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PRIME MINISTER’S PRESS CONFERENCE HELD ON 26TH

AUGUST, 1965, AT CITY HALL.

Press : (local) Why have you been so silent over the last few weeks?

Prime Minister: First, there was a tremendous amount of work to be done.

This is a radically different situation and, you know, my

colleagues and I -- we like to calculate the consequence of

each and every move and overture that we make or that is

being made to us. And there are times when silence is

golden. And you can take it from me that what Mr.

Rajaratnam, the Foreign Minister, and Mr. Lim Kim San, the

Finance Minister, have been saying, is said after the closest

consultation with me and my colleagues. He speaks for us

all... So, it does not mean that because I do not speak, we are

not thinking or working.

I am meeting you today because I had to meet the Chambers

of Commerce and the Trade Unions, the Manufacturer's

Association, because economics is the basis of successful

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democracy and also because I think we have cleared the

hump. You know what Africans thinks about bases and the

British bases. You know my position is on that. And

although I am not a stranger to President Nasser, it took about

two weeks for him to accord recognition, knowing full well

what my position is. All of Asia now, except for Indonesia,

has recognised us and I think so will the O.A.U. (The

Orgainsation for African Unity). All the member-states, will,

I think, recognise us. I have no need for concern that I am a

neo-colonialist stooge.

Question 2 : (The Chinese Press) PM translates:

He said from the statements I have made, my colleagues and

I, it appears that we still consider that one day we will be

back in , and that although we were pushed out or

asked to walk out of Malaysia, we walked out with every

intention, one day, of walking back into Malaysia.

Briefly, I said that students of geography, of history, of

economics -- any keen student -- must know that you cannot,

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by a legislative act, cut bonds between people who feel the

same, who are the same. It is not just Chinese here and

Chinese in Malaya, but Malays here and Malays in Malaya,

Eurasians here and Eurasians in . Mr. Devan Nair is

technically a foreigner now. But do you believe that in my

heart, although legally I can say nothing, I can do nothing --

do you believe that in my heart and in the heart of my

colleagues, he is anything other than one our closest

comrades? There are bonds which cannot be broken; and

what is more... you know, economics? Interdependence

makes it inevitable, that maybe in ten years, maybe less,

maybe more, it must come back together again, perhaps under

somewhat different conditions and circumstances. But I have

not the slightest doubt that that must be so.

Question 3 : (The Malaya Press) Translated by PM.

I will just translate briefly. He said what is my view of

Tunku's statement that Malaysia will have trade relations with

Russia. And I said it must be so; again one of those things in

history... In 1962, I visited Moscow; and I met the Minister

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for Trade and Commerce. He wanted very much to send a

rubber-buying mission to because otherwise he had

to buy dearer through London. I wanted very much to let that

rubber-buying mission come in, but at that time the Internal

Security Council consisted of the British, the old Federation

of Malaya, and ourselves and we were told "No".... So it was

"No" then. But I have already send word to the Minister for

Trade and Commerce... I do not know if it is the same man,

Russian names are a bit difficult for me. But I have passed word

through diplomatic channels that this rubber buying mission would

be welcome in Singapore, and so would TASS, and so would

TANJUK from Yugoslavia, and the Yugoslavia Ambassador in

Djakarta, formely Mr. Berber, was quite a friendly person.

We knew him quite well. He used to come and go through

Singapore. I met President Tito in 1962. He made a point of

meeting me in spite of the fact that it was May Day, May the

1st. I hope that he will still know that what I was in 1962 is

only stronger now, not weaker. I am nobody's stooge. I am

not here to play somebody else's game. I have a few million

people's lives to account for. And Singapore will survive, will

trade with the whole world and will remain non-communist. lky\1965\lky0826.doc 5

Question 4 : (The Chinese Press) -- PM translates.

Can I first translate? He says, very briefly, what about my

security and my safety? What is being done? Do I intend to

move house to a safer area? Let me first reply to him, then I

will give you my reply.

(PM replies in Chinese, then translates)

I said briefly: one of the impressions which will be in

everybody's mind if I move to a safe, comfortable residence,

would be one of irresponsibility: looking after my personal

safety, lowering morale. Yes, it is easy to come from the

Rhio Islands. And if we do not want to get rid of the British

bases, people can come; you know, volunteers ... If we are

influenced by these considerations, my colleagues and I --

We should be selling peanuts: it is a better life. If we are

afraid to die, then don't do this. The risk is there as you

know: and you will know from today's conference

arrangements, that nobody in this room and nobody outside

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this room can possibly be an enemy. I am sorry if any of you

have been put to any inconvenience, but it was necessary.

(PM here continues in Chinese)

I said there are several sources, not only Indonesians, who

wants to get rid of British bases, "volunteers" of course. My

relations with the Indonesian Government are what I call

"correct". I am also waiting their decision not with undue

anxiety.

There are Malay extreme elements, followers of the six wild

men in the Peninsula, and there are communists who are in

league with these Indonesians, who may find it covenient to

get rid of my colleagues and I. From the days we proclaimed

ourselves, from that moment, our position changed. If I was

knocked down by a bus on the 8th of August, it would not be

so difficult to keep things as usual as if I were knocked down

today, or even on the 9th of August after the proclamation.

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You know when I visited Nasser in 1962, he made quite an

impression on me. I was taken not to the Quebay Palace --

old King Farouk's Palace -- but to a little modest villa in the

suburbs of Cairo where he lived when he was just a colonel.

And I see no reason whatsoever why the arrangements cannot

be made to ensure the security of my residence. And not just

mine, but also my neighbours; because they may miss me and

get my neighbours, and my neighbours are my very close

friends. In front of me is the President of the Hakka

Association, Mr. Chong Moong Seng. You know I am a

Hakka. To my right, is a Teochew merchant, my clansman,

also Mr. Lee. To my left, is a small trader, a petty trader.

But we are all friends. Behind me is a piece of vacant land. I

am sorry for the owner of that land because I think they were

asking for planning approval to build a five-storey flat which

will overlook my house and make it easy for what happened

to President Kennedy to happen me. Well, it will remain

vacant land... It could serve a useful purpose there, having a

meterological office or a meteorological station and other

things.

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And the most important thing of all is the morale of the

people and of the administration. If I expect Singapore's

workers to make sacrifices, to work hard; if I expect my

officials to give of their best and I move to Sri Temasek --

and I have got every right, it is my official residence, there is

the vote -- you know, it seeps down the line. Everybody then

wants the good life. Then the flat which we now build,

average cost per unit $4,000. -- becomes $8,000-- as in some

neighbouring countries. It goes down the line. You know my

officials? Some of them have not slept a full night's sleep for

the last two weeks; Mr. Stewart for instance, he is 55; I am

42. I can take it better. Some of my junior officials who

have been runing around getting things done: it is a

tremendous job learning how to code message to foreign

countries. Worse, we have got very few French translators,

and half of Africa is French-speaking. It is a tremendous

business, and they have been working 24 hours flat. And if

you expect that kind of effort, then I say the Ministers -- my

colleagues and I -- must be preapared to make the same

effort.

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And I have not the slightest doubt that the Singapore Police

Force under the Minister for Defence and Security, Dr. Goh,

will be competent, businesslike, polite but thorough.

And all will be well. Let me put it to you this way. The first

fear, and real anxiety was August 9th, 10th, 11th, because the

Indonesians or followers of the six and mad Mullahs could

have started riots and destroyed our image internationally.

And I think some of them were thinking of doing that: make it

appear that we are a Chinese city, beating up Malays; riots --

Malays are massacred, running into Johore where there is a

lot of vacant land. Then we would have had it, isn't it? I

would find it very difficult explaining to President Nyerere,

Sekou Toure and all the Arab and Muslim States in Africa

that although we are a secular state, we respect the Muslim

religion. After people have been massacred, do you think I

can explain? It would take a lot of explaining. The first 72

hours was real anxiety. I tell you now, after the event, that

we intermediary... to have a bit of kerfulffle. And we were

in minds as to whether to conscribe the intermediary and stop

the message or not. If we conscribed it, it might have

precipitated it. So we just watched closely. That anxiety is

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over. There will be no race riots in Singapore. Never! I

played golf yesterday, Malay children, Malay women ... I am

not trying a sympathy gag but this is the truth... One Malay

woman took her child's hand and waved it at us, and I waved

back. They know that what we say we mean: that this is an

equal society; and our obligations to raise the economic and

educational standards of the Malays will continue. There will

be no longer a senator who says, "Release the detainees." a very

helpful statement, I thought, because in that way, he proved

to lots of sane, rational people in Singapore what should not

be done. Once we have consolidated internally, no trouble --

and now there will be no trouble, it is completely calm as you

yourself know.

The next phase was Afro-Asia. It took me two weeks, Asia

took me a week, partly communications-- you know, nearer.

I would like to say that I was grateful to Prince Norodom

Sihanouk, no matter what the worst things the press says

about him. What UPI says about him, that he sent us such a

warm message. He is going to set up an Embassy here. We

will set up an Embassy at Phnom Penh (interruption). Yes, a

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consulate; it will be raised to Embassy now. But we have to

look for a French-speaking counsellor to interpret for our

ambassadorial calibre that speaks French in Singapore.

These are problems. Africa was more difficult because the

communications all had to go via London and via Paris and in

code and then in translation. But, as you yourself know, there

is now no doubt in their minds that we are own masters and

intend to be so. And our survival demands that no bigger,

more powerful neighbour can just harass or worse, invade

and conquer and destroy us. And if anybody can find an

alternative to the British bases to guarantee Singapore's

physical survival and economical survival, then I say I will

listen.

Question : Nevertheless, in Article 13 of the Act that was passed in

Parliament on Monday night, the British can do what they

like with regard to defence, Commonwealth security,

Southeast Asian security. Do you intend to re-negotiate those

terms and....

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Prime Minister: You have read what Mr. Rajaratnam has said on these

matters? These bases, I am sure, will not be used for acts of

aggression against any neighbours in Southeast Asia.

Whatever the legal constitutional position will be or is my

Government -- my colleagues and I -- know the people of

Singapore. We also know the Army Civil Service Union, the

Naval Base Workers' Union, the SU, NAAFI workers, all

of them: they are all our friends. As I said about the nexus

between constitutional objectives and reality; and the reality

is that the people of Singapore are a highly politically

educated group, particularly the workers as lackeys of the

imperialists, imperialist stooges, and so on. But I have not

the slightest doubts that Mr.Wilson or Mr.Dennis Healey

whom I also happen to know for some time, will engage in no

aggressive war. Nor can the Australians and New Zealanders

afford to engage in aggressive war. I do not know what the

Australian Government thinks, but I think I know what the

Australian people think: that they would like to be friends

with Asia. I had that very clear impression in Australia and

you do not make friends by committing acts of aggression.

And I think that is the way it stays.

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Question : You said that Singapore.. (inaudiable)... allow the mission to

come and go, or will you allow them to set up...

Prime Minister : No, I do not mind. They can set up a small rubber buying

mission which is what the Minister for Trade.... I have

forgotten his name, I have got it in a file somewhere, we were

in correspondence in 1962 after my trip to Moscow .... But

there is no trouble. You know a Russian stands out in any

crowd in Singapore, and I think he will find it very difficult to

learn Malay and even more difficult to learn Mandarin or

Hokkien.

Question : Would it be exclusively a trade centre, or will there be

diplomatic relations?

Prime Minister : These are matters which require more careful consideration.

As I have said in my opening when I was asked by Jackie

Sam of , sometimes silence is golden. My

colleagues and I are by nature, by training, calculators, not

"feelers". We like to make sure: pawn from here to k5; then

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what happens seven steps afterwards. It takes some time to

work it out. I have had about two weeks and I think I need

more than two weeks to work out all the implications of these

things. There are times when to talk too freely -- off the cuff

-- is not particularly wise. And I do not intend to embarrass

either my colleagues... each one whom is an equal with me.

As you know, my last Minister did not sign till very late on

the 8th of August. Some Ministers signed on the 7th of

August, but some Ministers signed after great anguish, late on

the 8th of August.... We are equals: each one of them with

their little slide rule, and each one of them an intellect in his

own right. All I am primus inter pares: the first amongst

equals, probably because I was born and bred in Singapore.

Half of them are Malayans, so they say, well, Singapore may

feel a bit hurt if a Malayan, a chap from Penang or Seremban

or , took over the prime ministership.

(In Mandarin)......

Prime Minister : Let me translate. He asked me whether Singapore had the

right to determine its future, international relations and so on.

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I said that independence -- in accordance with international

laws and custom and practice -- sovereignity is absolute. But

that is in law. In severe limitations is the fact that nearly half

of Singapore have friends; have relatives, brothers, mothers,

fathers in other states of Malaysia. I have told in the Malay

Peninusula.... Sorry, perhaps, that word I think the Malaysia

Solidarity Convention may not like: in West Malaysia. You

cannot expect them, and I will not myself, do anything to

injure the long-term interests, the survival,of people so close

to us -- not just Chinese and Chinese, but Malays, Indians,

Eurasians. Mr. Stanley Stewart, my permanent secretary: his

family is in Penang. You want a trade war? You want to

destroy? You want really to hurt them even though we are

prepared to hurt ourselves in the process? I do not think he

can do it, however loyal he is to the Singapore Government.

You reach a point where your emotional loyalties reach

breaking-point. And these are realities. We will not injure

the interests of those whom we consider are really one people

and are very close to us even now.

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Question : Sir, you said that Singapore will trade with the whole world

to survive. Will recognition by Indonesia pave the way for

resumption of trade?

Prime Minister : That is one of the questions on which I think silence is

golden. They have said something. Mr.Seda has said

something about rubber and so on. But it was not President

Sukarno or the first Deputy Prime Minister: the position is

open. We will wait and see. We have got to calculate all the

consequences. It is not just trade with Indonesia and

Singapore's little advantage if in fact that may in the end mean

our destruction, if not via Singapore destruction, our

destruction, if not Malaysia's destruction. As I have told you,

the nexus.... you know, we are like Siamese twins.

Constitutionally, we are served. Economically, emotionally,

we are really one.

Question : Do you consider Singapore re-estabilishing its barter trade

with Indonesia....

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Prime Minister : No. I have already answered you by answering that question.

There are certain things where no matter how hard you press

me -- you know us -- if we cannot answer, we will not

answer. The position is open for close and careful

consideration. And only after this utmost scrutiny of every

possible military, political and other implications, will we

move a piece on the political chessboard. Some people play

draughts -- you eat one piece at a time. The affairs of men

and nations are not that simple. This is a complicated

business of chess. I have studied with great interest what has

been said, for instance, by Indonesia, by the Chinese Foreign

Minister, Marshal Chen Yi, and they are calculating. We are

calculating too; and my colleagues and I are calculating not

just for two million people in Singapore. I have to calculate

for millions, others who are really one with us in Malaysia.

Mr. Rajaratnam is a very brave man, and he had to go down

to Seremban to face his school friends, his own family, his

own brother to tell them why now they are foreigners to each

other. He signed partly because of logic, reason; partly

loyalty. Loyalty to each other because we have been in battle

for so long, so close together that we would not let each other

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down. I would not dream of taking any steps that would

injure, that could in any way jeopardise, relatives, fellow-

countrymen, in the rest of Malaysia.

(Cont'd. in Chinese)

Well, thank you, gentlemen.

26th August, 1965.

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