DOCSLIB.ORG

Background and US Relations

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Background and US Relations Libya: Background and U.S. Relations Christopher M. Blanchard Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs Jim Zanotti Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs February 18, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33142 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Libya: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Major anti-government protests broke out in Libya on February 15 and have since intensified, eliciting violent government responses. The demonstrations are in opposition to the 42-year regime of Libya’s leader, Muammar al Qadhafi. As of February 18, some sources have reported that opposition forces have taken over areas of Benghazi, Libya’s second-largest city, and its surroundings in Libya’s northeastern Mediterranean region of Cyrenaica. Libyan-U.S. rapprochement has unfolded gradually since 2003, when the Libyan government accepted responsibility for the actions of its personnel in regard to the 1988 bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 and announced its decision to eliminate its weapons of mass destruction and long- range missile programs. In response, U.S. sanctions were gradually removed, and, on May 15, 2006, the Bush Administration announced its intention to restore full diplomatic relations with Libya and to rescind Libya’s listing as a state sponsor of terrorism. Full diplomatic relations were restored on May 31, 2006. Libya was removed from the lists of state sponsors of terrorism and states not fully cooperating with U.S. counterterrorism efforts in June 2006. Until late 2008, U.S.-Libyan reengagement was hindered by lingering disagreements over outstanding legal claims related to U.S. citizens killed or injured in past Libyan-sponsored or - supported terrorist attacks. From 2004 onward, Bush Administration officials argued that broader normalization of U.S.-Libyan relations would provide opportunities for the United States to address specific issues of concern to Congress, including the outstanding legal claims, political and economic reform, the development of Libyan energy resources, and human rights. However, some Members of Congress took steps to limit U.S.-Libyan re-engagement as a means of encouraging the Libyan government to settle outstanding terrorism cases in good faith prior to further normalization. Under the terms of a Claims Settlement Agreement reached between the Libyan and U.S. governments in August 2008, funds are now available to settle specific outstanding legal claims. Congress supported the final stages of U.S.-Libyan negotiation on the agreement by passing S. 3370, the Libyan Claims Resolution Act (P.L. 110-301), which authorized the creation of an entity with legal immunity to receive settlement funds from Libya or other sources and to distribute them to U.S. plaintiffs. On October 31, 2008, President Bush signed Executive Order 13477 stating that claims covered by the agreement were settled. When Scottish authorities returned convicted Pan Am 103 bomber Abd al Baset Ali al Megrahi to Libya on humanitarian grounds in late 2009, the ensuing outcry in the United States and United Kingdom highlighted the continuing influence of past U.S.-Libyan differences. In July 2010, new scrutiny of Libyan-UK negotiations over Megrahi and energy contracts involving BP plc underscored this dynamic. Current U.S. policy concerns, in addition to those linked with the ongoing unrest, include ensuring Libya’s positive contribution to the security and economic prosperity of North Africa and the Sahel, securing commercial opportunities in Libya for U.S. firms, and addressing persistent human rights issues. The Obama Administration is requesting $875,000 in FY2011 foreign assistance funding for Libya programs. This report provides background information on Libya and U.S.-Libyan relations; discusses Libya’s political and economic reform efforts; and reviews current issues of potential congressional interest. Congressional Research Service Libya: Background and U.S. Relations Contents 2011 Anti-Government Unrest.....................................................................................................1 Other Recent Developments........................................................................................................2 Background and Recent History..................................................................................................3 The Qadhafi Era....................................................................................................................4 The Green Book and Qadhafi’s Ideology.........................................................................5 Terrorism and Confrontation with the United States.........................................................6 Qadhafi’s Arab-Israeli Intransigence................................................................................6 International Isolation and Signs of Change.....................................................................7 Current Issues in U.S.-Libyan Relations ......................................................................................7 Comprehensive Claims Settlement Agreement ......................................................................8 Settlement Details ...........................................................................................................9 Settlement Eligibility and Adjudication .........................................................................10 BP plc and UK-Libya Prisoner Transfer Agreement.......................................................12 U.S. Foreign Assistance to Libya.........................................................................................13 Funding for New U.S. Embassy Construction................................................................15 Counterterrorism Cooperation.............................................................................................15 Political and Economic Profile ..................................................................................................16 Muammar al Qadhafi: A Profile...........................................................................................16 Political Dynamics..............................................................................................................16 Government Structure .........................................................................................................17 The “Authority of the People”.......................................................................................18 Proposals for the Dissolution of State Ministries and Revenue Distribution ...................18 Opposition Groups..............................................................................................................19 Exiles............................................................................................................................19 The Muslim Brotherhood ..............................................................................................20 Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG)..........................................................................20 Political Reform and Human Rights ....................................................................................22 Legal and Institutional Reform......................................................................................23 Human Rights Monitoring.............................................................................................23 Fathi al Jahmi ...............................................................................................................24 Libyan Foreign Policy.........................................................................................................24 Energy and the Libyan Economy.........................................................................................25 Oil Reserves and Production Capacity...........................................................................26 Natural Gas...................................................................................................................26 Military Profile and WMD Disarmament...................................................................................27 The Libyan Military............................................................................................................27 Structure, Training, and Equipment ...............................................................................27 Arms Sales....................................................................................................................28 WMD Programs and Disarmament......................................................................................29 Nuclear, Chemical, and Ballistic Missile Programs........................................................29 Termination of WMD and Missile Programs .................................................................30 Motives for Disarmament..............................................................................................31 International Controls and Inspections...........................................................................31 Further Reading and Historical Resources .................................................................................32 Congressional Research Service Libya: Background and U.S. Relations Figures Figure 1. Map of Libya ...............................................................................................................5 Tables Table 1. Recent U.S. Foreign Assistance to Libya......................................................................14
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Malawi: Recent Developments and U.S
    Malawi: Recent Developments and U.S. Relations Nicolas Cook Specialist in African Affairs December 11, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R42856 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Malawi: Recent Developments and U.S. Relations Summary President Barack Obama’s Administration and a number of Members of Congress have welcomed Malawian President Joyce Banda’s accession to power, largely because she has reversed a number of contentious decisions taken by her predecessor, Bingu wa Mutharika, who died in early April 2012 while serving a contentious second term. Banda’s status as Africa’s second female president, an internationally recognized women’s rights advocate, and a leader with personal socioeconomic development expertise has also drawn U.S. and other international support. There are also some indications that Banda may pursue a foreign policy aligned with selected U.S. regional policy goals. In August 2012, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton traveled to Malawi for discussions of economic and political governance and reform and to highlight bilateral development cooperation projects. In September Banda addressed a gathering of Members of Congress at a forum on U.S.-Malawian and broader U.S.-African relations. Malawi, a former British colony, is a small, poor country in southeastern Africa that underwent a democratic transition from one-party rule in the early 1990s and has long relied on donor aid. Under Mutharika, however, Malawi’s ties with donors had been damaged over concerns related to economic management, undemocratic governance trends, and Mutharika’s acrimonious stance toward donors. Upon taking office, Banda—who had served as Mutharika’s vice president and therefore succeeded him upon his death—made a range of economic and governance reform pledges and related policy decisions.
    [Show full text]
  • Two 'Transitions': the Political Economy of Joyce Banda's Rise To
    Two ‘transitions’: The political economy of Joyce Banda’s rise to power and the related role of civil society organisations in Malawi Clive Gabay (2014) Two ‘transitions’: the political economy of Joyce Banda's rise to power and the related role of civil society organisations in Malawi, Review of African Political Economy, 41:141, 374- 388, DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2014.901949 On Friday November 2nd 2012, the front pages of most Malawian newspapers carried a story about sacks of famine-relief maize being distributed in rural areas of Malawi stamped with the initials of the president, Joyce Bandai. Banda had assumed the presidency in contested circumstances, when her predecessor, Bingu wa Mutharika, had suddenly died from a heart attack in April 2012. As vice president, Banda had quit the president’s party to form her own party (the Peoples’ Party) prior to these events. Members of Mutharika’s Democratic Peoples’ Party (DPP) thus manoeuvred to have Mutharika’s brother installed as president (Singini, 2013: 85-86), even though this would have flouted the constitution, which stated that the vice-president should assume presidential office in case of the sitting president’s demise. A constellation of forces, including military, civil society, judicial and media support for the constitutional provision (Yi Dionne and Dulani, 2012), meant that the constitution prevailed and Banda was installed as president. This paper assesses the situation in Malawi in part with reference to published and unpublished claims and allegations, which should not be inferred as representing the views of the author. In combination with what was the most vibrant anti-government protests for nearly 20 years, Banda’s ascent was interpreted by the Western political establishment as representing an optimistic new turn in Malawian politics and the region more broadly, following Mutharika’s steady descent into authoritarianism.
    [Show full text]
  • Deliberation As an Epistemic Endeavor: Umunthu and Social Change In
    Deliberation as an Epistemic Endeavor: UMunthu and Social Change in Malawi’s Political Ecology A dissertation presented to the faculty of the Scripps College of Communication of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy Fletcher O. M. Ziwoya December 2012 © 2012 Fletcher O. M. Ziwoya All Rights Reserved. This dissertation titled Deliberation as an Epistemic Endeavor: UMunthu and Social Change in Malawi’s Political Ecology by FLETCHER O. M. ZIWOYA has been approved for the School of Communication Studies and the Scripps College of Communication by Claudia L. Hale Professor of Communication Studies Scott Titsworth Interim Dean, Scripps College of Communication ii ABSTRACT ZIWOYA, FLETCHER O. M., Ph.D. December 2012, Communication Studies Deliberation as an Epistemic Endeavor: UMunthu and Social Change in Malawi’s Political Ecology Director of Dissertation: Claudia Hale This dissertation examines the epistemic role of democratic processes in Malawi. In this study, I challenge the view that Malawi’s Local Government model of public participation is representative and open to all forms of knowledge production. Through a case study analysis of the political economy of knowledge production of selected District Councils in Malawi, I argue that the consultative approach adopted by the Councils is flawed. The Habermasian approach adopted by the Councils assumes that development processes should be free, fair, and accommodative of open forms of deliberation, consultation, and dissent. The Habermasian ideals stipulate that no single form of reasoning or knowledge dominates others. By advocating for “the power of the better argument” Habermas (1984, 1998a, 1998b, 2001) provided room for adversarial debate which is not encouraged in the Malawi local governance system.
    [Show full text]
  • The Chair of the African Union
    Th e Chair of the African Union What prospect for institutionalisation? THE EVOLVING PHENOMENA of the Pan-African organisation to react timeously to OF THE CHAIR continental and international events. Th e Moroccan delegation asserted that when an event occurred on the Th e chair of the Pan-African organisation is one position international scene, member states could fail to react as that can be scrutinised and defi ned with diffi culty. Its they would give priority to their national concerns, or real political and institutional signifi cance can only be would make a diff erent assessment of such continental appraised through a historical analysis because it is an and international events, the reason being that, con- institution that has evolved and acquired its current trary to the United Nations, the OAU did not have any shape and weight through practical engagements. Th e permanent representatives that could be convened at any expansion of the powers of the chairperson is the result time to make a timely decision on a given situation.2 of a process dating back to the era of the Organisation of Th e delegation from Sierra Leone, a former member African Unity (OAU) and continuing under the African of the Monrovia group, considered the hypothesis of Union (AU). the loss of powers of the chairperson3 by alluding to the Indeed, the desirability or otherwise of creating eff ect of the possible political fragility of the continent on a chair position had been debated among members the so-called chair function. since the creation of the Pan-African organisation.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons Or Profiteers?
    Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons or Profiteers? By Jo-Ansie van Wyk Occasional Paper Series: Volume 2, Number 1, 2007 The Occasional Paper Series is published by The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. Views expressed in this Occasional Paper are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this Occassional Paper contains. Copyright © ACCORD 2007 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1608-3954 Unsolicited manuscripts may be submitted to: The Editor, Occasional Paper Series, c/o ACCORD, Private Bag X018, Umhlanga Rocks 4320, Durban, South Africa or email: [email protected] Manuscripts should be about 10 000 words in length. All references must be included. Abstract It is easy to experience a sense of déjà vu when analysing political lead- ership in Africa. The perception is that African leaders rule failed states that have acquired tags such as “corruptocracies”, “chaosocracies” or “terrorocracies”. Perspectives on political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalisation” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy and Reconfigured Power in Africa Richard Joseph
    “The third wave of democracy did sweep across much of sub-Saharan Africa in the 1990s, but has now subsided, except for ripples and eddies.” Democracy and Reconfigured Power in Africa richarD Joseph n July 2009, President Barack Obama declared This is an appropriate moment, therefore, to in Accra, Ghana, that Africa no longer needs step back from the volatility and try to under- Istrongmen—it needs strong institutions. stand the deeper dynamics of political change Almost a year later, at a meeting of the African and continuity in the region. In this exercise, Union in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Secretary of State the perspective of Richard L. Sklar, a longtime Hillary Clinton contended that many African lead- student of African affairs and retired professor of ers seem more concerned with staying eternally political science at the University of California, in power than with ably serving their people. In Los Angeles, is helpful. Sklar has argued for the some cases, she said, democracy “as one election, importance of studying power and the means by one time” still prevails. which it is acquired and exercised. He contends How much do these views correspond with what that all governmental systems are mixed, and is taking place in African countries? What patterns everything that is good in governance may not emerge in the configuration of political power? And necessarily be “democratic.” finally, how do we assess Africa’s democratic pros- Sklar calls attention, for example, to the sig- pects in light of global developments? nificance of oligarchic entities, such as the US As once impregnable autocracies fall in North Supreme Court or the British House of Lords, Africa, the people of sub-Saharan Africa can in capitalist democracies.
    [Show full text]
  • Activists in Malawi Detained After Protest
    UA: 300/11 Index: AFR 36/003/2011 Malawi Date: 18 October 2011 URGENT ACTION ACTIVISTS IN MALAWI DETAINED AFTER PROTEST Five activists in Malawi were arrested and detained by police on Friday 14 October for engaging in a peaceful protest outside parliament in Lilongwe. They are being detained at three police stations in the Malawian capital city. One of the detainees, Brian Nyasulu, is diabetic has been denied medical attention. Five activists, Billy Mayaya, Habiba Osman, Brian Nyasulu, Ben Chiza Mkandawire and Comfort Chitseko,were arrested on 14 October for being part of a small demonstration. The demonstrators called for President Bingu wa Mutharika to call a referendum for an early election, demanded the resignation of Police Inspector General Peter Mukhita and an investigation into his alleged involvement in the death of student activist Robert Chasowa. Police charged the activists with holding an illegal demonstration under the Police Act alleging that they did not get permission from the police. Billy Mayaya, Habiba Osman and Comfort Chitseko are being detained at Lumbadzi police station in Lilongwe, while Ben Chiza Mkandawire is detained at Kanengo police station and Brian Nyasulu is at Area 18 police station, both also in Lilongwe. Amnesty International is concerned that police have denied Brian Nyasulu, who is diabetic, access to medical treatment. Amnesty International considers all the detained activists to be prisoners of conscience, arrested solely for exercising their right to peaceful protest, and calls for their immediate and unconditional release. Please write immediately in English or your own language: Urging the President of Malawi and the Inspector General of Police to ensure the immediate and unconditional release of the five activists.
    [Show full text]
  • Machiavelli and the Principles Behind Authoritarian Rule; Could He Explain the Fate of Muammar Al-Gaddafi? Bachelors Theses
    ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! The department of Political Science ! ! Machiavelli and the principles behind authoritarian rule; Could he explain the fate of Muammar al-Gaddafi? Bachelors Theses ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! Author: Andreas Delphin Supervisor: Gunnar Hansson Examiner: Patric Lindgren Date: 2014-06-04 Subject: Political Science Level: Bachelor ! ! Abstract ! This study will try an Hypothesis built on Machiavellis principles of power and examine the position of Machiavellis importance in the world of today. The Hypothesis contains principles of Machiavellis thought on power and is ment to be used as an analytical tool to understand the downfall of totalitarian leaders. ! The hypothesis gains strength from this study due to the fact that it could explain the fall of Colonel Gaddafi and may even have predicted the downfall of Muammar Gaddafi based on the violation of several of the principles that build up the Hypothesis. The hypothesis however, needs more testing to be able to be accepted as a generalization. ! The importance of Machiavelli and his school of though is strengthened by the fact that the principles shown in the hypothesis are viable and the fact that Machiavelli still contributes to discussions on modern principles of power. ! Through the glasses that are the hypothesis we get a clear picture that tells us why Colonel Gaddafi got overthrown; He simply pushed the people to far. ! Keywords ! Machiavelli, Libya, Gaddafi, Khaddafi, Kaddafi, Qaddafi, totalitarian rule, autocratic rule, Power plays, principles of power ! ! ! ! Index ! 1. Introduction ………………………………………………………………………………. 4 2. problem 4 ……………………………………………………………………………………………….. Theory 3. Theory ……………………………………………………………………………………. 5 4. Method and Materials …………….…………………………………………………….. 8 5. The Hypothesis and the analytical framework ……….………………………………….. 11 6. Demarcation …………………………………………………………………………….. 16 Empiricism 7.
    [Show full text]
  • AC Vol 45 No 9
    www.africa-confidential.com 30 April 2004 Vol 45 No 9 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL TANZANIA 3 SUDAN Troubled isles The union between the mainland Mass murder and Zanzibar – 40 years old this Ten years after Rwanda’s genocide, the NIF regime kills and displaces week – remains a political hotspot, tens of thousands of civilians in Darfur – with impunity mainly because the ruling CCM has rigged two successive elections on Civilians in Darfur continue to die as a result of the National Islamic Front regime’s ethnic cleansing and the islands. Some hope that former in the absence of serious diplomatic pressure. United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan has warned OAU Secretary General Salim that international military intervention might be required to stop the slaughter in Darfur, while senior UN Ahmed Salim of Zanzibar will take officials refer to the NIF regime’s scorched earth policy as ‘genocide’ or ‘ethnic cleansing’. Yet last week over from President Mkapa next the UN Commission on Human Rights (UNOHCHR) in Geneva again refused to recommend strong year and negotiate a new settlement with the opposition CUF. action against Khartoum and suppressed its own highly critical investigation, which found that government agents had killed, raped and tortured civilians. On 23 April, the NIF exploited anti-Americanism to defeat a call from the United States and European MALAWI 4Union to reinstate a Special Rapporteur (SR) on Human Rights. At 2003’s annual session, Khartoum had successfully lobbied for the removal as SR of the German lawyer and former Interior Minister Gerhard Bingu the favourite Baum, an obvious candidate for enquiries in Darfur.
    [Show full text]
  • An Evaluation of Post-Colonial African Leadership: a Study of Ayi Kwei Armah’S the Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born, and Chinua Achebe’S a Man of the People
    Vol. 5(1), pp. 14-18, January, 2014 DOI: 10.5897/IJEL11.087 International Journal of English and ISSN 2141-2626 © 2014 Academic Journals Literature http://www.academicjournals.org/IJEL Review An evaluation of post-colonial African leadership: A study of Ayi Kwei Armah’s The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born, and Chinua Achebe’s A Man of the People Mavis Thokozile Macheka Great Zimbabwe University, Zimbabwe. Accepted 17 December, 2012 This paper centers on how post-colonial African leaders in Armah’s The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born and Achebe’s A Man of the People have shifted from democratic leadership to an autocratic type of governance. The paper denotes a form of corruption that departs from cherished values and ideals of post-colonial Africa. The key method of this paper is textual analysis. The paper seeks to show the socio-economic disillusionment of an independent African society. The leaders abuse their posts to enrich themselves at the nation’s expense. The paper seeks to show how the black people’s quest for shared power and freedom has been thwarted by the post-colonial African governments. The paper also dwells on how the misuse of power causes the offices of African leaders to be sources of evil and wealth creation for a few selected individuals. Key words: Post-colonial African leadership. INTRODUCTION Chinua Achebe and Ayi Kwei Armah (Fraser1980), gene- of African nationalism, which coerced its political de- rally subscribe to the notion that independence is a mands in terms drawn from European nationalists’ source of disillusionment to most black Africans because thought.
    [Show full text]
  • Malawi Orientation Manual
    Full Name of Republic of Malawi Country Population Malawi is home to roughly 19 million people. 84% of the population lives in rural areas. The life expectancy is 61 years, and the median age is 16.4 years (one of the lowest median ages in the world). Roughly 50.7% (2014 est.) live below the international poverty line. Time Zone GMT +2 (7 hours ahead of EST in the winter, 6 hours ahead in summer) Capital Lilongwe Ethnic Groups The African peoples in Malawi are all of Bantu origin. The main ethnic groups ('tribes') are the Chewa, dominant in the central and southern parts of the country; the Yao, also found in the south; and the Tumbuka in the north. There are very small populations of Asian (Indian, Pakistani, Korean and Chinese), white Africans and European people living mainly in the cities. Major Languages The official language of Malawi is Chichewa and English. English is widely spoken, particularly in main towns. The different ethnic groups in Malawi each have their own language or dialect. Major Religions Most people in Malawi are Christian (82.6%), usually members of one of the Catholic or Protestant churches founded by missionaries in the late 19th century. There are Muslims populations primarily in the south and central region (13%), especially along Lake Malawi - a legacy of the Arab slave traders who operated in this area. Alongside the established religions, many Malawians also hold traditional animist beliefs (2%). President’s Name In 2014, Peter Mutharika of the DPP followed his older brother Bingu wa Mutharika’s footsteps to become the current Malawian president.
    [Show full text]
  • Report Commission of Inquiry Into Circumstances of The
    REPORT OF THE COMMISSION OF INQUIRY INTO CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE DEATH OF THE LATE PRESIDENT NGWAZI PROF. BINGU WA MUTHARIKA AND INTO THE POLITICAL TRANSITION FOLLOWING HIS DEATH TABLE OF CONTENTS LETTER TO THE PRESIDENT . v LIST OF COMMISSIONERS AND SECRETARIAT . vii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS . vii LIST OF APPENDICES . viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . ix EXECUTIVE SUMMARY . x CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 SCOPE OF THE REPORT . 1 1.2 BACKGROUND . 1 1.3 ISSUES ARISING FROM THE DEATH OF THE PRESIDENT . 5 1.4 APPOINTMENT OF THE COMMISSION OF INQUIRY . 7 1.5 TERMS OF REFERENCE OF THE COMMISSION . 8 1.6 METHODOLOGY AND WORKPLAN . 8 CHAPTER 2 EVIDENCE TAKEN REGARDING THE DEATH OF THE PRESIDENT 2.1 MEDICAL ATTENTION AVAILABLE TO THE LATE PRESIDENT IMMEDIATELY PRECEDING HIS DEATH . .9 2.2 EVENTS AT STATE HOUSE ON THE 5th OF APRIL 2012. 10 2.2.1 The President’s Appointments for the Day . 11 2.2.2 Appointment With Hon. Mrs. Agnes Penemulungu, MP. 12 2.2.3 The President’s Collapse . 13 2.2.4 Immediate Response to the Collapse of the President . 14 2.2.5 Referral to Kamuzu Central Hospital . 15 2.2.6 Arrival and Reception at Kamuzu Central Hospital . 16 2.2.7 Admission and Treatment in the ICU . 17 2.2.8 Arrival of Air Ambulance Doctors and Preparations for Departure . 22 2.2.9 Departure for the Airport . 23 2.2.10 Events at the Kamuzu International Airport . 23 2.2.11 Hospital Records Regarding the Late President at the Kamuzu Central Hospital . 25 2.2.12 State House Press Release On the President’s Illness .
    [Show full text]