The Federal Reserve Engages the World (1970–2000): an Insider’S Narrative of the Transition to Managed Floating and Financial Turbulence
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Angela Merkel Energy Security Spotlight on Africa
40 Years of Summits Inside: a special supplement focusing on four decades of debate and decision-making GERMANY: THE SCHLOSS ELMAU SUMMIT AN AUTHORISED PUBLICATION OF THE 2015 G7 SUMMIT Angela Merkel Germany’s Chancellor outlines the summit agenda Energy security Spotlight on Africa Creating a sustainable future A focus on the continent’s prospects and countering climate change for growth and development Sanofi_placed.indd 2 23/04/2015 11:42 Sanofi_placed.indd 3 23/04/2015 11:42 THE ANSWER IS BLOWING IN THE WIND Security of supply. Air pollution. Energy poverty. Unemployment. Climate change. Volatile fossil fuel prices. The world is full of problems. When shaping the society of tomorrow, we need to deal with all these problems at the same time. The good news is that to all these problems, there’s one solution. Wind energy is clean. It’s scalable. And most importantly, it’s competitive. Today, the cost of wind energy is lower than nuclear. Lower than gas. In some cases even lower than coal. And that’s before we add the costs of pollution. In short, the answer to many of our most pressing questions is literally blowing in the wind. €/MWh 125 100 75 50 25 0 Gas Coal Solar Nuclear Wind onshore Wind Source: ECOfys/European Commission solutionwind.com #solutionwind Clean. Competitive. Ready. European Wind Energy Association_placed.indd 1 13/05/2015 12:19 Contents G7 Germany: The Schloss Elmau Summit | June 2015 Introductions and leaders’ perspectives The G7 in numbers 10 40 years of G7 meetings — commitment for 38 A look at how the G7 members -
Building Better Global Economic Brics
Economics Global Economics Research from the GS Financial WorkbenchSM at https://www.gs.com Paper No: 66 Building Better Global Economic BRICs n In 2001 and 2002, real GDP growth in large emerging market economies will exceed that of the G7. n At end-2000, GDP in US$ on a PPP basis in Brazil, Russia, India and China (BRIC) was about 23.3% of world GDP. On a current GDP basis, BRIC share of world GDP is 8%. n Using current GDP, China’s GDP is bigger than that of Italy. n Over the next 10 years, the weight of the BRICs and especially China in world GDP will grow, raising important issues about the global economic impact of fiscal and monetary policy in the BRICs. n In line with these prospects, world policymaking forums should be re-organised and in particular, the G7 should be adjusted to incorporate BRIC representatives. Many thanks to David Blake, Paulo Leme, Binit Jim O’Neill Patel, Stephen Potter, David Walton and others in the Economics Department for their helpful 30th November 2001 suggestions. Important disclosures appear at the end of this document. Goldman Sachs Economic Research Group In London Jim O’Neill, M.D. & Head of Global Economic Research +44(0)20 7774 1160 Gavyn Davies, M.D. & Chief International Economist David Walton, M.D. & Chief European Economist Andrew Bevan, M.D. & Director of International Bond Economic Research Erik Nielsen, Director of New European Markets Economic Research Stephen Potter, E.D. & Senior Global Economist Al Breach, E.D & International Economist Linda Britten, E.D. -
3. IMF Article IV Consultations; 4. OECD Economic Surveys; 5
APENDICES 1. Additional plots and tables; 2. Business Cycle Chronologies; 3. IMF Article IV Consultations; 4. OECD Economic Surveys; 5. G20, G7 Summit Issues; 6. Compendium of Key Dates and Events; 7. Forecasts: Definitions and Sources 1 APPENDIX – ADDITIONAL PLOTS 2 Observed real GDP Growth Rates: Japan, U.S., and Germany Since 1960 (Quarterly) Real GDP Growth 20% 15% 10% 5% 0% -5% -10% -15% 1961 1963 1965 1967 1969 1971 1973 1975 1977 1979 1981 1983 1985 1987 1989 1991 1993 1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013 2015 2017 2019 Germany Japan United States Annualized real GDP growth rates from FRED and supplemented with IMF IFS data. 3 Observed Inflation Rates: Japan, U.S., and Germany Since 1960 (Quarterly) Inflation rates 24% 20% 16% 12% 8% 4% 0% -4% 1961 1963 1965 1967 1969 1971 1973 1975 1977 1979 1981 1983 1985 1987 1989 1991 1993 1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013 2015 2017 2019 Germany Japan United States Annualized CPI inflation rates. Sources same as previous figure. 4 Central Bank Policy Rates 20% 16% 12% 8% 4% 0% -4% 1981 1983 1985 1987 1989 1991 1993 1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013 2015 2017 2019 Call rate - Japan Fedfunds - USA MRO - Eurozone In percent. Data from BIS. 5 Financial and Trade Globalization Financial Globalization 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 JPN USA DEU Trade Globalization 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 JPN USA DEU Data from KOF, see main text for link. -
Weak Dollar Policy by Jan Dehn
THE EMERGING VIEW February 2017 Weak Dollar policy By Jan Dehn The US economy is becoming seriously unproductive and the Trump Administration faces an important choice: support American business with heterodox policies such as import tariffs or abandon the strong Dollar policy? We think the strong Dollar policy has outlived its purpose. A lower Dollar could provide the same support for US business at a much lower cost than border adjustment. We think border adjustment is a trap set by Congress Republicans to finance a large corporate tax cut, but Trump would be left holding the macroeconomic baby. Is the new US president smart enough to see that he is being played? Introduction The strong Dollar was useful in the Don’t say that you were not warned. In the past few weeks and aftermath of the Subprime Crisis, months, influential US policy makers and institutions have increasingly been complaining about the strength of the Dollar, but is now crippling the including Donald Trump, US Treasury Secretary designate US economy Steven Mnuchin, US trade advisor Peter Navarro, the US Fed and the IMF. Their statements are sometimes dressed up as attacks on other countries for weakening their currencies versus Since then the US economy has recovered and stock markets in the Dollar, but this is ultimately the same thing as saying that particular have staged a strong rally. Each Dollar that went into the Dollar is too strong. the US economy initially had hugely positive effects by providing It is quite possible that a weak Dollar policy is now in the making. -
The Syndrome of the Ever-Higher Yen, 1971-1995: American Mercantile Pressure on Japanese Monetary Policy
This PDF is a selection from an out-of-print volume from the National Bureau of Economic Research Volume Title: Changes in Exchange Rates in Rapidly Development Countries: Theory, Practice, and Policy Issues (NBER-EASE volume 7) Volume Author/Editor: Takatoshi Ito and Anne O. Krueger, editors Volume Publisher: University of Chicago Press Volume ISBN: 0-226-38673-2 Volume URL: http://www.nber.org/books/ito_99-1 Publication Date: January 1999 Chapter Title: The Syndrome of the Ever-Higher Yen, 1971-1995: American Mercantile Pressure on Japanese Monetary Policy Chapter Author: Ronald McKinnon, Kenichi Ohno, Kazuko Shirono Chapter URL: http://www.nber.org/chapters/c8625 Chapter pages in book: (p. 341 - 376) 13 The Syndrome of the Ever- Higher Yen, 1971-1995: American Mercantile Pressure on Japanese Monetary Policy Ronald I. McKinnon, Kenichi Ohno, and Kazuko Shirono As defined by WebsterS Tenth New Collegiate Dictionary, a syndrome is 1: a group of signs and symptoms that occur together and characterize a particular abnormality; and, 2: a set of concurrent things (as emotions or actions) that usually form an identifiable pattern. From 1971, when the yen-dollar rate was 360, through Apiill995, when the rate briefly touched 80 (fig. 13.1), the interactions of the American and Japa- nese governments in their conduct of commercial, exchange rate, and monetary policies resulted in what we call “the syndrome of the ever-higher yen.” Our model of this syndrome is unusual because it links “real” considerations-that is, commercial policies, including threats of a trade war-with the monetary determination of the yen-dollar exchange rate and price levels in the two coun- tries. -
Pdfthe U. S. Payments Deficit and the Strong Dollar
6 The U.S. Payments Deficit and the Strong Dollar: Policy Options Richard N. Cooper In 1984 the uilited States ran a current account deficit of $102 billion, seven times larger than the "alarming" deficit of 1978. The United States had to borrow from foreigners an equivalent amount, net of any American investment abroad. This large deficit can be attributed in part to the fact that the U.S. econ- omy was recovering eMer and more vigorously from the 1982 recession than were other countries, especially those in Europe, and in part to the fact that one of its most important regional markets, Latin America, was still in a period of slump and retrenchment from the debt crisis that started in 1982 and continues. But there is fairly general agreement with Federal Reserve Governor Henry Wallich's recent statement that these and other miscellane- ous factors can only account for about one-third of the deficit, and that the exceptionally strong dollar is responsible for about two-thirds. The U. S. dollar, on a U.S. -trade weighted basis and after correcting for inflation differentials, has appreciated about 40 percent since 1980, a year which already saw substantial appreciation from the low year of 1978. The dollar in mid-1985-is considerably stronger (on a trade-weighted basis) than it was in 1970, before the Smithsonian agreement that devalued the dollar in December 1971. Is this a problem? U.S. employment has risen, U.S. inflation rates have dropped, and economic recovery continues, albeit at a moderate pace. If the course of economic events is going well, why should the government alter the course of economic policy? If there are no problems, there is no need for solutions. -
The Group of Seven
The Group of Seven We are now in the era of the G8, although the G7 still exists as a grouping for finance ministers and central bank governors. Why do G7 finance ministries and central banks co-operate? What are the implications of this for the power of the United States and the abilities of the other six states to exercise leadership? What influence do the G7 have on global financial governance? How much authority do they possess and how is that authority exercised? This is the first major work to address these fundamental questions. It argues that to understand the G7’s contribution to global financial governance it is necessary to locate the group’s activities in a context of ‘decentralized globalization’. It also provides original case study material on the G7’s contribution to macro- economic governance and to debates on the global financial architecture over the last decade. The book assesses the G7’s role in producing a system of global financial governance based on market supremacy and technocratic trans-governmental consensus and articulates normative criticisms of the G7’s exclusivity. For researchers in the fields of IR/IPE, postgraduate students in the field of international organization and global governance, policy-makers and financial journalists, this is the most comprehensive analysis of the G7 and financial governance to date. Andrew Baker is Lecturer at the School of Politics and International Studies at the Queen’s University of Belfast. He is the co-editor of Governing Financial Globalisation (Routledge, 2005) and has published in journals such as Review of International Political Economy and Global Governance. -
The Future of Central Bank Cooperation
1 The Future of Central Bank Cooperation Beth A. Simmons Harvard University Prepared for the BIS 75th Anniversary Conference June 27-29, Basel Revised Version: 6 November 2005 I would like to acknowledge the excellent research assistance of Alexander Noonan and Adrian Yung Hwei Ow. All errors remain my own. 2 The Future of Central Bank Cooperation Beth A. Simmons Harvard University Central bank cooperation has a long history. From the episodic efforts to support the 19th century gold standard to the personal interactions of interwar central bankers, to the institutionalized post-war efforts to maintain fixed exchange rates, to the post-Bretton Woods progress in developing standards for prudential bank regulation, central bankers have progressively consulted and coordinated their activities. Such cooperation has always been shaped by a few perennial parameters. Can they agree on theory (end-means relationships)? To what extent can central bankers agree on goals (social purpose)? Do they have the capacity (technical and institutional) to achieve their collective goals? Does the broader political environment facilitate or impede cooperation? It is easy to assume, in writing a paper on the “future of central bank cooperation”, that such cooperation is (1) easily observable (implicit in the assumption that a non-participant can meaningfully write about it), and (2) a good thing. Neither of these assumptions is without controversy, however. First, central bank cooperation is factually controversial. Looking over the historical record, there are important disagreements over whether, in fact, central bankers have cooperated at various historical moments. The passage of time does not seem to have settled the debate over whether, for example, central bankers in the 19th century were mutually cooperative or merely opportunistic.1 Much depends on how one defines cooperation. -
The Renminbi Exchange Rate Revaluation: Theory, Practice and Lessons from Japan
The Renminbi Exchange Rate Revaluation: Theory, Practice and Lessons from Japan Toshiki Kanamori (金森俊树) Zhijun Zhao (赵志君) March, 2006 Asian Development Bank Institute Kasumigaseki Building, 8th Floor 3-2-5 Kasumigaseki Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo 100-6008 Japan www.adbi.org ADBI Policy Paper No. 9 [email protected] © 2006 Asian Development Bank Institute. Knowledge Management Unit 3/06 ISBN: 4-89974-010-7 The views expressed herein do not necessarily reflect the views or position of the ADB Institute, its Advisory Council, Board of Directors, or the governments they represent. The ADB Institute does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included and accepts no responsibility for any consequences arising from its use. The word “country” or other geographical names do not imply any judgment by the ADB Institute as to the legal or other status of any entity, including its borders. About the authors Toshiki Kanamori is Director, Administration, Management and Coordination of the Asian Development Bank Institute (ADBI). He graduated from Hitotsubashi University as well as from New Asia and Yale Center of Chinese University of Hong Kong. During his government career he served with Japan’s Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and Ministry of International Trade and Industry. He was an Alternate Director at ADB HQ from 1990 to 1993. Before joining the ADBI, he was a Visiting Fellow at the China Business Centre (CBC), Hong Kong Polytechnic University. He has published many articles on the PRC economy as well as on global socio-economic issues. Zhijun Zhao is professor and senior researcher of the Institute of Economics, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS). -
German Monetary Policy in the Second Half of the Twentieth Century
German Monetary History in the Second Half of the Twentieth Century: From the Deutsche Mark to the Euro Robert L. Hetzel tarting in January 2002, citizens of the European Monetary Union (EMU) replaced their national currencies with the Euro, issued by the S European Central Bank (ECB). Europeans created a new pan-European central bank as a symbol of a future united Europe. However, what historical process explains the broad monetary policy of the ECB, that is, its objective of price stability and its strategy for achieving that objective? The short answer is that its founders designed the ECB to look like the Bundesbank. How then did the Bundesbank evolve? To answer that question, I survey German monetary policy in the second half of the twentieth century. I divide this history into three main sections.1 The first treats the Bretton Woods system of fixed exchange rates. The second treats the floating exchange rate period that began in 1973. It chronicles the Bundesbank’s ultimate deci- sion to accord primacy to reducing inflation rather than unemployment. The last explains how the Bundesbank dealt with the pressures created by move- ment toward a single European currency. The evolution of the Bundesbank into an institution now identified as a modern central bank is fundamental to the article. A modern central bank This article follows Hetzel (2002), which summarizes German monetary policy in the first half of the twentieth century. The author gratefully acknowledges helpful comments from Michael Dotsey, Martin M. Fase, Andreas Hornstein, Thomas Humphrey, Joachim Scheide, and Alex Wolman. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and not necessarily those of the Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond or the Federal Reserve System. -
The Strong Dollar - the Washington Post 1/25/21, 5:33 PM
The Strong Dollar - The Washington Post 1/25/21, 5:33 PM Democracy Dies in Darkness The Strong Dollar By Saleha Mohsin | Bloomberg Jan. 21, 2021 at 12:36 p.m. EST For decades, the U.S. stood out as the one nation that traditionally preferred its money superpower-strong. Investors flocked to it, enabling the U.S. to borrow lots of money at low interest rates. American consumers feasted on it, buying imported goodies for less. U.S. politicians touted it as evidence of the economy’s eternal dynamism. Then under former President Donald Trump’s “America First” manifesto, the so-called strong-dollar policy was shoved aside, as gains in the currency crimped U.S. exports and hurt the earnings of America’s multinational companies. Janet Yellen, President Joe Biden’s pick for Treasury secretary, signaled that she’d return stability and predictability to the $6.6 trillion-a-day currency market. The Situation At a Jan. 19 confirmation hearing, Yellen didn’t cite the benefits of a weaker dollar, as she did when she was chair of the Federal Reserve. Rather she said that the market should set exchange rates, though she didn’t explicitly refer to the strong-dollar policy. She did assure markets that she would not seek a weaker dollar. Trump and Steven Mnuchin, his Treasury chief, broke with decades of tradition by repeatedly and openly acknowledging that a weaker greenback was good for U.S. trade, though their statements were sometimes conflicting and confusing. A less muscular greenback aligned with Trump’s protectionist trade policies, including a desire for lower trade deficits and increased exports of American goods. -
Time for a Plaza II?
14 Time for a Plaza II? C. FRED BERGSTEN The Plaza-Louvre in Retrospect The Plaza Accord of September 1985—and its successor Tokyo Summit and Louvre Accord over the following 18 months—represents the high-water mark of international economic policy cooperation and indeed coordination over the entire postwar period.1 These agreements created a model that has not been replicated during the past 30 years. Numerous other international efforts have been undertaken to correct current account imbalances and currency disequilibria. They have taken place under both fixed and flexible exchange rates, both before and after the Plaza- Louvre. A number of emergency meetings of the G-10 sought to resolve sterling crises in the 1960s. The Franco-German imbalance was addressed in 1968–69. Much more prominently, the 1971 Smithsonian Agreement established a new set of parities after the United States suspended the convertibility of the dollar into gold and adopted an import surcharge. C. Fred Bergsten was founding director of the Peterson Institute for International Economics from 1981 through 2012 and is now senior fellow and director emeritus there. The comments of William Cline, Charles Dallara, Jeffrey Frankel, Joseph Gagnon, Ted Truman, and John Williamson on earlier drafts of this chapter are greatly appreciated. Abir Varma provided invaluable research assistance. 1. This account of the Plaza-Louvre draws heavily on the defi nitive study of the period by Yoichi Funabashi (1989). Funabashi interviewed all but one of the ministers and central bank governors who negotiated the agreement (including Secretary James Baker, Assistant Secretary (later Under Secretary) David Mulford, Assistant Secretary Charles Dallara, and Fed Chairman Paul Volcker and his chief lieutenant, Ted Truman) as well as a who’s who of other government offi cials and outside observers.