.
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And I have not the slightest doubt that the Singapore Police
Force under the Minister for Defence and Security, Dr. Goh,
will be competent, businesslike, polite but thorough.
And all will be well. Let me put it to you this way. The first
fear, and real anxiety was August 9th, 10th, 11th, because the
Indonesians or followers of the six and mad Mullahs could
have started riots and destroyed our image internationally.
And I think some of them were thinking of doing that: make it
appear that we are a Chinese city, beating up Malays; riots --
Malays are massacred, running into Johore where there is a
lot of vacant land. Then we would have had it, isn't it? I
would find it very difficult explaining to President Nyerere,
Sekou Toure and all the Arab and Muslim States in Africa
that although we are a secular state, we respect the Muslim
religion. After people have been massacred, do you think I
can explain? It would take a lot of explaining. The first 72
hours was real anxiety. I tell you now, after the event, that
we intermediary... to have a bit of kerfulffle. And we were
in minds as to whether to conscribe the intermediary and stop
the message or not. If we conscribed it, it might have
precipitated it. So we just watched closely. That anxiety is
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over. There will be no race riots in Singapore. Never! I
played golf yesterday, Malay children, Malay women ... I am
not trying a sympathy gag but this is the truth... One Malay
woman took her child's hand and waved it at us, and I waved
back. They know that what we say we mean: that this is an
equal society; and our obligations to raise the economic and
educational standards of the Malays will continue. There will
be no longer a senator who says, "Release the detainees." a very
helpful statement, I thought, because in that way, he proved
to lots of sane, rational people in Singapore what should not
be done. Once we have consolidated internally, no trouble --
and now there will be no trouble, it is completely calm as you
yourself know.
The next phase was Afro-Asia. It took me two weeks, Asia
took me a week, partly communications-- you know, nearer.
I would like to say that I was grateful to Prince Norodom
Sihanouk, no matter what the worst things the press says
about him. What UPI says about him, that he sent us such a
warm message. He is going to set up an Embassy here. We
will set up an Embassy at Phnom Penh (interruption). Yes, a
lky\1965\lky0826.doc 11
consulate; it will be raised to Embassy now. But we have to
look for a French-speaking counsellor to interpret for our
ambassadorial calibre that speaks French in Singapore.
These are problems. Africa was more difficult because the
communications all had to go via London and via Paris and in
code and then in translation. But, as you yourself know, there
is now no doubt in their minds that we are own masters and
intend to be so. And our survival demands that no bigger,
more powerful neighbour can just harass or worse, invade
and conquer and destroy us. And if anybody can find an
alternative to the British bases to guarantee Singapore's
physical survival and economical survival, then I say I will
listen.
Question : Nevertheless, in Article 13 of the Act that was passed in
Parliament on Monday night, the British can do what they
like with regard to defence, Commonwealth security,
Southeast Asian security. Do you intend to re-negotiate those
terms and....
lky\1965\lky0826.doc 12
Prime Minister: You have read what Mr. Rajaratnam has said on these
matters? These bases, I am sure, will not be used for acts of
aggression against any neighbours in Southeast Asia.
Whatever the legal constitutional position will be or is my
Government -- my colleagues and I -- know the people of
Singapore. We also know the Army Civil Service Union, the
Naval Base Workers' Union, the SU, NAAFI workers, all
of them: they are all our friends. As I said about the nexus
between constitutional objectives and reality; and the reality
is that the people of Singapore are a highly politically
educated group, particularly the workers as lackeys of the
imperialists, imperialist stooges, and so on. But I have not
the slightest doubts that Mr.Wilson or Mr.Dennis Healey
whom I also happen to know for some time, will engage in no
aggressive war. Nor can the Australians and New Zealanders
afford to engage in aggressive war. I do not know what the
Australian Government thinks, but I think I know what the
Australian people think: that they would like to be friends
with Asia. I had that very clear impression in Australia and
you do not make friends by committing acts of aggression.
And I think that is the way it stays.
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Question : You said that Singapore.. (inaudiable)... allow the mission to
come and go, or will you allow them to set up...
Prime Minister : No, I do not mind. They can set up a small rubber buying
mission which is what the Minister for Trade.... I have
forgotten his name, I have got it in a file somewhere, we were
in correspondence in 1962 after my trip to Moscow .... But
there is no trouble. You know a Russian stands out in any
crowd in Singapore, and I think he will find it very difficult to
learn Malay and even more difficult to learn Mandarin or
Hokkien.
Question : Would it be exclusively a trade centre, or will there be
diplomatic relations?
Prime Minister : These are matters which require more careful consideration.
As I have said in my opening when I was asked by Jackie
Sam of the Straits Times, sometimes silence is golden. My
colleagues and I are by nature, by training, calculators, not
"feelers". We like to make sure: pawn from here to k5; then
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what happens seven steps afterwards. It takes some time to
work it out. I have had about two weeks and I think I need
more than two weeks to work out all the implications of these
things. There are times when to talk too freely -- off the cuff
-- is not particularly wise. And I do not intend to embarrass
either my colleagues... each one whom is an equal with me.
As you know, my last Minister did not sign till very late on
the 8th of August. Some Ministers signed on the 7th of
August, but some Ministers signed after great anguish, late on
the 8th of August.... We are equals: each one of them with
their little slide rule, and each one of them an intellect in his
own right. All I am primus inter pares: the first amongst
equals, probably because I was born and bred in Singapore.
Half of them are Malayans, so they say, well, Singapore may
feel a bit hurt if a Malayan, a chap from Penang or Seremban
or Kuala Lumpur, took over the prime ministership.
(In Mandarin)......
Prime Minister : Let me translate. He asked me whether Singapore had the
right to determine its future, international relations and so on.
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I said that independence -- in accordance with international
laws and custom and practice -- sovereignity is absolute. But
that is in law. In severe limitations is the fact that nearly half
of Singapore have friends; have relatives, brothers, mothers,
fathers in other states of Malaysia. I have told in the Malay
Peninusula.... Sorry, perhaps, that word I think the Malaysia
Solidarity Convention may not like: in West Malaysia. You
cannot expect them, and I will not myself, do anything to
injure the long-term interests, the survival,of people so close
to us -- not just Chinese and Chinese, but Malays, Indians,
Eurasians. Mr. Stanley Stewart, my permanent secretary: his
family is in Penang. You want a trade war? You want to
destroy? You want really to hurt them even though we are
prepared to hurt ourselves in the process? I do not think he
can do it, however loyal he is to the Singapore Government.
You reach a point where your emotional loyalties reach
breaking-point. And these are realities. We will not injure
the interests of those whom we consider are really one people
and are very close to us even now.
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Question : Sir, you said that Singapore will trade with the whole world
to survive. Will recognition by Indonesia pave the way for
resumption of trade?
Prime Minister : That is one of the questions on which I think silence is
golden. They have said something. Mr.Seda has said
something about rubber and so on. But it was not President
Sukarno or the first Deputy Prime Minister: the position is
open. We will wait and see. We have got to calculate all the
consequences. It is not just trade with Indonesia and
Singapore's little advantage if in fact that may in the end mean
our destruction, if not via Singapore destruction, our
destruction, if not Malaysia's destruction. As I have told you,
the nexus.... you know, we are like Siamese twins.
Constitutionally, we are served. Economically, emotionally,
we are really one.
Question : Do you consider Singapore re-estabilishing its barter trade
with Indonesia....
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Prime Minister : No. I have already answered you by answering that question.
There are certain things where no matter how hard you press
me -- you know us -- if we cannot answer, we will not
answer. The position is open for close and careful
consideration. And only after this utmost scrutiny of every
possible military, political and other implications, will we
move a piece on the political chessboard. Some people play
draughts -- you eat one piece at a time. The affairs of men
and nations are not that simple. This is a complicated
business of chess. I have studied with great interest what has
been said, for instance, by Indonesia, by the Chinese Foreign
Minister, Marshal Chen Yi, and they are calculating. We are
calculating too; and my colleagues and I are calculating not
just for two million people in Singapore. I have to calculate
for millions, others who are really one with us in Malaysia.
Mr. Rajaratnam is a very brave man, and he had to go down
to Seremban to face his school friends, his own family, his
own brother to tell them why now they are foreigners to each
other. He signed partly because of logic, reason; partly
loyalty. Loyalty to each other because we have been in battle
for so long, so close together that we would not let each other
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down. I would not dream of taking any steps that would
injure, that could in any way jeopardise, relatives, fellow-
countrymen, in the rest of Malaysia.
(Cont'd. in Chinese)
Well, thank you, gentlemen.
26th August, 1965.
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